Introduction to Sociology – 3rd Canadian Edition

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Figure_16_01_04

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:25:14 +0000

Figure_16_02_01

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:25:14 +0000

Figure_16_02_02

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:25:15 +0000

Figure_16_02_03

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:25:15 +0000

mohamed-bouazizi

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:25:16 +0000

ottawa-parliament-building-1024x682

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:25:18 +0000

autism-300x225

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:25:21 +0000

prince-william-and-princess-kate

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:25:22 +0000

politics-as-a-vocation

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:25:23 +0000

Figure_17_01_03-e1413824031674

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:25:24 +0000

greek-acropolis-in-athens

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:25:24 +0000

hobbes-leviathan

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:25:26 +0000

france-protest-picture

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:25:27 +0000

adolf-hitler-benito-mussolini

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trudeau

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:25:28 +0000

pierre-joseph-proudhon

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:25:30 +0000

une-bombe-au-cafe-terminus

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:25:31 +0000

2011-political-party-competition

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:25:32 +0000

Canada_2015_Federal_Election.svg_-300x255

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:25:33 +0000

space-of-political-competition

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:25:33 +0000

dawn-of-the-planet-of-the-apes

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:25:35 +0000

Figure_17_04_02-e1413823974807

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:25:36 +0000

flq-oui-mailbox

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:25:37 +0000

talcott-parsons

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michel-foucault

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tar-sands

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:25:43 +0000

Figure_18_00_01

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:25:44 +0000

Figure-18.2

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:25:44 +0000

Figure-18.3-1024x412

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:25:46 +0000

Table_18_01_01-e1413823950695

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:25:47 +0000

toronto-stock-exchange

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:25:48 +0000

Figure_18_01_04-e1413823903146

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:25:48 +0000

Figure_18_01_06a-e1413823882154

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:25:48 +0000

Figure_18_01_07a-e1413823875569

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:25:49 +0000

Figure_18_03_01-e1413823861129

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:25:49 +0000

Figure_18_03_02-e1413823853804

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:25:49 +0000

occupational-group-growth-canada

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:25:50 +0000

expansion-replacement-demand-by-skill-level

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:25:50 +0000

permanent-residents-skill-level

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:25:50 +0000

Figure_18_03_07-e1413823834385

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:25:51 +0000

poverty-rates-for-children

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:25:52 +0000

poverty-rates-for-seniors

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:25:52 +0000

Figure_19_00_01-e1413823821497

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:25:53 +0000

cyborg-225x300

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:25:54 +0000

Andry-Orthopedics-152x300

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:25:54 +0000

Figure_19_01_01-e1413823813358

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:25:54 +0000

Figure_19_01_02-e1413823806375

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:25:55 +0000

Figure_19_02_01-e1413823798640

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:25:55 +0000

canadian-life-expectancy

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:25:55 +0000

Figure_19_03_01-e1413823790454

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:25:56 +0000

Figure_19_03_02-e1413823783928

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:25:56 +0000

Figure_19_03_03-e1413823775777

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:25:57 +0000

Figure_19_03_04-e1413823767508

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:25:57 +0000

Figure_19_05_01-e1413823743573

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:25:57 +0000

albertan-tar-sands

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:25:58 +0000

tar-sands-3-300x200

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:25:59 +0000

Figure_20_01_01a-e1413823719951

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:26:00 +0000

growth-rate1-300x204

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:26:00 +0000

population-distribution-canada

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:26:01 +0000

Figure_20_01_04-e1413823706909

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:26:01 +0000

canada-population-estimates

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:26:02 +0000

Figure_20_01_06-e1413823693369

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:26:03 +0000

vancouver-towers

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:26:04 +0000

canada-rural-urban-living-shift

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:26:04 +0000

1885-calgary

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:26:05 +0000

Figure_20_02_03b-e1413823665167

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:26:06 +0000

banlieu-300x200

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:26:06 +0000

rio-de-janeiro-and-london

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:26:07 +0000

Figure_20_02_04-e1413823657176

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:26:15 +0000

Figure_20_03_01

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:26:16 +0000

Figure_20_03_02-e1413823639952

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:26:16 +0000

Figure_20_03_03-e1413823630471

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:26:17 +0000

Figure_20_03_04a-e1413823623918

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:26:17 +0000

Figure_20_03_05-e1413823615370

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:26:17 +0000

Figure_20_03_06-e1413823608481

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:26:18 +0000

Figure_21_00_01a-e1413823600601

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:26:19 +0000

Figure_21_01_01-e1413823593481

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:26:19 +0000

Figure_21_01_02-e1413823585187

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:26:20 +0000

Figure_21_01_03-e1413823577259

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:26:20 +0000

western-independence-party-flag

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:26:20 +0000

idleNoMore

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:26:21 +0000

Figure_21_02_03-e1413823554521

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:26:22 +0000

Figure_21_02_04

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:26:22 +0000

Figure_21_02_05a-e1413823538199

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:26:22 +0000

Figure-21.10

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:26:23 +0000

Figure_21_03_01

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:26:23 +0000

social-interaction-292x300

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:26:24 +0000

Face-225x300

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:26:25 +0000

Laughter-300x77

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:26:25 +0000

Commodus-Kunsthistorisches_Museum_Vienna-225x300

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:26:25 +0000

funeral-selfie-300x201

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:26:25 +0000

Figure_04_03_01a-300x200

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:26:26 +0000

Figure_04_03_02a-300x248

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:26:26 +0000

conversation-300x184

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:26:26 +0000

perfume-shop-225x300

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:26:26 +0000

Erving-Goffman-238x300

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:26:27 +0000

cell-phones-300x200

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:26:27 +0000

life-of-brian-300x200

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:26:27 +0000

WilliamLittle-300x224

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:26:28 +0000

Picture1

jgray — Wed, 24 Feb 2021 21:26:28 +0000

principles of mcdonalization

wlittle — Thu, 11 Mar 2021 21:13:53 +0000

The Spirit of Haida Gwaii

wlittle — Sun, 14 Mar 2021 20:10:58 +0000

role play

wlittle — Mon, 15 Mar 2021 20:01:05 +0000

Natural_of_Love_Typical_response_to_cloth_mother_surrogate_in_fear_test

wlittle — Mon, 15 Mar 2021 22:35:34 +0000

Basic training 1943

wlittle — Tue, 16 Mar 2021 21:55:39 +0000

riverview mental hospital

wlittle — Tue, 16 Mar 2021 22:56:25 +0000

Elias Pettersson and Timo Meier

wlittle — Wed, 17 Mar 2021 17:42:25 +0000

Online communities

wlittle — Wed, 17 Mar 2021 19:26:57 +0000

Patterns of Force

wlittle — Thu, 18 Mar 2021 17:10:22 +0000

Kafka and Weber

wlittle — Thu, 18 Mar 2021 20:04:02 +0000

twitter network

wlittle — Thu, 18 Mar 2021 20:28:00 +0000

SONY DSC

wlittle — Sat, 20 Mar 2021 15:56:30 +0000

Joker mask crime clown

wlittle — Sun, 21 Mar 2021 22:02:11 +0000

Viola Desmond

wlittle — Mon, 22 Mar 2021 18:01:42 +0000

Talcott Parsons

wlittle — Tue, 23 Mar 2021 17:21:35 +0000

Lombrosos Face Measurements

wlittle — Wed, 24 Mar 2021 01:24:46 +0000

Al_Capone in Florida

wlittle — Thu, 25 Mar 2021 21:01:03 +0000

Police reported crime rates 1962-2019

wlittle — Sat, 27 Mar 2021 23:15:02 +0000

Rolls Royce

wlittle — Tue, 30 Mar 2021 21:17:38 +0000

Elon Musk

wlittle — Tue, 30 Mar 2021 22:53:24 +0000

Poverty

wlittle — Tue, 30 Mar 2021 23:40:43 +0000

T-Shirts

wlittle — Thu, 01 Apr 2021 17:30:14 +0000

A relative reacts with picture of garment worker, who has been missing, during protest to demand capital punishment for those responsible for collapse of Rana Plaza building in Savar

wlittle — Thu, 01 Apr 2021 17:34:53 +0000

income shares 1951-2018

wlittle — Sat, 03 Apr 2021 00:45:06 +0000

Gini index 2018

wlittle — Sat, 03 Apr 2021 01:01:26 +0000

OECD ginis

wlittle — Sat, 03 Apr 2021 01:23:43 +0000

OECD ginis

wlittle — Sat, 03 Apr 2021 01:38:43 +0000

Inherited wealth 1999 2016

wlittle — Sun, 04 Apr 2021 20:10:32 +0000

capitalist class fractions

wlittle — Sun, 04 Apr 2021 21:51:30 +0000

middle class

wlittle — Wed, 07 Apr 2021 19:09:57 +0000

Inequality

wlittle — Fri, 16 Apr 2021 22:06:46 +0000

white privilege

wlittle — Sat, 17 Apr 2021 22:42:57 +0000

Josh Gooch

wlittle — Sat, 17 Apr 2021 23:48:14 +0000

Imelda Marcos Shoes

wlittle — Sat, 17 Apr 2021 23:57:30 +0000

Baltej Singh Dhillon

wlittle — Sun, 07 Nov 2021 01:47:02 +0000

5 Races

wlittle — Fri, 19 Nov 2021 17:38:52 +0000

Coast_Salish_language_map

wlittle — Fri, 19 Nov 2021 17:51:07 +0000

WatsonVenterKim

wlittle — Fri, 19 Nov 2021 18:06:39 +0000

Vegreville pysanka

wlittle — Tue, 23 Nov 2021 20:57:09 +0000

Blumenbach skulls

wlittle — Thu, 25 Nov 2021 22:37:43 +0000

Auschwitz survivor displays tattoo detail

wlittle — Thu, 06 Jan 2022 20:28:00 +0000

Dominion of Canada

wlittle — Fri, 07 Jan 2022 00:22:36 +0000

Ku_Klux_Klan_ceremony_in_London,_Ontario

wlittle — Fri, 07 Jan 2022 00:38:32 +0000

Treaty_8_Fort_Vermilion_1899

wlittle — Fri, 07 Jan 2022 01:10:38 +0000

Herbert Blumer

wlittle — Fri, 07 Jan 2022 01:33:44 +0000

photo of graduation day in Regina in May of 1990

wlittle — Fri, 07 Jan 2022 22:14:22 +0000

white man

wlittle — Sat, 08 Jan 2022 02:56:28 +0000

Jacques Cartier 1934 issue 3c stamp

wlittle — Sat, 08 Jan 2022 18:28:40 +0000

porter

wlittle — Sun, 09 Jan 2022 19:54:41 +0000

Mifflin Wistar Gibbs 1902

wlittle — Sun, 09 Jan 2022 20:16:43 +0000

COVID

wlittle — Mon, 10 Jan 2022 02:57:54 +0000

Quinn

wlittle — Mon, 10 Jan 2022 23:52:55 +0000

Heathen chinee

wlittle — Tue, 11 Jan 2022 22:18:13 +0000

BC Supreme Court

wlittle — Wed, 12 Jan 2022 04:25:52 +0000

Monro 1953

wlittle — Wed, 12 Jan 2022 19:01:35 +0000

Gender variability

wlittle — Thu, 13 Jan 2022 22:01:05 +0000

Friedrich Engels

wlittle — Thu, 13 Jan 2022 22:09:01 +0000

A transmasculine gender-nonconforming person and transfeminine n

wlittle — Thu, 13 Jan 2022 22:31:24 +0000

A non-binary femme in a gender neutral bathroom.

wlittle — Thu, 13 Jan 2022 22:43:51 +0000

Feminine Masculine Neutral

wlittle — Thu, 13 Jan 2022 23:48:30 +0000

Daniel Craig as James Bond

wlittle — Fri, 14 Jan 2022 21:20:30 +0000

Hong_kong_bruce_lee_statue

wlittle — Sun, 16 Jan 2022 18:30:26 +0000

Bruce Lee

wlittle — Sun, 16 Jan 2022 18:35:10 +0000

transgender woman at a bar

wlittle — Sun, 16 Jan 2022 22:27:43 +0000

Ken and Barbie

wlittle — Sun, 16 Jan 2022 22:37:10 +0000

David_Reimer

wlittle — Sun, 16 Jan 2022 23:16:25 +0000

Amazing laughter 2

wlittle — Mon, 17 Jan 2022 05:52:03 +0000

female character flowchart

wlittle — Thu, 20 Jan 2022 19:42:20 +0000

gender roles

wlittle — Thu, 20 Jan 2022 21:29:40 +0000

Female_patient_with_sleep_hysteria

wlittle — Fri, 21 Jan 2022 00:25:20 +0000

biker eroticism

wlittle — Sun, 23 Jan 2022 19:50:23 +0000

Devor Gendered Sexuality

wlittle — Mon, 24 Jan 2022 02:00:17 +0000

Devor Gendered Sexuality

wlittle — Mon, 24 Jan 2022 02:00:55 +0000

Afghan women

wlittle — Mon, 24 Jan 2022 02:54:03 +0000

unspoken conversation

wlittle — Sun, 30 Jan 2022 18:31:56 +0000

forgive and forget

wlittle — Sun, 30 Jan 2022 19:09:00 +0000

Amazing Laughter

wlittle — Sun, 30 Jan 2022 19:36:09 +0000

A-maze-ing laughter

wlittle — Sun, 30 Jan 2022 19:38:45 +0000

Shakespeare

wlittle — Wed, 02 Feb 2022 20:49:25 +0000

cell phone business

wlittle — Thu, 03 Feb 2022 00:39:42 +0000

we are all individuals

wlittle — Thu, 03 Feb 2022 00:48:44 +0000

we are all individuals

wlittle — Thu, 03 Feb 2022 00:50:16 +0000

pizzagate

wlittle — Thu, 03 Feb 2022 02:53:06 +0000

mimes

wlittle — Thu, 03 Feb 2022 17:44:51 +0000

Corona Virus

wlittle — Thu, 03 Feb 2022 22:42:19 +0000

funeral selfie

wlittle — Fri, 04 Feb 2022 02:56:40 +0000

conversation

wlittle — Fri, 04 Feb 2022 02:58:05 +0000

Ignatz Nascher

wlittle — Fri, 04 Feb 2022 03:25:22 +0000

census family households 2016

wlittle — Sat, 05 Feb 2022 21:34:51 +0000

census family households 2016

wlittle — Sat, 05 Feb 2022 21:37:52 +0000

family

wlittle — Sat, 05 Feb 2022 22:18:12 +0000

Habitants

wlittle — Sun, 06 Feb 2022 20:34:58 +0000

Léon_Gérin

wlittle — Sun, 06 Feb 2022 22:30:41 +0000

Blackfoot man and his two wives

wlittle — Wed, 09 Feb 2022 02:48:59 +0000

cousin explainer

wlittle — Wed, 09 Feb 2022 20:39:07 +0000

Mosuo Bridesmaid

wlittle — Fri, 11 Feb 2022 22:29:42 +0000

Romance

wlittle — Sun, 13 Feb 2022 19:58:07 +0000

Japanese family

wlittle — Mon, 14 Feb 2022 03:33:06 +0000

Brady Bunch

wlittle — Mon, 14 Feb 2022 22:15:13 +0000

fashions

wlittle — Tue, 15 Feb 2022 18:27:08 +0000

pre sociologists

wlittle — Wed, 16 Feb 2022 23:59:46 +0000

blind men

wlittle — Thu, 17 Feb 2022 01:13:07 +0000

Habermas

wlittle — Thu, 17 Feb 2022 01:50:30 +0000

soci1111_u1_figure1_2

wlittle — Thu, 17 Feb 2022 02:00:52 +0000

sociological Imagination

wlittle — Thu, 17 Feb 2022 03:43:54 +0000

sociological Imagination

wlittle — Thu, 17 Feb 2022 03:46:26 +0000

face to face

wlittle — Thu, 17 Feb 2022 17:53:00 +0000

Freedom_Convoy_2022,_Ottawa,_February_12_(47)

wlittle — Thu, 17 Feb 2022 18:12:56 +0000

Locavores

wlittle — Thu, 17 Feb 2022 19:55:34 +0000

Sociology jobs

wlittle — Thu, 17 Feb 2022 20:24:12 +0000

Quebec mosque attack

wlittle — Fri, 18 Feb 2022 18:34:36 +0000

Boston_Marathon_blast

wlittle — Fri, 18 Feb 2022 19:51:02 +0000

Winged airship

wlittle — Fri, 18 Feb 2022 20:07:44 +0000

divorce rate in Maine

wlittle — Fri, 18 Feb 2022 20:35:59 +0000

Paulo Freire

wlittle — Sat, 19 Feb 2022 20:35:04 +0000

Loïc Wacquant

wlittle — Sun, 20 Feb 2022 00:43:23 +0000

Dortoir_asile_de_Longue-Pointe_1911

wlittle — Sun, 20 Feb 2022 02:02:19 +0000

Jonas Salk

wlittle — Sun, 20 Feb 2022 19:47:37 +0000

soci1111_u1_figure1_3

wlittle — Sun, 20 Feb 2022 20:47:22 +0000

elevator

wlittle — Mon, 21 Feb 2022 19:57:53 +0000

elevator 2

wlittle — Mon, 21 Feb 2022 20:00:02 +0000

unisex toilet

wlittle — Tue, 22 Feb 2022 22:54:50 +0000

panzani

wlittle — Wed, 23 Feb 2022 04:46:04 +0000

binary opposition

wlittle — Wed, 23 Feb 2022 04:56:02 +0000

McDonaldization

wlittle — Wed, 02 Mar 2022 21:38:35 +0000

McDonaldization 2

wlittle — Wed, 02 Mar 2022 21:50:48 +0000

McDonald's Little Cafe

wlittle — Wed, 02 Mar 2022 21:53:49 +0000

Handroid City

wlittle — Sat, 05 Mar 2022 03:35:25 +0000

Burning Man

wlittle — Sun, 06 Mar 2022 22:39:09 +0000

robots

wlittle — Tue, 08 Mar 2022 23:57:07 +0000

Conformism

wlittle — Wed, 16 Mar 2022 00:06:13 +0000

Mike Mountain Horse

wlittle — Wed, 16 Mar 2022 00:51:03 +0000

kindergarten

wlittle — Thu, 17 Mar 2022 20:03:32 +0000

cliques

wlittle — Thu, 17 Mar 2022 20:28:52 +0000

Information_spread_in_networks

wlittle — Mon, 21 Mar 2022 00:00:34 +0000

Different_shape_networks

wlittle — Mon, 21 Mar 2022 00:08:30 +0000

Spread of COVID-19 2

wlittle — Wed, 23 Mar 2022 20:41:34 +0000

Dorothies

wlittle — Sat, 26 Mar 2022 17:47:49 +0000

Becker 1950s

wlittle — Sat, 26 Mar 2022 18:39:40 +0000

Viola_Desmond

wlittle — Sat, 26 Mar 2022 21:54:39 +0000

corporate crime

wlittle — Sat, 26 Mar 2022 22:10:40 +0000

Reefer_Madness_(1936)

wlittle — Sat, 26 Mar 2022 22:25:00 +0000

crime severity index

wlittle — Mon, 28 Mar 2022 21:42:09 +0000

Guns

wlittle — Mon, 28 Mar 2022 22:07:57 +0000

Mods

wlittle — Wed, 30 Mar 2022 19:10:34 +0000

Mods

wlittle — Wed, 30 Mar 2022 19:10:45 +0000

Rockers

wlittle — Wed, 30 Mar 2022 19:11:16 +0000

Mods and Rockers

wlittle — Wed, 30 Mar 2022 19:22:52 +0000

Peter Berger

wlittle — Mon, 04 Apr 2022 16:12:11 +0000

Native Pride

wlittle — Wed, 06 Apr 2022 23:51:19 +0000

Mohamed Bouazizi

wlittle — Sun, 10 Apr 2022 16:44:49 +0000

Autism the great modern health concern

wlittle — Sun, 10 Apr 2022 17:08:51 +0000

federal election 2011

wlittle — Mon, 11 Apr 2022 17:55:52 +0000

federal election 2015

wlittle — Mon, 11 Apr 2022 17:58:11 +0000

federal election 2021 png

wlittle — Mon, 11 Apr 2022 19:13:43 +0000

federal election 2021 png

wlittle — Mon, 11 Apr 2022 19:15:01 +0000

Ottawa Truckers Protest 2022

wlittle — Tue, 12 Apr 2022 23:16:06 +0000

8 track

wlittle — Mon, 18 Apr 2022 19:31:59 +0000

Twitter tag cloud

wlittle — Mon, 18 Apr 2022 22:39:38 +0000

1024px-Harriet_Martineau_by_Richard_Evans

dcollins — Wed, 20 Apr 2022 19:02:02 +0000

1024px-Harriet_Martineau_by_Richard_Evans

dcollins — Wed, 20 Apr 2022 19:03:00 +0000

Fairy Creek Blockade

wlittle — Sun, 24 Apr 2022 15:41:12 +0000

Gilles Deleuze

wlittle — Sun, 24 Apr 2022 19:50:34 +0000

Gustave_Le_Bon

wlittle — Tue, 26 Apr 2022 00:05:53 +0000

Black lives matter

wlittle — Wed, 27 Apr 2022 16:41:36 +0000

Greta Thunberg 4

wlittle — Sat, 30 Apr 2022 07:21:14 +0000

Knight's spur

wlittle — Sun, 01 May 2022 18:25:55 +0000

the book

wlittle — Sun, 01 May 2022 19:19:40 +0000

pain scale

wlittle — Tue, 03 May 2022 19:55:14 +0000

Deadliest pandemics

wlittle — Thu, 12 May 2022 22:10:32 +0000

26332513533_05981f6e47_c

dcollins — Thu, 19 May 2022 17:15:31 +0000

subway

wlittle — Sun, 22 May 2022 18:59:56 +0000

Tokyo Subway

wlittle — Sun, 22 May 2022 19:05:09 +0000

accupuncture dummy

wlittle — Sun, 22 May 2022 19:26:59 +0000

D'Arcy Island Lepers

wlittle — Tue, 24 May 2022 00:43:50 +0000

We are the fringe

wlittle — Sun, 05 Jun 2022 19:15:44 +0000

Hand Maids Tale

wlittle — Sun, 05 Jun 2022 20:51:44 +0000

49508456127_852ba8d133_h

dcollins — Tue, 07 Jun 2022 20:25:28 +0000

Aryan Guard in Kensington

wlittle — Sat, 11 Jun 2022 17:33:07 +0000

Astounding Stories

wlittle — Tue, 14 Jun 2022 18:22:54 +0000

Skinheads

wlittle — Sat, 18 Jun 2022 16:48:02 +0000

Angelina_Jolie_Cannes_2013

dcollins — Mon, 20 Jun 2022 17:44:42 +0000

Pan-Canadian Age-Standardized Hospitalization Rates by SES Group

wlittle — Thu, 23 Jun 2022 20:39:22 +0000

Pan-Canadian Age-Standardized Self-Reported Health Percentages by SES Group

wlittle — Thu, 23 Jun 2022 20:54:45 +0000

North Korean Maternity Hospital

wlittle — Sun, 17 Jul 2022 17:06:11 +0000

Container Ship 'Ever_Given' stuck in the Suez Canal

wlittle — Sun, 17 Jul 2022 18:52:35 +0000

Ever Given

wlittle — Sun, 17 Jul 2022 19:27:06 +0000

Anthony Giddens

wlittle — Mon, 18 Jul 2022 22:38:43 +0000

McLuhan

wlittle — Wed, 20 Jul 2022 00:10:23 +0000

McLuhan_with_and_on_television

wlittle — Fri, 22 Jul 2022 18:32:08 +0000

3601623203_8a7a27f32d_o

dcollins — Thu, 18 Aug 2022 15:54:13 +0000

Silk_Road_in_the_I_century_AD_-_en.svg

wlittle — Thu, 15 Sep 2022 19:05:48 +0000

Sinbad

wlittle — Fri, 16 Sep 2022 01:58:01 +0000

wood-decoration-red-christmas-toy-deco-763642-pxhere.com

dcollins — Thu, 29 Sep 2022 17:49:29 +0000

Jacques Cartier a Hochelaga

wlittle — Sun, 11 Dec 2022 22:11:09 +0000

Workmen Leaving Platt's Works, Oldham 20th August 1900

wlittle — Wed, 14 Dec 2022 23:51:29 +0000

Victim of Congo atrocities, Congo, ca. 1890-1910

wlittle — Wed, 14 Dec 2022 23:53:30 +0000

Partition of Africa

wlittle — Thu, 15 Dec 2022 19:56:42 +0000

Ruperts Land

wlittle — Fri, 16 Dec 2022 19:44:14 +0000

income distributions in 16 different countries

wlittle — Sun, 18 Dec 2022 21:48:33 +0000

Walter_Rodney

wlittle — Wed, 18 Jan 2023 20:20:46 +0000

Hmong Girls

wlittle — Sat, 21 Jan 2023 21:37:01 +0000

Visualizing 100Trillion World Economy

wlittle — Sat, 21 Jan 2023 23:37:41 +0000

Core Periphery Map

wlittle — Tue, 31 Jan 2023 20:22:40 +0000

rostow stages of economic growth

wlittle — Tue, 31 Jan 2023 21:02:34 +0000

MAX_WEBER

dcollins — Wed, 15 Feb 2023 00:42:30 +0000

worlds billionaire population

wlittle — Thu, 16 Feb 2023 01:26:25 +0000

Sindabad, the Seller, 1930

wlittle — Sat, 18 Feb 2023 18:29:01 +0000

Global income inequality

wlittle — Sun, 19 Feb 2023 03:07:59 +0000

Dilgo Khyentse Yangsi Rinpoche

wlittle — Tue, 21 Feb 2023 18:38:54 +0000

Beatles

wlittle — Wed, 22 Feb 2023 20:31:25 +0000

cultures and lands at risk

wlittle — Wed, 22 Feb 2023 21:29:02 +0000

GM Plant Oshawa

wlittle — Thu, 23 Feb 2023 05:47:21 +0000

McLuhan 1967

wlittle — Mon, 27 Feb 2023 23:54:09 +0000

Understanding Media

wlittle — Tue, 28 Feb 2023 00:09:36 +0000

Dirty Harry

wlittle — Tue, 28 Feb 2023 19:35:46 +0000

Sylvester,_Barnyard_and_Foghorn_in_Crowing_Pains_(1947)

wlittle — Tue, 28 Feb 2023 19:38:12 +0000

Cyberbullying

wlittle — Wed, 01 Mar 2023 23:45:27 +0000

Alouette Correctional Centre

wlittle — Thu, 02 Mar 2023 00:05:21 +0000

Girl Guides

wlittle — Thu, 02 Mar 2023 00:08:03 +0000

Tim Hortons

wlittle — Thu, 02 Mar 2023 00:40:27 +0000

Writing on stone

wlittle — Thu, 02 Mar 2023 23:31:57 +0000

woman labourer india

wlittle — Tue, 07 Mar 2023 22:31:30 +0000

Kate and William

wlittle — Tue, 07 Mar 2023 22:42:38 +0000

Kate and William

wlittle — Tue, 07 Mar 2023 22:44:20 +0000

Genius Scheme

wlittle — Tue, 07 Mar 2023 22:53:12 +0000

Manuel Castells

wlittle — Wed, 08 Mar 2023 19:13:19 +0000

Kitschelt Diagram 2

wlittle — Wed, 15 Mar 2023 16:57:20 +0000

rostow stages of economic growth

wlittle — Wed, 15 Mar 2023 17:02:13 +0000

rostow_theory_of_modernization

wlittle — Wed, 15 Mar 2023 17:05:25 +0000

Marlboro man

wlittle — Mon, 20 Mar 2023 18:01:48 +0000

Canada time zones

wlittle — Mon, 20 Mar 2023 19:01:29 +0000

Guns of the Patriots

wlittle — Mon, 20 Mar 2023 19:41:26 +0000

Social Media Users

wlittle — Tue, 21 Mar 2023 17:36:41 +0000

Social Media Users selected outcomes

wlittle — Tue, 21 Mar 2023 17:43:04 +0000

Lose fat now

wlittle — Thu, 23 Mar 2023 00:13:05 +0000

True Crime

wlittle — Fri, 24 Mar 2023 20:07:18 +0000

True Gangster Crime

wlittle — Fri, 24 Mar 2023 20:14:04 +0000

Man_and_woman_silhouettes

wlittle — Fri, 31 Mar 2023 20:05:52 +0000

pexels-anastasia-shuraeva-9607350

wlittle — Fri, 31 Mar 2023 20:21:23 +0000

Hatsune Miku concert

wlittle — Sat, 01 Apr 2023 20:01:28 +0000

smart phone

wlittle — Wed, 05 Apr 2023 22:07:51 +0000

encoding decoding

wlittle — Wed, 05 Apr 2023 22:45:34 +0000

watching tv

wlittle — Thu, 06 Apr 2023 17:03:26 +0000

Vulcan Cosplayer

wlittle — Thu, 06 Apr 2023 20:21:08 +0000

Porträt_einer_Squaw

wlittle — Tue, 11 Apr 2023 20:16:00 +0000

Nazi_Germany_propaganda_children's_booklet_cutout_paper_figures

wlittle — Tue, 11 Apr 2023 20:30:47 +0000

Camera obscura

wlittle — Tue, 11 Apr 2023 20:48:29 +0000

Network Media Economy

wlittle — Fri, 14 Apr 2023 18:29:32 +0000

Top 50 Websites 2022

wlittle — Sat, 15 Apr 2023 23:19:48 +0000

Noam Chomsky

wlittle — Sun, 16 Apr 2023 23:08:35 +0000

Yellow_Press_by_L.M._Glackens

wlittle — Tue, 18 Apr 2023 17:51:23 +0000

Facebook

wlittle — Tue, 18 Apr 2023 21:16:26 +0000

I_Want_You_for_U.S._Army_poster_(1917)

wlittle — Wed, 19 Apr 2023 17:54:01 +0000

Britons wants you

wlittle — Wed, 19 Apr 2023 17:54:29 +0000

Buy your victory bonds

wlittle — Wed, 19 Apr 2023 18:08:17 +0000

Buy your victory bonds colour

wlittle — Wed, 19 Apr 2023 18:15:00 +0000

Buy your victory bonds colour

wlittle — Wed, 19 Apr 2023 18:18:57 +0000

Hopi Corn Dance

wlittle — Fri, 28 Apr 2023 00:34:36 +0000

Canada population pyramid

wlittle — Sat, 06 May 2023 22:11:20 +0000

Congo population pyramid

wlittle — Sat, 06 May 2023 22:12:54 +0000

Malthus

wlittle — Sat, 06 May 2023 22:38:26 +0000

Demographic Transition Theory

wlittle — Sat, 06 May 2023 23:11:30 +0000

Global Population

wlittle — Sun, 07 May 2023 01:41:07 +0000

Global Population

wlittle — Sun, 07 May 2023 02:01:20 +0000

Democratic Republic of Congo

wlittle — Sun, 07 May 2023 18:03:29 +0000

Saskia Sassen

wlittle — Sun, 07 May 2023 22:17:32 +0000

banlieue riot

wlittle — Tue, 09 May 2023 02:22:35 +0000

Toronto and Vancouver rental market

wlittle — Tue, 09 May 2023 22:03:53 +0000

Musicians in Zoot Suits for Hit Parade of 1943

wlittle — Thu, 11 May 2023 20:35:36 +0000

Zoot suit

wlittle — Thu, 11 May 2023 20:38:21 +0000

climate change 2023

wlittle — Sat, 13 May 2023 17:39:31 +0000

Dryden mill Grassy Narrows

wlittle — Sat, 13 May 2023 21:52:50 +0000

rolling coal

wlittle — Tue, 16 May 2023 17:45:07 +0000

Alan Drengson

wlittle — Thu, 25 May 2023 04:03:52 +0000

Tupac Coachella

wlittle — Sat, 10 Jun 2023 17:20:53 +0000

flat earth

wlittle — Sat, 10 Jun 2023 18:02:31 +0000

Algorithm

wlittle — Mon, 12 Jun 2023 17:20:46 +0000

8144658089_c84c77f58c_c

dcollins — Sun, 25 Jun 2023 15:19:42 +0000

Propoganda Posters

wlittle — Sun, 25 Jun 2023 18:32:10 +0000

Propoganda Posters

wlittle — Sun, 25 Jun 2023 18:33:33 +0000

violence

wlittle — Sun, 25 Jun 2023 18:49:49 +0000

Trudeaus

wlittle — Sun, 25 Jun 2023 19:46:44 +0000

Talcott_Parsons

dcollins — Thu, 10 Aug 2023 20:24:57 +0000

my family tree on mom side 60s or 70s

hfriedman — Wed, 30 Aug 2023 20:17:44 +0000

Epidemic

hfriedman — Wed, 30 Aug 2023 20:57:29 +0000

Muslims-pray-1024x649-1

hfriedman — Tue, 05 Sep 2023 17:24:48 +0000

megachurch-1024x685-1

hfriedman — Tue, 05 Sep 2023 17:26:06 +0000

Flammarion-1024x853-1

hfriedman — Tue, 05 Sep 2023 17:27:15 +0000

About the Authors

jgray — Mon, 28 Nov 2016 21:37:14 +0000

Primary Adapting Author - William Little, PhD

Dr. William Little is an Open Learning Faculty Member at Thompson Rivers University where he has taught on-line courses in sociology since 2011. Dr. Little’s research interests include contemporary social theory, media and popular culture, political violence and neofascism, and martial arts studies. His work on neofascism and violence has been published in New German Critique, the Journal for Cultural and Religious Theory, and in several edited collections. His work on biopolitics and martial arts has been published in Martial Arts Studies.

Contributing Adapting Author - Ron McGivern

Ron McGivern is the senior lecturer in Sociology and Associate Dean of Arts at Thompson Rivers University in British Columbia. His work focuses on applied sociology, social marketing, and policy analysis. Mr. McGivern is a champion of open access, open learning, and open scholarship. Most of his courses incorporate free open textbooks or open educational resources in place of published texts. When not "committing sociology", Mr. McGivern is working on his hobby farm trying to keep up with chickens, ducks, sheep, steers, horses, and grandchildren.

3rd Canadian Edition Changes

jgray — Mon, 28 Nov 2016 21:37:33 +0000

The Third Canadian Edition of Introduction to Sociology, represents a thorough, comprehensive revision of the previous editions to update the content and approach to sociology for contemporary Canadian sociology students. The goal has been to provide a comprehensive 21st century resource suitable for both classroom lecture and on-line learning courses. Chapters have grown in length and more emphasis has been placed on providing analytical sections in order to suit the needs of on-line instruction where lectures are not part of the curriculum. In-class instructors who adopt the book can shorten chapters and select material to fit the structure of lecture courses. Overall the book has been reorganized on a more systematic basis to provide a focused course of study designed to give students a well organized and comprehensive introduction to the discipline. Chapters begin with an introductory example that illustrates a sociological issue relevant for the chapter topic and end with a review of theoretical positions or an analysis that helps to sums up the implications of the chapter materials. Effort has been made throughout to bring in contemporary topics and research, update concepts and theoretical debates, provide more inclusive material and address a more diverse audience.

Overall changes include:

Systematic revision throughout: adding content, introducing new concepts, reorganizing chapters, updating topics, providing new sociological analysis and research, expanding Making Connections examples and raising the level of sociological material to 1st year Canadian university standards.
Numerous changes have been made to the text to improve contemporary relevance, provide meaningful detail and context, update statistical information, add empirical research, modernize theoretical debates, replace U.S. material with Canadian content, standardize chapter structure, remove outmoded language, include more Indigenous and minority group material, and enhance streamlining and clarity.
Expanding thematic focus to include more material on Indigenous and minority groups, pandemics, climate change, decolonization, globalization, white nationalism movements and issues of disinformation.
Shifting analytical focus from functionalism, critical sociology and symbolic interactionism to more broad (and current) frameworks of positivist sociology, critical sociology and interpretive sociology
3rd person narration made consistent throughout.
Addition of numerous Open Source photos, graphs and other visual information throughout. Replacement of images from earlier editions that did not have clear Creative Commons copyright designations and review of all images used for copyright compliance.
Addition of new key terms throughout.
Removal of two chapters from the 2nd Edition: Chapter 16: Education and Chapter 18: Work and Economy.
Reorganization of chapter order and reorganization of some material between chapters. For example, Chapter 22: Social Interaction becomes Chapter 6: Social Interaction in a more logical sequence between Chapter 5: Socialization and Chapter 7: Groups and organizations. Chapter 8: Media and Technology becomes Chapter 16: Media and Popular Culture, while the section on technology and social change in Chapter 8 is added to Chapter 18: Social Movements and Social Change.
Chapter 10: Global Society and Chapter 16: Media and Popular Culture have been completely rewritten.
Revising Learning Objectives for each chapter to cover new chapter material and emphasize active learning approaches.
Updating all the end materials including Key Terms, Section Summary, Quiz (multiple choice questions), Short Answer Questions, and Further Research.

Chapter 1: An Introduction to Sociology

1.1: What Is Sociology?

Addition of section Studying Patterns: How Sociologists View the Relationship between Society and the Individual.
New concepts: structure, social scripts and individual agency.

1.3: Theoretical Perspectives

Addition of Table 1.1 to summarize and simplify the relationship between types of human knowledge, paradigms of sociological theory and knowledge interests.
New textbox Making Connections: Classical Sociologists: Talcott Parsons and the AGIL Schema: A Sociological Explanation of Everything
Addition of section on Social Constructivism under the category of Interpretive Sociology.

Net addition of 7 new concepts to Key Terms

Chapter 2: Sociological Research

2.1: Approaches to Sociological Research

New section on Critical Research Strategies to supplement positivist and qualitative methodologies.
New concepts: critical research strategies, critical pedagogy, decolonization.

2.2: Research Methods

Expanded section on Participant Observation: New material on Loïc Wacquant's participant observation of boxers in Southside Chicago and on Rosenhan’s “On Being Sane in Insane Places.”.
- New concept: carnal sociology
Expanded section on Ethnography: New material on Latour and Woolgar’s ethnography of science
- New concept: thick description

Net addition of 8 new concepts to Key Terms

Chapter 3: Culture

3.1: What Is Culture?

Expanded section: Is Music a Cultural Universal?

3.2: Elements of Culture

New section on Cultural Practices.
Expanded section of Language
- New concepts: codes, binary opposition, structuralism

3.3: Culture as Innovation: Pop Culture, Subculture, and Global Culture

Expanded sections on Postmodern Culture, Subculture, Global Culture, Diaspora and Hybridity

3.5: Theoretical Perspectives on Culture

Expanded section on Theoretical Perspectives on Culture

Net addition of 1 new concept to Key Terms

Chapter 4: Society and Modern Life

4.1: Types of Societies

Expanded sections on "Post-Industrial Societies" and "Post-Natural Societies: The Anthropocene"
- New concepts: digital divide, reflexive subjectivity, network enterprise, global cities, network society.

4.3: Living in Capitalist Society

Summary section on "Living in Contemporary Society" substantially rewritten and expanded with new material including "Updating Durkheim: Postmodern Society and Neo-Tribalism," "Updating Marx: Neoliberalism and the Post-Fordist Economy," and "Updating Weber: Algorithmic Rationality, Digital Capitalism, and Technopopulism."
- New concepts: postmodern society, neo-tribes, communities of feeling, siloization, mode of regulation, neoliberalism, Fordism, welfare state, flexible accumulation lean production, precarious employment, niche market consumption, information society, algorithms, actuarialism, surveillance capitalism, data colonialism, technopopulism.

Net addition of 29 new concepts to Key Terms.

Chapter 5: Socialization

5.1: Theories of Self Development

Expanded section: Four Stages of Child Socialization.
Expanded section: Socialization of Gender
Expanded textbox section on Sweden’s gender neutral pre-schools: Making Connections: Sociology in the Real World: What a Pretty Little Lady!

5.2: Why Socialization Matters

Expanded section on twin studies: Nature versus Nurture
Expanded section: Individual and Society
New section: Structural Functionalism, Critical Sociology, and Symbolic Interactionism

5.3 Agents of Socialization

Expanded section: Peer Groups
Replaced textbox Making Connections: Sociology in the Real World: Controversial Textbooks" with "Making Connections: Sociology in the Real World: Mike Mountain Horse: Socialization on First Day at Residential School
Expanded section: The Workplace
Expanded section: The Mass Media

5.4: Socialization Across the Life Course

Removed textbox Making Connections: Sociology in the Real World: Gap Year: How Different Societies Socialize Young Adults
Expanded textbox Making Connections: Sociology in the Real World: The Long Road to Adulthood for Millennials
Expanded section on residential schools: Resocialization

Net addition of 6 new concepts to Key Terms.

Chapter 6: Social Interaction

Chapter 22: Social Interaction from 2nd Canadian Edition becomes Chapter 6: Social Interaction in the 3rd Canadian Edition. 6.1: Micro-Level Interaction

Expanded section: Emotional life
- New concept: structure of feeling.
Addition of new textbox: Making Connections: Sociology in the Real World: The Emotional Life of COVID-19
New section: Feeling Rules
Addition of new textbox: Making Connections: Sociology in the Real World: Do Funeral Selfies Violate Deeply Held Feeling Rules?
New section: Emotional Management
Expanded section on Social Construction of Reality: New material on Howard Becker and conspiracy theory

Net addition of 3 new concepts to Key Terms.

Chapter 7: Groups and Organizations

Chapter 6: Groups and Organizations from 2nd Canadian Edition becomes Chapter 7: Groups and Organizations in the 3rd Canadian Edition. 7.2: Groups

Expanded section on In-Groups and Out-Groups: New material on the Robber’s Cave Study, realistic conflict theory and scapegoating.
- New concepts: realistic conflict theory, scapegoating
Expanded section on Large Groups: New material on intermediary sized groups including teams, bands and gangs
Expanded section on Conformity and Groupthink: New material on Milgram and Zimbardo experiments and findings.

7.3: Networks

Expanded section on Dyads, Triads, and Social Networks: New material on the analysis of networks.
Addition of new textbox: Making Connections: Sociology in the Real World: The COVID-19 Pandemic and Social Network Analysis: Super-Spreader Events, Global Networks, and Social Bubbles

7.4: Formal Organizations

Expanded and updated textbox Making Connections: Sociological Research: Secrets of the McJob

7.5: A Sociological Analysis of the Holocaust

New expanded summary section: A Sociological Analysis of the Holocaust

Net addition of 6 new concepts to Key Terms.

Chapter 8: Deviance, Crime, and Social Control

Chapter 7: Deviance, Crime, and Social Control from 2nd Canadian Edition becomes Chapter 8: Deviance, Crime, and Social Control in the 3rd Canadian Edition. 8.1: Deviance and Social Control

Material on Becker, moral panic and homosexuality moved from introductory section to Deviance and Social Control to later in the chapter

8.2: Theoretical Perspectives on Crime and Deviance

Expanded introduction to Theoretical Perspectives on Crime and Deviance
New section: Positivism
- New concept: defect model
Expanded section: Émile Durkheim and Functionalism
Expanded section on Social Disorganization Theory and Control Theory: New material on research into social disorganization theory and public policy
Expanded section on Merton's strain theory including new diagram.
Expanded section on Critical Sociology
- New concept: penal-welfare complex.
- Updated research and examples of white collar crime.
Expanded section on Interpretive Sociology: New material on concepts of criminalization, Othering and identity formation.
New section on Micro sociology: The Foreground of Crime and Deviance
- New concepts: foreground variables, moral emotion, confrontational tension/fear barrier

8.3: Crime and the Law

Updated introduction to Crime and Law: Removed outdated example and added example of Viola Desmond; Moved material on moral panics to new summary section 8.4. Public Policy Debates on Crime
Expanded section on Crime Statistics: New material on Statistics Canada's Crime Severity Index
Updated section on The Declining Crime Rate in Canada: New statistics including the slight rise in crime rates since 2012.
Expanded section on Prisons and their Alternatives.

8.4: Public Policy Debates on Crime

New summary section added: Public Policy Debates on Crime

Net addition of 1 new concept to Key Terms.

Chapter 9: Social Inequality

Major reorganization of the chapter including shifting material between sections, creating a new stand alone section (9.3) on Social Classes in Canada, and moving section on Global Inequality to Chapter 10: Global Society Introduction: new section on concept of Habitus 9.1: What Is Social Inequality?

New section: Equality of Condition and Equality of Opportunity
New section: Wealth, Income, Power and Status
Updated textbox on Making Connections: Case Study: The Commoner Who Could Be Queen.
New section on Social Class: Reorganization of material on class, Marx and Weber debate, and Materialist and Interpretive Factors

9.2: Social Inequality in Canada

New section: Measuring Degrees of Social Inequality

9.3: Social Class and Social Mobility

Expanded section on the Owning Class.
Addition of new textbox: Making Connections: Social Policy and Debate: Fractions of the Capitalist Class: The Rise of Carbon Capital
New section combines The Middle Class and the Traditional Working Class
New section: The Working Poor and the Under Class
Removed textbox: Making Connections: Sociological Research: Turn-of-the-Century “Social Problem Novels”: Sociological Gold Mines

9.4: Theoretical Perspectives on Social Inequality

Expanded section on Critical Sociology: New material on intersectionality.
Expanded section on Interpretive Sociology: New material on micro-dynamics of status interactions, cultural capital and conspicuous consumption.

Net addition of 5 new concepts to Key Terms.

Chapter 10: Global Society

Substantially rewritten. New chapter except for some of the material on Global Wealth and Poverty New introduction on globalization and global level sociology. 10.1: Colonialism and the Origins of Global Society is new 10.2: Global Wealth and Poverty: Substantially rewritten and redundancy between Chapter 9 and Chapter 10 of the 2nd Edition has been eliminated. 10.3: Contemporary Global Society is new. Net addition of 51 new concepts to Key Terms.

Chapter 11: Race and Ethnicity

Introduction: Updated statistics 11.1: Racial, Ethnic, and Minority Groups

Expanded sections on What is Ethnicity? What is Race? What are Minority Groups? and Multiple Identities
- New concepts: five race theory, ancestry, BIPOC, ethnic identity, subaltern groups, miscegenation, exogamy
New textbox: Making Connections: Sociology in the Real World: Race in the New Era of Human Genetics Research

11.2: Stereotypes, Prejudice, and Discrimination

Expanded or new sections on Stereotypes, Prejudice and Racism, White Privilege
- New concepts: White supremacy, ethnocentrism, systemic racism
Updated statistics in Income Inequality among Racialized Canadians
Updated textbox Making Connections: Sociology in the Real World: The Residential School System

11.3: Theories of Race and Ethnicity

Expanded or new sections on Positivism, Critical Sociology, Interpretive Sociology
- New concepts: identity, representation, orientalism, primitivism, stigma

11.5: Race and Ethnicity in Canada

Removed textbox Making Connections: Social Policy and Debate: Sports Teams with Indigenous Names
Updated Asian Canadians: Current Status with material on Covid-19 "dual pandemic" racism

Net addition of 12 new concepts to Key Terms.

Chapter 12: Gender, Sex, and Sexuality

12.1: The Difference between Sex, Gender and Sexuality

New section on Gender Roles: Masculinities and Femininities
- New concepts: hegemonic masculinity, emphasized femininity
Updated language in section on Gender Identity

12.2: Gender and Society

Expanded section on Gender and Socialization
Expanded section on Feminist Theory
- New concept: Postgenderism
Expanded section on Interpretive Sociology and Symbolic Interactionism
- New concepts: machismo, binary oppositions

12.3: Sex and Sexuality: substantially rewritten

Expanded introduction to Sex and Sexuality
New section on The Control of Women’s Sexuality
New Section: The Diversity of Sexualities
Removed sections on Sexual Attitudes and Practices, Sexuality around the World, Sexuality in Canada
Expanded section on Positivism and Structural Functionalism

Net addition of 18 new concepts to Key Terms.

Chapter 13: Aging and the Elderly

13.2: The Process of Aging

Updated information on physician-assisted suicide in Canada

Chapter 14: Marriage and Family

Introduction: Expanded content on fluid relationships and common-law marriage 14.1: What Is Marriage? What Is a Family?

Reorganized section on What Is Marriage? What Is a Family?
Expanded introduction to What Is Marriage? What Is a Family? with Canadian Indigenous and historical material
New sections on Marriage Patterns as Social Forms and Confluent Love and Cohabitation
Expanded section on What is love (for a sociologist)?
Expanded section on The Global, Macro, Meso and Micro Family

14.2: Variations in Family Life

New section on Blended Families

14.3: Challenges Families Face

Expanded sections on Functionalism and Critical Sociology

Net addition of 12 new concepts to Key Terms.

Chapter 15: Religion

No substantial changes.

Chapter 16: Media and Popular Culture

Entirely new chapter except for some of the material on Types of Media and Technology in section 16.1 and the text box Making Connections: Sociological Research: Just “Friend” Me: Students and Social Networking New focus of the chapter:

the nature of mediated society
digital and social media
positivist, critical and interpretive analyses of the role of media in society
media and postmodern culture

Net addition of 40 new concepts to Key Terms (i.e. the original Chapter 8: Media and Technology).

Chapter 17: Government and Politics

17.1 Power and Authority

New textbox Max Weber: Classical definitions of politics and the state

17.2 Democratic Will Formation

Updated section Political Demand and Political Supply to cover Canadian 2021 election

17.3. The De-Centring of the State: Terrorism, War, Empire, and Political Exceptionalism

New textbox Making Connections: Big Picture: What are the Powers of the Federal Emergencies Act?

17.4: Theoretical Perspectives on Government and Power

Updated textbox: Making Connections: Social Policy & Debate: Politics and the Image

Removed several concepts from Key Terms that were no longer used in the chapter. Net loss of 2 concepts from key terms.

Chapter 18: Social Movements and Social Change

Chapter 21: Social Movements and Social Change from 2nd Canadian Edition becomes Chapter 18: Social Movements and Social Change in the 3rd Canadian Edition. New introduction on the sociology of social change 18.1 Collective Behaviour

Expanded sections on Flashmobs, Forms of Collective Behaviour and Theoretical Perspectives on Collective Behaviour

18.2 Social Movements

Added contemporary examples and expanded sections on Levels of Social Movements
Added MeToo and Trucker Convoys as examples to textbox Making Connections: Sociology in the Real World: Social Media and Social Change: A Match Made in Heaven?
Expanded sections on Resource Mobilization Theory and New Social Movement Theory
Repurposed 2nd Edition introduction section as new summary section: Summary: Functionalist, Critical, and Interpretive Perspectives on Social Movements
New textbox Making Connections: Sociology in the Real World:The Rise of White Nationalism

18.3 Social Change

New introduction
Repurposed and expanded material on technology driven change from Chapter 8: Media and Technology from the second edition.
Repurposed and expanded sections on What is Technology?, Categorizing Technology, Technology and Social Change, Technological Globalization
Expanded textbox Making Connections: Big Picture: The Dystopian Techno-Future: From A Brave New World to Cyberpunk
Removed sections Social Institutions, Population, Environment

Net addition of 15 new concepts to Key Terms

Chapter 19: The Sociology of the Body: Health and Medicine

Introduction expanded to discuss Covid-19 pandemic 19.1 The Sociology of the Body and Health

New textbox: Making Connections: Big Picture: The Biopolitics of Infectious Disease
Removed textbox: Making Connections: Big Picture: Has Breast Cancer Awareness Gone Too Far?

19.2 Global health

Statistics and information updated

19.3 Health in Canada

Focus on social determinants of health model.
Added Figures 19.8 and 19.9 to illustrate hospitalization rates and self-reported health by socioeconomic groups
Expanded section on Mental Health to include anti-psychiatry movement perspective
Expanded section on Disability to include material on neurodiversity perspective

19.4 Theoretical Perspectives on Health and Medicine

Added material on Positivist Sociology to Positivist Sociology and Functionalism
Added material on phenomenology of illness to Interpretive Sociology
New textbox: Making Connections: Big Picture: Medicalization of Alcoholism and Demedicalization of Drapetomania

Net addition of 20 new concepts to Key Terms

Chapter 20:

Introduction expanded to focus on the Anthropocene 20.1 Demography and Population

Updated statistics, population pyramids and Table 20.1. Varying Fertility, Mortality, Migration by Country
Added material on Malthus and new diagram of 5 stages of demographic transition.
Updated statistics and figures in section on Current Global Population Trends

20.2 Urbanization

Updated statistics
Updated textbox Making Connections: Sociology in the Real World: Suburbs Are Not All White Picket Fences: The Banlieues of Paris
Reorganized sections and added material to Theoretical Perspectives on Urbanization.
New sections on Positivism, Functionalism, and Social Ecology, Critical Sociology and Interpretive sociology
New textbox on Making Connections: Sociology in the Real World: What Happened to Affordable Housing?
New textbox on Simmel's Metropolitian Way of Life

20.3 The Environment and Society

Introduction revised
Added new section on Climate Change and Society including sections on Causes and Impacts of Climate Change, Equitable Mitigation and Environmental Racism, and Social Movements and Change
New textbox on 10 key findings of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) Report released in 2023
New textbox on Making Connections: Sociology in the Real World: Monster Trucks and Petro-Masculinity
New textbox on Making Connections: Social Policy and Debate: Deep Ecology and the Concept of Appropriate Technology
Removed sections on types of pollution
Removed textbox on Making Connections: Social Policy and Debate: What Should Apple (and Friends) Do about E-Waste?
Removed textbox on Making Connections: Social Policy and Debate: Would You Buy an Environmental Cause from This Woman?

Net addition of 18 new concepts to Key Terms

Attributions

jgray — Mon, 28 Nov 2016 21:37:55 +0000

These attributions have been provided for the original textbook by OpenStax College.

Collection: Introduction to Sociology

Edited by: OpenStax College

URL: http://cnx.org/content/col11407/1.7/

License: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/

Module: Preface to Introduction to Sociology

Used here as: Preface

By: OpenStax College

URL: http://cnx.org/content/m43493/1.2/

License: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/

Module: Introduction to Sociology

By: OpenStax College

URL: http://cnx.org/content/m42980/1.2/

License: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/

Module: What Is Sociology?

By: OpenStax College

URL: http://cnx.org/content/m42789/1.2/

License: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/

Module: The History of Sociology

By: OpenStax College

URL: http://cnx.org/content/m42794/1.2/

License: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/

Module: Theoretical Perspectives

By: OpenStax College

URL: http://cnx.org/content/m42792/1.2/

License: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/

Module: Why Study Sociology?

By: OpenStax College

URL: http://cnx.org/content/m42958/1.3/

License: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/

Module: Introduction to Sociological Research

By: OpenStax College

URL: http://cnx.org/content/m42982/1.3/

License: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/

Module: Approaches to Sociological Research

By: OpenStax College

URL: http://cnx.org/content/m42796/1.3/

License: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/

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Versioning History

jgray — Tue, 06 Mar 2018 07:51:56 +0000

This page provides a record of edits and changes made to this book since its initial publication in the B.C. Open Textbook Collection. Whenever edits or updates are made, we make the required changes in the text and provide a record and description of those changes here. If the change is minor, the version number increases by 0.1. However, if the edits involve substantial updates, the version number goes up to the next full number. The files on our website always reflect the most recent version, including the print-on-demand copy. If you find an error in this book, please fill out the Report an Open Textbook Error form. We will contact the author, make the necessary changes, and replace all file types as soon as possible. Once we have the updated files, this Versioning History page will be updated to reflect the edits made.

Version	Date	Change	Details
1.01	August 11, 2016	Book added to the B.C. Open Textbook Collection.
2.01	January 17, 2017	Fixed errors in Figure and Table numbering.	Renumbered the figures in Chapter 15 because Table 15.3 was mislabeled as a figure Renumbered the figures in Chapter 17 because Table 17.2 was mislabeled as a figure Renumbered the figures in Chapter 20 because there were two Figure 20.6s
2.02	January 17, 2017	Book edited to conform to web accessibility standards.	Alt tags and long descriptions added to images Edited heading levels Tables Reformatted tables where necessary Added headings and captions to tables Added "Skip Table" links to long tables
2.03	March 5, 2018	Fixed broken links to images in the web version of the book.
2.04	June 12, 2019	Updated the book's theme.	The styles of this book have been updated, which may affect the page numbers of the PDF and print copy.
2.05	August 19, 2019	Error correction.	In Chapter 19, the American Psychological Association was incorrectly credited as publishing the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders. The manual was actually published by the American Psychiatric Association.
2.06	September 28, 2020	Fixed broken link.	In Chapter 13, updated the link in the reference entry for the 2011 National Center for Elder Abuse FAQ to a snapshot from the Wayback Machine, as the website's URL changed and the new site does not have the exact same page.
3.01	September 7th, 2023	Third edition published.	For a complete list of changes in the 3rd edition, see the chapter 3rd Canadian Edition Changes.

1.1. What Is Sociology?

hfriedman — Wed, 09 Aug 2023 14:26:11 +0000

[caption id="attachment_1171" align="aligncenter" width="800"] Figure 1.3 Sociologists can learn about society as a whole by studying face-to-face interactions (photo courtesy of Tom Waterhouse/Flickr.) CC BY-NC 2.0[/caption] Dictionaries define sociology as the systematic study of society and social interaction. The word “sociology” is derived from the Latin word socius (companion) and the Greek word logos (speech or reason), which together mean “reasoned speech or discourse about companionship.” How can the experience of companionship or togetherness be put into words and explained? While this is a starting point for the discipline, sociology is actually much more complex. It uses many different theories and methods to study a wide range of subject matter, and applies these studies to the real world. The sociologist Dorothy Smith (1926-2022) defines the social as the “ongoing concerting and coordinating of individuals’ activities” (Smith, 1999). Whenever there is more than one person in a situation there is coordination and mutual attunement of behaviours. Sociology is therefore the systematic study of all those aspects of life designated by the adjective “social.” They concern relationships, and they concern what happens when more than one person is involved. These aspects of social life never simply occur; they are organized processes. They can be the briefest and most unconscious of everyday interactions — moving to the right to let someone pass on a busy sidewalk, for example — or the largest and most enduring interactions — such as the billions of daily exchanges that constitute the circuits of global capitalism. If there are at least two people involved, even in the seclusion of one’s own mind, then there is a social interaction that entails the "ongoing concerting and coordinating of activities." Why does the person move to the right on the sidewalk? What collective processes lead to the decision that moving to the right rather than the left is normal? Is it different in countries where people drive on the left? Think about the T-shirts in the chest of drawers at home. What are the sequences of linkages, exchanges, transportation conduits, and social relationships that connect one's T-shirts to the dangerous and hyper-exploitative garment factories in rural China or Bangladesh? These are the type of questions that point to the unique domain and puzzles of the social that sociology seeks to explore and understand.

What are Society and Culture? Micro, Macro and Global Perspectives

Sociologists study all aspects and levels of society. A society is a group of people whose members interact, reside in a definable area, and share a culture. A culture includes the group’s shared practices, values, beliefs, norms, and artifacts. One sociologist might analyze video of people from different societies as they carry on everyday conversations to study the rules of polite conversation from different world cultures. Another sociologist might interview a representative sample of people to see how email and instant messaging have changed the way organizations are run. Yet another sociologist might study how migration determined the way in which language spread and changed over time. A fourth sociologist might study the history of international agencies like the United Nations or the International Monetary Fund to examine how the globe became divided into a First World and a Third World after the end of the colonial era. These examples illustrate the ways in which society and culture can be studied at different levels of analysis, from the detailed study of face-to-face interactions to the examination of large-scale historical processes affecting entire civilizations. It is common to divide these levels of analysis into different gradations based on the scale of interaction involved. As discussed in later chapters (specifically, see Chapter 7. Groups and Organizations), sociologists break the study of society down into four separate levels of analysis: micro, meso, macro, and global. The basic distinctions, however, are between micro-level sociology, macro-level sociology and global-level sociology. The study of cultural rules of politeness in conversation is an example of micro-level sociology. At the micro-level of analysis, the focus is on the social dynamics of intimate, face-to-face interactions. Research is conducted with a specific set of individuals such as conversational partners, family members, work associates, or friendship groups. In the conversation study example, sociologists might try to determine how people from different cultures interpret each others’ behaviour to see how different rules of politeness lead to misunderstandings. If the same misunderstandings occur consistently in a number of different interactions, the sociologists may be able to propose some generalizations about rules of politeness that would be helpful in reducing tensions in mixed-group dynamics (e.g., during staff meetings or international negotiations). Other examples of micro-level research include seeing how informal networks become a key source of support and advancement in formal bureaucracies, or how loyalty in criminal gangs is established. Macro-level sociology focuses on the properties of large-scale, society-wide social interactions that extend beyond the immediate milieu of individual interactions: the dynamics of institutions, class structures, gender relations, or whole populations. The example above of the influence of migration on changing patterns of language usage is a macro-level phenomenon because it refers to structures or processes of social interaction that occur outside or beyond the intimate circle of individual social acquaintances. These include the economic, political, and other circumstances that lead to migration; the educational, media, and other communication structures that help or hinder the spread of speech patterns; the class, racial, or ethnic divisions that create different slangs or cultures of language use; the relative isolation or integration of different communities within a population; and so on. Other examples of macro-level research include examining why women are far less likely than men to reach positions of power in society, or why fundamentalist Christian religious movements play a more prominent role in American politics than they do in Canadian politics. In each case, the site of the analysis shifts away from the nuances and detail of micro-level interpersonal life to the broader, macro-level systematic patterns that structure social change and social cohesion in society. In global-level sociology, the focus is on variables, structures and processes that extend beyond the boundaries of states or specific societies. In the era of globalization, as Ulrich Beck (2000) has pointed out, in many respects people in modern societies no longer "live and act in the self-enclosed spaces of national states and their respective national societies." Issues of climate change, the introduction of new technologies, the investment and disinvestment of capital, the images of popular culture, or the tensions of cross-cultural or religious conflict, etc. increasingly involve people's daily life in the affairs of the entire globe, by-passing the traditional borders that defined distinct societies and, to some degree, distance itself. The example above of the way in which the world became divided into wealthy First World and impoverished Third World societies reflects social processes — the history of colonization or the formation of international institutions such as the United Nations, the International Monetary Fund, and non-governmental organizations, for example — which are global in scale and global in their effects. With the boom and bust of petroleum or other export commodity economies, it is clear to someone living in Fort McMurray, Alberta, that their daily life is affected not only by their intimate relationships with the people around them, nor only by provincial and national based corporations and policies, etc., but by global markets that determine the price of oil and the global flows of capital investment. The context of these processes has to be analyzed at a global scale of analysis. The relationship between the micro, macro, and global remains one of the key conceptual problems confronting sociology. What is the relationship between an individual's life and social life? The early German sociologist Georg Simmel (1908/1971) pointed out that macro-level processes are in fact nothing more than the sum of all the unique interactions between specific individuals at any one time, yet they have properties of their own, which would be missed if sociologists only focused on the interactions of specific individuals. Émile Durkheim’s (1897/1951) classic study of suicide is a case in point. While suicide is one of the most personal, individual, and intimate acts imaginable, Durkheim demonstrated that rates of suicide differed between religious communities — Protestants, Catholics, and Jews — in a way that could not be explained by the individual factors involved in each specific case. The different rates of suicide had to be explained by macro-level variables associated with the different religious beliefs and practices of the faith communities; more specifically, the different degrees of social integration of these communities. The discussion returns to this example in more detail later in this chapter. On the other hand, macro-level phenomena like class structures, institutional organizations, legal systems, gender stereotypes, population growth, and urban ways of life provide the shared context for everyday life but do not explain its specific nuances and micro-variations very well. Macro-level structures constrain the daily interactions of the intimate circles in which people move, but they are also filtered through localized perceptions and “lived” in a myriad of inventive and unpredictable ways.

The Sociological Imagination

[caption id="attachment_1168" align="alignright" width="219"] Figure 1.4 Sociology begins with an act of sociological imagination. How do personal problems of milieu relate to public issues of social structure, and vice versa? (image courtesy of Mike Kline/Flickr.) CC BY 2.0[/caption] Although the scale of sociological studies and the methods of carrying them out are different, the sociologists involved in them all have something in common. Each of them looks at society using what pioneer sociologist C. Wright Mills (1916-1962) called the sociological imagination, sometimes also referred to as the "sociological lens" or "sociological perspective." In a sense, this was Mills’ way of addressing the dilemmas of the macro/micro divide in sociology. Mills (1959) defined sociological imagination as how individuals understand their own and others’ lives in relation to history and social structure. It is the capacity to see an individual’s private troubles in the context of the broader social processes that structure them. This enables the sociologist to examine what Mills called “personal troubles of milieu” as “public issues of social structure,” and vice versa. Mills reasoned that private troubles like being overweight, being unemployed, having marital difficulties, or feeling purposeless or depressed can be purely personal in nature. It is possible for them to be addressed and understood in terms of individualistic, personal, psychological, or moral attributes — either one’s own or those of the people in one’s immediate milieu. In an individualistic society like North American society, this is in fact the most likely way that people will regard the issues they confront: “I have an addictive personality;” “I can’t get a break in the job market;” “My husband is unsupportive,” etc. However, if private troubles are widely shared with others, they indicate that there is a common social problem that has its source in the way social life is structured at a macro or global level. At this level, the issues are not adequately understood as simply private troubles. They are best addressed as public issues of social structure that require a collective response to resolve. Obesity, for example, has been increasingly recognized as a growing problem for both children and adults in North America. Michael Pollan (2006) cites statistics that three out of five Americans are overweight and one out of five is obese. In Canada in 2018, just over one quarter adults (26.8%) were obese, up from 16% of men and 14.5% of women in 2003, and 36.3% were overweight (Statistics Canada, 2019). Obesity is therefore not simply a private concern related to the medical issues, dietary practices, or exercise habits of specific individuals. It is a widely shared social issue that puts people at risk for chronic diseases like hypertension, diabetes, and cardiovascular disease. It also creates significant social costs for the medical system. Pollan argues that obesity is in part a product of the increasingly sedentary and stressful lifestyle of modern, capitalist society. More importantly, however, it is a product of the industrialization of the food chain, which since the 1970s has produced increasingly cheap and abundant food with significantly more calories due to processing. Additives like corn syrup, which are much cheaper and therefore more profitable to produce than natural sugars, led to the trend of super-sized fast foods and soft drinks in the 1980s. As Pollan argues, trying to find a processed food in the supermarket without a cheap, calorie-rich, corn-based additive is a challenge. The sociological imagination in this example is the capacity to see the private troubles and attitudes associated with being overweight as an issue of how the industrialization of the food chain has altered the human/environment relationship — in particular, with respect to the types of food people eat and the way they eat them. By looking at individuals and societies, and how they interact through this lens, sociologists are able to examine what influences behaviour, attitudes, and culture. By applying systematic and scientific methods to this process, they try to do so without letting their own biases and preconceived ideas influence their conclusions (see Chapter 2. Sociological Research).

Studying Patterns: How Sociologists View the Relationship between Society and the Individual

All sociologists are interested in the experiences of individuals and how interactions with social groups, and society as a whole, shape those experiences. To a sociologist, the biographical details of an individual and the personal decisions an individual makes do not exist in a vacuum. Social patterns and social forces put pressure on people to select one choice over another. Sociologists try to identify these general patterns by examining the behaviour of large groups of people who live in the same society and experience the same societal pressures. When general patterns persist through time and become habitual or routinized at micro-levels of interaction as social scripts, or institutionalized at macro or global levels of interaction as rules, laws, or power relations, they are referred to as social structures. Social structures are repeated patterns of behaviour and social coordination that persist through time. They have three general properties:

they control or constrain individuals so they act in the same way in the same circumstances;
they change individuals so they fit within the expectations and rules of social or institutional situations; and
they both resist social change and enable social change in that they persist through time and yet enact processes that affect themselves and other social structures and processes (Tepperman, 2010).

Often the collective effects of social structures are referred to as "society." As noted above, understanding the relationship between the individual and society is one of the most difficult sociological problems. Partly, this is because of the reified way the two terms are used in everyday speech. Reification refers to the way in which abstract concepts, complex processes, or fluid social relationships come to be thought of as “things.” A prime example of reification is when people say that “society” caused an individual to do something, or to turn out in a particular way. In writing essays, first-year sociology students sometimes refer to “society” as a cause of social behaviour or as an entity with independent agency — "Society did something to somebody" — but society is not an agent or an object. On the other hand, the “individual” is a being that seems solid, tangible, and independent of anything going on outside of the skin sack that contains its essence. But the individual is a social being through and through. This conventional distinction between society and the individual is a product of reification, as both society and the individual appear as independent objects acting upon each other. A concept of "the individual" and a concept of "society" are given the status of real, substantial, independent objects, like pool balls on a pool table. As discussed in the chapters to come, society and the individual are not objects, nor are they independent of one another. An "individual" is inconceivable without the social relationships to others that define their internal, subjective life and their external, socially defined roles. "Society" is inconceivable without the living, breathing, desiring, interacting individuals that compose it. One problem for sociologists in grasping the individual/society relationship is that the concepts of the individual and society, and their relationship, get reified in terms established by a very common moral framework in modern democratic societies — namely, that of individual responsibility and individual choice. Individual responsibility and individual choice are components of the idea of individual agency: the capacity of individuals to act and make decisions independently. The individual is morally responsible for their behaviours and decisions. They are "good persons" or "bad seeds." Often in this framework, any suggestion that an individual’s behaviour needs to be understood in terms of that person’s social context is dismissed as “letting the individual off” from taking personal responsibility for their actions. Talking about societal forces and structures is akin to being morally soft or lenient. Sociology, as a social science, remains neutral on these types of moral questions. For sociologists, the conceptualization of the individual and society is much more complex than the moral framework suggests and needs to be examined through evidence-based, rather than morality-based, research. The sociological problem is to be able to see the individual as a thoroughly social being and, yet, as a being who has agency and free choice. Individuals are beings who do take on individual responsibilities in their everyday social roles, and risk social consequences when they fail to live up to them. However, the manner in which individuals take on responsibilities, and sometimes the compulsion to do so, are socially defined. Individuals do often have "the freedom to do 'what they want'; yet seemingly, what they want often falls into predictable patterns" (Tepperman, 2010). The sociological problem is to be able to see society as a dimension of experience characterized by regular and predictable patterns of behaviour that exist independently of any specific individual’s desires or self-understanding. At the same time, a society is nothing but the ongoing social relationships and activities of specific individuals. A key basis of the sociological perspective therefore is the concept that the individual and society are inseparable. It is impossible to study one without the other. German sociologist Norbert Elias (1887-1990) called the process of simultaneously analyzing the behaviour of individuals and the society that shapes that behaviour figuration. He described it through a metaphor of dancing. There can be no dance without the dancers, but there can be no dancers without the dance. Without the dancers, a dance is just an idea about motions in a choreographer’s head. Without a dance, there is just a group of people moving around a floor. Similarly, there is no society without the individuals that make it up, and there are no individuals who are not affected by the society in which they live (Elias, 1978). "Society" is a kind of shorthand term for the "web of interdependences formed among human beings and which connects them: that is to say, a structure of mutually oriented and dependent persons" (Elias, 2000).

Making Connections: Sociology in the Real World

The Individual in Society: Choices of Indigenous Gang Members

[caption id="attachment_1484" align="aligncenter" width="300"] Figure 1.5 While Indigenous people account for about 5% of the Canadian population, in 2020 they made up 30% of the federal penitentiary population (photo courtesy of Fiore Power/Flickr.) CC BY 2.0[/caption] In 2010, the CBC program The Current aired a report about several young Indigenous men who were serving time in prison in Saskatchewan for gang-related activities (CBC,2010). They all expressed desires to be able to deal with their drug addiction issues, return to their families, and assume their responsibilities when their sentences were complete. They wanted to have their own places with nice things in them. However, according to the CBC report, 80% of the prison population in the Saskatchewan Correctional Centre were Indigenous and 20% of those were gang members. This is consistent with national statistics on Indigenous incarceration. While Indigenous people account for about 5% of the Canadian population, in 2020 they made up 30% of the federal penitentiary population. In 2001, they made up only 17.6% of the penitentiary population. Overrepresentation of Indigenous people in prisons has continued to grow substantially (Office of the Correctional Investigator, 2020). The outcomes of Indigenous incarceration are also bleak. The federal Office of the Correctional Investigator summarized the situation as follows. Indigenous inmates are:

Routinely classified as higher risk and higher need in categories such as employment, community reintegration, and family supports.
Released later in their sentence (lower parole grant rates); most leave prison at Statutory Release or Warrant Expiry dates.
Overrepresented in segregation and maximum security populations.
Disproportionately involved in use-of-force interventions and incidents of prison self-injury.
More likely to return to prison on revocation of parole, often for administrative reasons, not criminal violations (Office of the Correctional Investigator, 2013).

The federal report notes that “the high rate of incarceration for Aboriginal peoples has been linked to systemic discrimination and attitudes based on racial or cultural prejudice, as well as economic and social disadvantage, substance abuse, and intergenerational loss, violence and trauma” (Office of the Correctional Investigator, 2013). This is clearly a case in which the situation of the incarcerated inmates interviewed on the CBC program has been structured by historical social patterns and power relationships that confront Indigenous people in Canada generally. How do sociologists understand it at the individual level, however — at the level of personal decision making and individual responsibilities? One young inmate described how, at the age of 13, he began to hang around with his cousins who were part of a gang. He had not grown up with “the best life”; he had family members suffering from addiction issues and traumas. The appeal of what appeared as a fast and exciting lifestyle — the sense of freedom and of being able to make one’s own life, instead of enduring poverty — was compelling. He began to earn money by “running dope” but also began to develop addictions. He was expelled from school for recruiting gang members. The only job he ever had was selling drugs. The circumstances in which he and the other inmates had entered the gang life, and the difficulties getting out of it they knew awaited them when they left prison, reflect a set of decision-making parameters fundamentally different than those facing most non-Indigenous people in Canada.

Media Attributions

Figure 1.3 America Face To Face With Itself by Tom Waterhouse, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY-NC 2.0 licence.
Figure 1.4 Kim Musser’s Moleskine (Blackwing) by Mike Kline, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY 2.0 licence.
Figure 1.5 Up against the fence — An American Indian by Fiore Poer is used under a CC BY 2.0 licence.

1.2. The History of Sociology

hfriedman — Wed, 09 Aug 2023 14:28:24 +0000

[caption id="attachment_1156" align="aligncenter" width="625"] Figure 1.6 People have been thinking like sociologists long before sociology became a separate academic discipline. Plato and Aristotle, Herodotus, Ma Duan-Lin, Ibn Khaldun and Montesquieu (from left to right) all set the stage for modern sociology. (Images (a) Public Domain,(b) CC BY-SA 4.0, (d) CC BY-SA 3.0, (e) via Wikimedia Commons, Public Domain, (c) courtesy of YouTube, Fair Dealing.)[/caption] Since ancient times, people have been fascinated by the relationship between individuals and the societies to which they belong. The ancient Greeks might be said to have provided the foundations of sociology through the distinction they drew between physis (nature) and nomos (law or custom). Whereas nature or physis for the Greeks was “what emerges from itself” without human intervention, nomos in the form of laws, customs, or ways of life were human conventions designed to shape human behaviour. The modern sociological term “norm” (i.e., a social rule that regulates human behaviour) comes from the Greek term nomos. Histories by Herodotus (484–425 BCE) was a proto-anthropological work that described the great variations in the nomos of different ancient societies around the Mediterranean, indicating that human social life was not a product of nature but a product of human creation. If human social life was the product of an invariable human or biological nature, all cultures would be the same. The concerns of the later Greek philosophers — Socrates (469–399 BCE), Plato (428–347 BCE), and Aristotle (384–322 BCE) — with the ideal form of human community (the polis or city-state) can be derived from the ethical dilemmas of this difference between human nature and human norms. As Aristotle (1984) puts it, humans create the polis or community "not only in view of living but rather for living well." Moreover, in a very modern sociological formulation, he argued "the polis is by nature prior to the family [oikia] and to each individual, because the whole is necessarily prior to the parts." In the 13th century, Ma Duan-Lin, a Chinese historian, first recognized social dynamics as an underlying component of historical development in his seminal encyclopedia, General Study of Literary Remains. The study charted the historical development of Chinese state administration from antiquity in a manner very similar to contemporary institutional analyses. The next century saw the emergence of the historian some consider the world’s first sociologist, the Berber scholar Ibn Khaldun (1332–1406) of Tunisia. His Muqaddimah: An Introduction to History is known for going beyond descriptive history to an analysis of historical processes of change based on his insights into “the nature of things which are born of civilization” (Khaldun quoted in Becker and Barnes, 1961). Key to his analysis was the distinction between the sedentary life of cities and the nomadic life of pastoral peoples like the Bedouin and Berbers. The nomads, who exist independent of external authority, developed a social bond based on blood lineage and “esprit de corps” ('Asabijja), which enabled them to mobilize quickly and act in a unified and concerted manner in response to the rugged circumstances of desert life. The sedentary population of the city entered into a different cycle in which esprit de corps is subsumed to institutional power and the intrigues of political factions. The need to be focused on subsistence is replaced by a trend toward increasing luxury, ease, and refinements of taste. The relationship between the two poles of existence, nomadism and sedentary life, was at the basis of the development and decay of civilizations (Becker and Barnes, 1961). Finally, the French political philosopher, Montesquieu (1689-1755) outlined an early sociological framework in his comparative and historical classification of political structures. In his attempt to define the "laws of laws," the social determinants that caused different legal structures and national identities to develop in different jurisdictions, he pioneered a uniquely sociological approach to variations in human society. However, it was not until the 19th century that the basis of the modern discipline of sociology could be said to have been truly established. The impetus for the ideas that culminated in sociology can be found in the three major transformations that defined modern society and the culture of modernity: the development of modern science from the 16th century onward, the emergence of democratic forms of government with the American and French Revolutions (1775–1783 and 1789–1799 respectively), and the Industrial Revolution beginning in the 18th century. Not only was the framework for sociological knowledge established in these events, but also the initial motivation for creating a science of society. Early sociologists like Comte and Marx sought to formulate a rational, evidence-based response to the experience of massive social dislocation brought about by the transition from the European feudal era to capitalism. This was a period of unprecedented social problems, from the breakdown of local feudal communities to the hyper-exploitation of industrial labourers. Whether the intention was to restore order to the chaotic disintegration of society, as in Comte’s case, or to provide the basis for a revolutionary transformation in Marx’s, a rational and scientifically comprehensive knowledge of society and its processes was required. It was in this context that “society” itself, in the modern sense of the word, became visible as a phenomenon to early investigators of the social condition. [caption id="attachment_26" align="aligncenter" width="600"] Figure 1.7 Newton, William Blake, 1795 (photo courtesy of William Blake/Wikimedia Commons.) Public Domain[/caption] The development of modern science provided the model of knowledge needed for sociology to move beyond earlier moral, philosophical, and religious types of reflection on the human condition. Key to the development of science was the technological mindset that Max Weber termed the disenchantment of the world: “principally there are no mysterious incalculable forces that come into play, but rather one can, in principle, master all things by calculation” (1919). The focus of knowledge shifted from intuiting the intentions of spirits and gods to systematically observing and testing the world of things through science and technology. Modern science abandoned the medieval view of the world in which God, “the unmoved mover,” defined the natural and social world as a changeless, cyclical creation, hierarchically ordered and given purpose by divine will. Instead, modern science combined two philosophical traditions that had historically been at odds: Plato’s rationalism and Aristotle’s empiricism (Berman, 1981). Rationalism sought the laws that governed the truth of reason and ideas, and in the hands of early scientists like Galileo and Newton, found its highest form of expression in the logical formulations of mathematics. Empiricism sought to discover the laws of the operation of the world through the careful, methodical, and detailed observation of the world. The new scientific worldview therefore combined the clear and logically coherent, conceptual formulation of propositions from rationalism, with an empirical method of inquiry based on observation through the senses. Sociology adopted these core principles to emphasize that claims about social life had to be clearly formulated and based on evidence-based procedures. It also gave sociology a technological framework as a type of knowledge which could be used to solve social problems. The emergence of democratic forms of government in the 18th century demonstrated that humans had the capacity to change the world. The rigid hierarchy of medieval society was not a God-given eternal order, but a human order that could be challenged and improved upon through human intervention. Through the revolutionary process of democratization, society came to be seen as both historical and the product of human endeavours. Age of Enlightenment philosophers like Locke, Voltaire, Montaigne, and Rousseau developed general principles that could be used to explain social life. Their emphasis shifted from the histories and exploits of the aristocracy to the life of ordinary people. Mary Wollstonecraft’s A Vindication of the Rights of Women (1792) extended the critical analysis of her male Enlightenment contemporaries to the situation of women. Significantly for modern sociology, they proposed that the use of reason could be applied to address social ills and to emancipate humanity from servitude. Wollstonecraft for example argued that simply allowing women to have a proper education would enable them to contribute to the improvement of society, especially through their influence on children. On the other hand, the bloody experience of the democratic revolutions, particularly the French Revolution, which resulted in the “Reign of Terror” and ultimately Napoleon’s attempt to subjugate Europe, also provided a cautionary tale for the early sociologists about the need for sober scientific assessment of empirical evidence to guide public policy and restrain excesses of power. The Industrial Revolution in a strict sense refers to the development of industrial methods of production, the introduction of industrial machinery, and the organization of labour to serve new manufacturing systems. These economic changes are emblematic of the massive transformation of human life brought about by the creation of wage labour, capitalist competition, increased mobility, urbanization, individualism, and all the social problems they wrought: poverty, exploitation, dangerous working conditions, crime, pollution, disease, and the loss of family and other traditional support networks, etc. It was a time of great social and political upheaval with the rise of empires that exposed many people — for the first time — to societies and cultures other than their own. Millions of people were moving into cities and many people were turning away from their traditional religious beliefs. Wars, strikes, revolts, and revolutionary actions were reactions to underlying social tensions that had never existed before and called for critical examination. August Comte in particular envisioned the new science of sociology as the antidote to conditions that he described as “moral anarchy,” whereas Marx saw its potential to determine paths to social liberation. Sociology therefore emerged; firstly, as an extension of the new worldview of science; secondly, as a part of the Enlightenment project and its focus on historical change, social injustice, and the possibilities of social reform; and thirdly, as a crucial response to the new and unprecedented types of social problems that appeared in the 19th century with the Industrial Revolution. It did not emerge as a unified science, however, as its founders brought distinctly different perspectives to its early formulations.

August Comte: The Father of Sociology

[caption id="attachment_27" align="alignleft" width="250"] Figure 1.8 Auguste Comte is considered by many to be the father of sociology (photo courtesy of Wikimedia Commons.) Public Domain[/caption] The term sociology was first coined in 1780 by the French essayist Emmanuel-Joseph Sieyès (1748–1836) in an unpublished manuscript (Fauré et al., 1999). In 1838, the term was reinvented by Auguste Comte (1798–1857). The contradictions of Comte’s life and the times he lived through can be in large part read into the concerns that led to his development of sociology. He was born in 1798, year 6 of the new French Republic, to staunch monarchist and Catholic parents. They lived comfortably off his father's earnings as a minor bureaucrat in the tax office. Comte originally studied to be an engineer, but after rejecting his parents’ conservative, monarchist views, he declared himself a republican and free spirit at the age of 13 and was eventually kicked out of school at 18 for leading a school riot. This ended his chances of getting a formal education and a position as an academic or government official. He became a secretary to the utopian socialist philosopher Henri de Saint-Simon (1760–1825) until they had a falling out in 1824 (after St. Simon reputedly purloined some of Comte’s essays and signed his own name to them). Nevertheless, they both thought that society could be studied using the same scientific methods utilized in the natural sciences. Comte also believed in the potential of social scientists to work toward the betterment of society and coined the slogan “order and progress” to reconcile the opposing progressive and conservative factions that had divided the crisis-ridden, post-revolutionary French society. Comte proposed a renewed, organic spiritual order in which the authority of science would be the means to create a rational social order. Through science, each social strata would be reconciled with their place in a hierarchical social order. It is a testament to his influence in the 19th century that the phrase “order and progress” adorns the Brazilian coat of arms (Collins and Makowsky, 1989). Comte named the scientific study of social patterns positivism. He described his philosophy in a well-attended and popular series of lectures, which he published as The Course in Positive Philosophy (1830–1842) and A General View of Positivism (1848/1977). He believed that using scientific methods to reveal the laws by which societies and individuals interact would usher in a new “positivist” age of history. In principle, positivism, or what Comte called "social physics," proposed that the study of society could be conducted in the same way that the natural sciences approach the natural world. While Comte never in fact conducted any social research, his notion of sociology as a positivist science that might effectively socially engineer a better society was deeply influential. Where his influence waned was a result of the way in which he became increasingly obsessive and hostile to all criticism as his ideas progressed beyond positivism as the “science of society” to positivism as the basis of a new cult-like, technocratic “religion of humanity.” The new social order he imagined was deeply conservative and hierarchical, a kind of a caste system with every level of society obliged to reconcile itself with its “scientifically” allotted place. Comte imagined himself at the pinnacle of society, taking the title of “Great Priest of Humanity.” The moral and intellectual anarchy he decried would be resolved through the rule of sociologists who would eliminate the need for unnecessary and divisive democratic dialogue. Social order “must ever be incompatible with a perpetual discussion of the foundations of society” (Comte, 1830/1975).

Karl Marx: The Ruthless Critique of Everything Existing

[caption id="attachment_28" align="alignleft" width="300"] Figure 1.9 Karl Marx was one of the founders of sociology. His ideas about social conflict are still relevant today (photo courtesy of John Mayall/Wikimedia Commons.) Public Domain[/caption] Karl Marx (1818–1883) was a German philosopher and economist. In 1848, he and Friedrich Engels (1820–1895) co-authored the Communist Manifesto. This book is one of the most influential political manuscripts in history. It also presents in a highly condensed form Marx's theory of society, which differed from what Comte proposed. Whereas Comte viewed the goal of sociology as recreating a unified, post-feudal spiritual order that would help to institutionalize a new era of political and social stability, Marx developed a critical analysis of capitalism that saw the material or economic basis of inequality and power relations as the cause of social instability and conflict. The focus of sociology, or what Marx called historical materialism (the “materialist conception of history”), should be the “ruthless critique of everything existing,” as he said in a letter to his friend Arnold Ruge (1802-1880). In this way the goal of sociology would not simply be to scientifically analyze or objectively describe society, but to use a rigorous scientific analysis as a basis to change it. This framework became the foundation of contemporary critical sociology. Although Marx did not call his analysis "sociology," his sociological innovation was to provide a social analysis of the economic system. Adam Smith (1723–1790) and the political economists of the 19th century tried to explain the economic laws of supply and demand solely as a market mechanism, similar to the abstract discussions of stock market indices and investment returns in the business pages of newspapers today. Marx’s analysis showed the social relationships that had created the market system, and the social repercussions of their operation. As such, his analysis of modern society was not static or simply descriptive. He was able to put his finger on the underlying dynamism and continuous change that characterized capitalist society. Marx was also able to create an effective basis for critical sociology in that what he aimed for in his analysis was, as he put it in another letter to Arnold Ruge, “the self-clarification of the struggles and wishes of the age.” While he took a clear and principled value position in his critique, he did not do so dogmatically, based on an arbitrary moral position of what he personally thought was good and bad. He felt, rather, that a critical social theory must engage in clarifying and supporting the issues of social justice that were inherent within the existing struggles and wishes of the age. In his own work, he endeavoured to show how the variety of specific work actions, strikes, and revolts by workers in different occupations — for better pay, safer working conditions, shorter hours, the right to unionize, etc. — contained the seeds for a vision of universal equality, collective justice, and ultimately the ideal of a classless society.

Harriet Martineau: The First Woman Sociologist?

[caption id="attachment_1557" align="alignright" width="241"] Figure 1.10 Harriet Martineau portrait by Richard Evans, 1834 (image courtesy of National Portrait Gallery: NPG 1085 [London]/ Wikimedia Commons.) Public Domain[/caption]Harriet Martineau (1802–1876) was one of the first women sociologists in the 19th century. There are a number of other women who might compete with her for the title of the first woman sociologist, such as Catherine Macaulay, Mary Wollstonecraft, Flora Tristan, and Beatrice Webb, but Martineau’s specifically sociological credentials are strong. She was for a long time known principally for her English translation of Comte’s Course in Positive Philosophy. Through this popular translation, she introduced the concept of sociology as a methodologically rigorous discipline to an English-speaking audience. But she also created a body of her own work in the tradition of the great social reform movements of the 19th century, and introduced a sorely missing woman’s perspective into the discourse on society. It was a testament to her abilities that after she became impoverished at the age of 24 with the death of her father, brother, and fiancé, she was able to earn her own income as the first woman journalist in Britain, and to write under her own name. From the age of 12, she suffered from severe hearing loss and was obliged to use a large ear trumpet to converse. She impressed a wide audience with a series of articles on political economy in 1832. In 1834, she left England to engage in two years of study of the new republic of the United States and its emerging institutions: prisons, insane asylums, factories, farms, Southern plantations, universities, hospitals, and churches. On the basis of extensive research, interviews, and observations, she published Society in America and worked with abolitionists on the social reform of slavery (Zeitlin, 1997). She also worked for social reform in the situation of women: the right to vote, have an education, pursue an occupation, and enjoy the same legal rights as men. Together with Florence Nightingale, she worked on the development of public health care, which led to early formulations of the welfare system in Britain (McDonald, 1998).

Émile Durkheim: The Pathologies of the Social Order

[caption id="attachment_30" align="alignleft" width="229"] Figure 1.11 Émile Durkheim (photo courtesy of Wikimedia Commons.) CC BY SA 4.0[/caption] Émile Durkheim (1858–1917) helped establish sociology as a formal academic discipline by establishing the first European department of sociology at the University of Bordeaux in 1895, and by publishing his Rules of the Sociological Method in 1895. He was born to a Jewish family in the Lorraine province of France (one of the two provinces, along with Alsace, that were lost to the Germans in the Franco-Prussian War of 1870–1871). With the German occupation of Lorraine, the Jewish community suddenly became subject to sporadic anti-Semitic violence, with the Jews often being blamed for the French defeat and the economic/political instability that followed. Durkheim attributed this strange experience of anti-Semitism and scapegoating to the lack of moral purpose in modern society. As in Comte’s time, France in the late 19th century was the site of major upheavals and sharp political divisions: the loss of the Franco-Prussian War, the Paris Commune (1871) in which 20,000 workers died, the fall and capture of Emperor Napoleon III (Napoleon I’s nephew), the creation of the Third Republic, and the Dreyfus Affair. This undoubtedly led to the focus in Durkheim’s sociology on themes of moral anarchy, decadence, disunity, and disorganization. For Durkheim, sociology was a scientific but also a “moral calling” and one of the central tasks of the sociologist was to determine “the causes of the general temporary maladjustment being undergone by European societies and remedies which may relieve it” (1897/1951). In this respect, Durkheim represented the sociologist as a kind of medical doctor, studying social pathologies of the moral order and proposing social remedies and cures. He saw healthy societies as stable, while pathological societies experienced a breakdown in social norms between individuals and society. He described this breakdown as a state of normlessness or anomie — a lack of norms that give clear direction and purpose to individual actions. As he put it, anomie was the result of “society’s insufficient presence in individuals” (1897/1951).

Key to Durkheim's approach was the development of a framework for sociology based on the analysis of social facts and social functions. Social facts are those things like law, custom, morality, religious rites, language, money, business practices, etc. that can be defined externally to the individual. Social facts:

Precede the individual and will continue to exist after she or he is gone;
Consist of details and obligations of which individuals are frequently unaware; and
Are endowed with an external coercive power by reason of which individuals are controlled.

For Durkheim, social facts were like the facts of the natural sciences. They could be studied without reference to the subjective experience of individuals. He argued that “social facts must be studied as things, that is, as realities external to the individual” (Durkheim, 1895/1964). Individuals experience them as obligations, duties, and restraints on their behaviour, operating independently of their will. They are hardly noticeable when individuals consent to them but provoke reaction when individuals resist.

Durkheim argued that each of these social facts serve one or more social functions within a society; they exist to fulfill a societal need. For example, one function of a society’s laws may be to protect society from violence and punish criminal behaviour, while another is to create collective standards of behaviour that people believe in and identify with. Laws create a basis for social solidarity and order. In this manner, each identifiable social fact could be analyzed with regard to its specific function in a society. Like a body in which each organ (heart, liver, brain, etc.) serves a particular function in maintaining the body's life processes, a healthy society depends on particular functions or needs being met. Durkheim's insights into society often revealed that social practices, like the worshipping of totem animals in his study of Australian Aboriginal religions, had social functions quite at variance with what practitioners consciously believed they were doing. The honouring of totemic animals through rites and privations functioned to create social solidarity and cohesion for tribes whose lives were otherwise dispersed through the activities of hunting and gathering in a sparse environment.

Making Connections: Sociology in the Real World

Durkheim and the Sociological Study of Suicide

[caption id="attachment_1016" align="alignleft" width="225"] Figure 1.12 The chalice is at the center of Catholic religious ritual and practice. In what way is it an example of a social fact? How does it function to bind the community of the faithful? (Photo courtesy of Mary Harrsch/Flickr.) CC BY-NC-SA 2.0[/caption] Durkheim was very influential in defining the subject matter of the new discipline of sociology. For Durkheim, sociology was not about just any phenomena to do with the life of human beings, but only those phenomena which pertained exclusively to a social level of analysis. It was not about the biological or psychological dynamics of human life, for example, but about the external social facts through which the lives of individuals were constrained. Moreover, the dimension of human experience described by social facts had to be explained in its own terms. It could not be explained by biological drives or psychological characteristics of individuals. It was a dimension of reality sui generis (of its own kind, unique in its characteristics). It could not be explained by, or reduced to, its individual components without missing its most important features. As Durkheim put it, “a social fact can only be explained by another social fact” (Durkheim, 1895/1964). These social facts were often hidden causes, not immediately evident to the individuals caught up in them, and required sociological investigation. As he said, “If we had really only to open our eyes and take a good look to perceive at once the laws of the social world, sociology would be useless or, at least very simple” (Durkheim, 1897/1997)

This is the framework of Durkheim’s famous study of suicide. In Suicide: A Study in Sociology (1897/1997), Durkheim attempted to demonstrate the effectiveness of his rules of social research by examining suicide statistics in different police districts. Suicide is perhaps the most personal and most individual of all acts. Its motives would seem to be absolutely unique to the individual and to individual psychopathology. However, what Durkheim observed was that statistical rates of suicide remained fairly constant, year-by-year and region-by-region. The rates of suicide constituted a social fact independent of the unique circumstances of each case. Moreover, there was no correlation between rates of suicide and rates of psychopathology. Suicide rates did vary, however, according to the social context of the suicides. For example, suicide rates varied according to the religious affiliation of suicides. Protestants had higher rates of suicide than Catholics, even though both religions equally condemn suicide. In some jurisdictions Protestants killed themselves 300% more often than Catholics. Durkheim argued that the key factor that explained the difference in suicide rates (i.e., the statistical rates, not the purely individual motives for the suicides) were the different degrees of social integration of the different religious communities — the number and strength of social ties connecting individuals to each other and society — measured by the degree of authority religious beliefs hold over individuals, and the amount of collective ritual observance and mutual involvement individuals engage in religious practice. A social fact — suicide rates — was explained by another social fact — degree of social integration.

The key social function of religion was to integrate individuals by linking them to a common external doctrine and to a greater spiritual reality outside of themselves. Religion created moral communities. In this regard, he observed that the degree of authority that religious beliefs and rituals held over Catholics was much stronger than for Protestants, who from the time of Luther had been taught to take a critical attitude toward formal doctrine. Protestants were more free to interpret religious belief and in a sense were more individually responsible for supervising and maintaining their own religious practice. Moreover, in Catholicism the ritual practice of the sacraments, such as confession and taking communion, remained intact, whereas in Protestantism ritual was reduced to a minimum. Participation in the choreographed rituals of religious life created a highly visible, public focus for religious observance, forging a link between private thought and public belief. Because Protestants had to be more individualistic and self-reliant in their religious practice, they were not subject to the strict discipline and external constraints of Catholics. They were less integrated into their communities and more thrown back on their own resources. They were more prone to what Durkheim termed egoistic suicide: suicide which results from the individual ego having to depend on itself for self-regulation (and failing) in the absence of strong social bonds tying it to a community.

Durkheim’s study was unique and insightful because he did not try to explain suicide rates in terms of individual psychopathology, mental states or intentions. Instead, he regarded the regularity of the suicide rates as a social fact, implying “the existence of collective tendencies exterior to the individual” (Durkheim, 1897/1997), and explained their variation with respect to another social fact: degree of social integration or the strength and number of social bonds tying individuals to society. A group is more socially integrated, "the more active and constant is the intercourse among its members." Therefore he proposed a social law, “Suicide varies inversely with the degree of integration of the social groups of which the individual forms a part” (Durkheim, 1897/1997).

Contemporary research into suicide in Canada shows that suicide is the second leading cause of death among young people aged 15 to 34 (behind death by accident) (Navaneelan, 2012). The greatest increase in suicide since the 1960s has been in the age 15-19 age group, increasing by 4.5 times for males and by 3 times for females. In 2009, 23% of deaths among adolescents aged 15-19 were caused by suicide, up from 9% in 1974, (although this difference in percentage is because the rate of suicide remained fairly constant between 1974 and 2009, while death due to accidental causes has declined markedly). On the other hand, married people are the least likely group to commit suicide. Single, never-married people are 3.3 times more likely to commit suicide than married people, followed by widowed and divorced individuals respectively. How do sociologists explain this?

It is clear that adolescence and early adulthood is a period in which social ties to family and society are strained. It is often a confusing period in which teenagers break away from their childhood roles in the family group and establish their independence. Youth unemployment is higher than for other age groups and, since the 1960s, there has been a large increase in divorces and single parent families. These factors tend to decrease the quantity and the intensity of ties to society. Married people, on the other hand, have both strong affective affinities with their marriage partners and strong social expectations placed on them, especially if they have families: their roles are clear and the norms which guide them are well-defined. According to Durkheim's proposition, suicide rates vary inversely with the degree of integration of social groups. Adolescents are less integrated into society, which puts them at a higher risk for suicide than married people who are more integrated. It is interesting that the highest rates of suicide in Canada are for adults in midlife, aged 40-59. Midlife is also a time noted for crises of identity, but perhaps more significantly, as Navaneelan (2012) argues, suicide in this age group results from the change in marital status as people try to cope with the transition from married to divorced and widowed.

Max Weber: Verstehende Soziologie

[caption id="attachment_32" align="aligncenter" width="516"] Figure 1.13 Max Weber. (Photo courtesy of Wikimedia Commons.) CC BY 2.0[/caption] Prominent sociologist Max Weber (1864–1920) established a sociology department in Germany at the Ludwig Maximilian University of Munich in 1919. He wrote on many topics related to sociology including political change in Russia, the condition of German farm workers, and the history of world religions. He was also a prominent public figure, playing an important role in the German peace delegation in Versailles and in drafting the ill-fated German (Weimar) constitution following the defeat of Germany in World War I. His central concept however was his analysis of rationalization (see Chapter 4. Society and Modern Life), which referred to the general tendency for modern society for all institutions and most areas of life to be transformed by the application of technical rationality. He argued that the global power and domination of Western societies had its source in the application of methodical, calculative reason and efficiency to the solution of problems and the organization of life. Two chief consequences of rationalization for the social life of modern societies were the disenchantment of the world (mentioned above) and the Protestant work ethic. Weber also made a major contribution to the methodology of sociological research. Along with the philosophers Wilhelm Dilthey (1833–1911) and Heinrich Rickert (1863–1936), Weber believed that it was difficult if not impossible to apply natural science methods to accurately predict the behaviour of groups as positivist sociology hoped to do. They argued that the influence of culture on human behaviour had to be taken into account. What was distinct about human behaviour was that it is essentially meaningful. Human behaviour could not be understood independently of the meanings that individuals attributed to it. A Martian’s analysis of the activities in a skateboard park would be hopelessly confused unless it understood that the skateboarders were motivated by the excitement of taking risks and the pleasure in developing skills. This insight into the meaningful nature of human behaviour even applied to the sociologists themselves, who, they believed, should be aware of how their own cultural biases as they could influence their research. To deal with this problem, Weber and Dilthey introduced the concept of Verstehen, a German word that means to understand something from a subject's point of view. In seeking Verstehen, outside observers of a social world — an entire culture or a small setting — attempt to understand it empathetically from an insider’s point of view. In his essay “The Methodological Foundations of Sociology,” Weber described sociology as “a science which attempts the interpretive understanding of social action in order to arrive at a causal explanation of its course and effects” (Weber, 1922). In this way he delimited the field that sociology studies in a manner almost opposite to that of Émile Durkheim. Rather than defining sociology as the study of the unique dimension of external social facts, sociology was concerned with social action: actions to which individuals attach subjective meanings. “Action is social in so far as, by virtue of the subjective meaning attached to it by the acting individual (or individuals), it takes account of the behaviour of others and is thereby oriented in its course” (Weber, 1922). The actions of the young skateboarders can be explained because they hold the experienced boarders in esteem and attempt to emulate their skills, even if it means scraping their bodies on hard concrete from time to time. Weber and other like-minded sociologists founded interpretive sociology whereby social researchers strive to find systematic means to interpret and describe the subjective meanings behind social processes, cultural norms, and societal values. This approach led to research methods like ethnography, participant observation, and phenomenological analysis. Their aim was not to generalize or predict (as in positivistic social science), but to systematically gain an in-depth understanding of social worlds. The natural sciences may be precise, but from Weber's point of view their methods confine them to study only the external characteristics of things.

Georg Simmel: A Sociology of Forms

[caption id="attachment_33" align="alignright" width="250"] Figure 1.14 Georg Simmel. (Photo courtesy of Julius Cornelius Schaarwächter/ Wikimedia Commons.) Public Domain[/caption] Georg Simmel (1858–1918) was one of the founding fathers of sociology, although his place in the discipline is not always recognized. In part, this oversight may be explained by the fact that Simmel was a Jewish scholar in Germany at the turn of 20th century and, until 1914, he was unable to attain a proper position as a professor due to anti-Semitism. Despite the brilliance of his sociological insights, the quantity of his publications, and the popularity of his public lectures as Privatdozent at the University of Berlin, his lack of a regular academic position prevented him from having the kind of student following that would create a legacy around his ideas. It might also be explained by some of the unconventional and varied topics that he wrote on: the social structure of flirting, the sociology of adventure, the importance of secrecy, the patterns of fashion, the social significance of money, etc. He was generally seen at the time as not having a systematic or integrated theory of society. However, his insights into how social forms emerge at the micro-level of interaction and how they relate to macro-level phenomena remain valuable in contemporary sociology (see Chapter 6. Social Interaction). Simmel’s sociology focused on the key question, “How is society possible?” His answer led him to develop what he called formal sociology, or the sociology of social forms. In his essay “The Problem of Sociology,” Simmel reaches a strange conclusion for a sociologist: “There is no such thing as society ‘as such.’” 'Society' is just the name we give to the “extraordinary multitude and variety of interactions [that] operate at any one moment” (Simmel, 1908/1971). This is a basic insight of micro-sociology. However useful it is to talk about macro-level phenomena like capitalism, social solidarity, or rationalization, in the end what these phenomena refer to is a multitude of ongoing, unfinished processes of interaction between specific individuals. Nevertheless, the phenomena of social life do have recognizable forms, and the forms do guide the behaviour of individuals in a regularized way. A bureaucracy is a form of social interaction that persists from day to day. One does not come into work one morning to discover that the rules, job descriptions, paperwork, and hierarchical order of the bureaucracy have disappeared. Simmel’s questions were: How do the forms of social life persist? How did they emerge in the first place? What happens when they get fixed and permanent? Simmel’s focus on how social forms emerge became very important for micro-sociology, symbolic interactionism, and the studies of hotel lobbies, cigarette girls, and street-corner societies, etc., popularized by the Chicago School in the mid-20th century. His analysis of the creation of new social forms was particularly tuned in to capturing the fragmentary everyday experience of modern social life that was bound up with the unprecedented nature and scale of the modern city. In his lifetime, the city of Berlin where he lived and taught for most of his career expanded massively after the unification of Germany in the 1870s and, by 1900, became a major European metropolis of 4 million people. The development of a metropolis created a fundamentally new human experience. The inventiveness of people in creating new forms of interaction in response became a rich source of sociological investigation.

Media Attributions

Figure 1.6a The "School of Athens" by Raffaello Sanzio (1509), via Wikimedia Commons, is in the public domain.
Figure 1.6b Bust of Herodotus by Manikantesh Doradla, via Wikimedia Commons, is used under a CC BY-SA 4.0 licence.
Figure 1.6c Ma Duanlin [still frame image] by Century Old, via YouTube, is used under Fair Dealing provisions in the Canadian Copyright Act.
Figure 1.6d Ibn Khaldun by Waqas Ahmed, via Wikimedia Commons, is used under a CC BY-SA 3.0 licence.
Figure 1.6e Portrait of Charles de Secondat, Baron de Montesquieu (1689-1755) by unknown, via Wikimedia Commons, is in the public domain.
Figure 1.7 Newton-WilliamBlake from the William Blake Archive, via Wikipedia is in the public domain.
Figure 1.8 Auguste Comte (1851), by Johan Hendrick Hoffmeister (1823-1904), from AugusteCompte.org Museum, via Wikimedia Commons, is in the public domain.
Figure 1.9 Karl Marx John Mayall, via Wikimedia Commons, is in the public domain.
Figure 1.10 Harriet Martineau by Richard Evans, National Portrait Gallery: NPG 1085, via Wikimedia Commons is in the public domain.
Figure 1.11 Émile Durkheim-vignette-png-9 by verapatricia_28 [uploader], via Wikimedia Commons, is used under a CC BY SA 4.0 licence.
Figure 1.12 Chalice Silver with gilding depicting a youthful Christ with cruciform halo and saints Byzantine by Mary Harrsch, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY-NC-SA 2.0 license.
Figure 1.13 Max Weber 1917 by unknown photographer [uploaded by Guttorm Flatabø], via Flickr is used under a CC BY 2.0 licence.
Figure 1.14 Georg Simmel by Julius Cornelius Schaarwächter, via Wikimedia Commons, is in the public domain.

1.3. Theoretical Perspectives

hfriedman — Wed, 09 Aug 2023 14:31:28 +0000

[caption id="attachment_1173" align="alignleft" width="231"] Figure 1.15 People protesting Covid-19 public health measures in 2022. What are the causes of this social movement? How do participants and outsiders "read" this situation? (Photo courtesy of Maksim Sokolov/ Wikimedia Commons.) CC BY-SA 4.0[/caption]

Sociologists study social events, interactions, and patterns. They then develop theories to explain why these occur and what can result from them. In sociology, a theory is a way to tentatively explain different aspects of social interactions and create testable propositions about society (Allan, 2006). For example, Durkheim’s proposition that differences in suicide rate can be explained by differences in the degree of social integration in different communities is a theory.

As this brief survey of the history of sociology suggests, there is considerable diversity in the theoretical approaches sociology takes to studying society. Sociology is a multi-perspectival science: a number of distinct perspectives or paradigms offer competing explanations of social phenomena. Perspectives or paradigms are frameworks or models used within a discipline to tie different concepts, analyses, explanations, and ways of formulating problems together (Drengson, 1983). Sociologists use these models to pose or address research questions.

Talcott Parsons’ reformulation of Durkheim’s and others work as structural functionalism in the 1950s is an example of a paradigm because it provides a general model of analysis applicable to an unlimited number of research topics. As a framework for research, it can generate numerous specific theories or explanations. Parsons proposed that any identifiable social structure (e.g., roles, families, religions, or states) could be explained by the particular function it performed in maintaining the operation of society as a whole. Historical materialism and symbolic interactionism are two other examples of sociological paradigms which formulate explanatory frameworks and research problems differently.

The variety of paradigms and methodologies makes for a rich and useful dialogue among sociologists. It is also sometimes confusing for students who expect that sociology will have a unitary, scientific approach like that of the natural sciences. However, the key point is that the subject matter of sociology is fundamentally different from that of the natural sciences. The existence of multiple approaches to the topic of society and social relationships makes sense given the nature of the subject matter of sociology. The “contents” of a society are never simply a set of objective qualities like the chemical composition of gases or the forces operating on celestial spheres. For the purposes of analysis, the contents of society can sometimes be viewed in this way, as in the positivist perspective, but positivists and other schools of thought in sociology recognize that social reality is more complex. It is imbued with social meanings, historical contexts, political struggles, and human agency.

[caption id="attachment_1158" align="aligncenter" width="992"] Figure 1.16 The South Asian fable of the blind men and the elephant from the poem by John Godfrey Saxe. The inquisitive blind men want to know what an elephant is. The first one feels the elephant's flank and says, "the elephant is very like a wall!” The second one feels the elephant's tusk and says, "an elephant is very like a spear!” The third one feels the elephant's trunk and says, “the elephant is very like a snake!” (Illustrations courtesy of Mlke Kline/Flickr.) CC BY 2.0[/caption]

This makes social life a complicated, moving target for researchers to study, and the outcome of the research will be different depending on where and with what assumptions the researcher begins. Even the elementary division of experience into an interior world, which is “subjective,” and an exterior world, which is “objective,” varies historically, cross-culturally, and sometimes moment-by-moment in an individual’s life. From the phenomenological perspective in sociology, this elementary division, which forms the starting point and basis of the “hard” or “objective” sciences, is in fact usefully understood as a social accomplishment sustained through social interactions. People actively divide the flow of impressions through their consciousness into socially recognized categories of subjective and objective, and they do so by learning and following social norms and rules. The division between subjective impressions and objective facts is natural and necessary only in the sense that it has become what Schutz (1962) called the “natural attitude” for people in modern society. Therefore, this division performs an integral function in organizing modern social and institutional life on an ongoing basis. People assume that the others they interact with view the world through the natural attitude. Confusion ensues when they do not. But other societies have been based on different ways of being in the world.

Despite the differences that divide sociology into multiple perspectives and methodologies, its unifying aspect is the systematic and rigorous nature of its social inquiry. If the distinction between “soft” and “hard” sciences is useful at all, it refers to the degree of rigour and systematic observation involved in the conduct of research rather than the division between the social and the natural sciences per se. Sociology is based on the scientific research tradition which emphasizes two key components: empirical observation and the logical construction of theories and propositions. Science is understood here in the broad sense to mean the use of reasoned argument, the ability to see general patterns in particular incidences, and the reliance on evidence from systematic empirical observation of social reality. However, as noted above, the outcome of sociological research will differ depending on the initial assumptions or perspective of the researcher. Each of the blind men studying the elephant in Figure 1.16 are capable of producing an empirically true and logically consistent account of the elephant, albeit limited, which will differ from the accounts produced by the others. While the analogy that society is like an elephant is tenuous at best, it does exemplify the way that different schools of sociology can explain the same factual reality in different ways.

[caption id="attachment_1160" align="alignleft" width="300"] Figure 1.17 German sociologist, Jürgen Habermas (b. 1929). (Image courtesy of Wolfram Huke/ Wikimedia Commons.) CC BY-SA 3.0[/caption]

Within this general scientific framework, sociology can be broken into the same divisions that separate the forms of modern knowledge more generally. As Jürgen Habermas (1972) describes, by the time of the European Enlightenment in the 18th century, the unified perspective of Christendom had broken into three distinct spheres of knowledge: the natural sciences, hermeneutics (or the interpretive sciences like literature, philosophy, and history), and critique. In many ways the three spheres of knowledge are at odds with one another and reveal a different aspect of the world, but each serves an important human interest or purpose. The natural sciences are oriented to developing a technical knowledge useful for controlling and manipulating the natural world to serve human needs. Hermeneutics is oriented to developing a humanistic knowledge useful for determining the meaning of texts, ideas, and human practices in order to create the conditions for greater mutual understanding and consensus. Critique is oriented to developing activist knowledge useful for challenging entrenched power relations in order to enable human emancipation and freedoms.

Sociology is similarly divided into three types of sociological knowledge, each with its own strengths, limitations, and practical purposes: positivist sociology focuses on generating types of knowledge useful for controlling or administering social life; interpretive sociology focuses on types of knowledge useful for promoting greater mutual understanding and consensus among members of society, and critical sociology focuses on types of knowledge useful for challenging power relationships and emancipating people from conditions of servitude. Each type of knowledge is useful for changing and improving the world. Within these three types of sociological knowledge, six paradigms of sociological thinking are discussed below: quantitative sociology, structural functionalism, historical materialism, feminism, symbolic interactionism and social constructivism.

Table 1.1 Types of Sociological Knowledge: Strengths, Limitations, and Practical Purposes *[Skip table]*
Types of sociological knowledge	Paradigms	Human interest or purpose
Positivist sociology	Quantitative sociology Structural functionalism Rational choice theory Logical positivism Sociobiology	Technical knowledge useful for controlling or administering social life
Interpretive sociology	Symbolic interactionism Social constructivism Phenomenology Ethnomethodology Dramaturgical analysis Structuralism	Hermeneutic knowledge useful for promoting greater mutual understanding and consensus among members of society
Critical sociology	Historical materialism Feminism Critical race theory Queer theory Deep ecology Poststructuralism	Activist knowledge useful for challenging power relationships and emancipating people from conditions of servitude

1. Positivism

The positivist perspective in sociology — introduced above with regard to the pioneers of the discipline, August Comte and Émile Durkheim — is most closely aligned with the forms of knowledge associated with the natural sciences. The emphasis is on empirical observation and measurement (i.e., observation through the senses), the value of neutrality or objectivity, and the search for law-like statements about the social world (analogous to Newton’s laws of gravity for the natural world). On this basis, sociology is conceived as a predictive science: given a set of initial conditions, it makes predictions about possible future outcomes. For Durkheim, for example, measurably less social integration predicts measurably higher suicide rates. Since mathematics and statistical operations are the main forms of logical demonstration in the natural scientific explanation, positivism relies on translating human phenomena into quantifiable units of measurement. It regards the social world as an objective or “positive” reality, in no essential respects different from the natural world. Positivism is oriented to developing a knowledge useful for controlling or administering social life, which explains its ties to the projects of social engineering going back to Comte’s original vision for sociology. The outcome of Durkheim's analysis, for example, might be to prevent suicides by finding ways to increase the quantity and quality of people's social ties, or to find more inclusive ways of organizing institutions like the family or school.

Two forms of positivism have been dominant in sociology since the 1940s: quantitative sociology and structural functionalism.

Quantitative Sociology

In contemporary sociology, positivism is based on four main “rules” that define what constitutes valid knowledge and what types of questions may be reasonably asked (Bryant, 1985):

The rule of empiricism: Scientists can only know about things that are actually given in experience. They cannot validly make claims about things that are invisible, unobservable, or supersensible like metaphysical, spiritual, or moral truths.
The rule of value neutrality: Scientists should remain value-neutral in their research because it follows from the rule of empiricism that “values” have no empirical content that would allow their validity to be scientifically tested.
The unity of the scientific method rule: All sciences have the same basic principles and practices, whether their object is natural or human.
The rule of law-like statements: The type of explanation sought by scientific inquiry is the formulation of general laws (like the law of gravity) to explain specific phenomena (like the falling of a stone).

Much of what is referred to today as quantitative sociology fits within this paradigm of positivism. Quantitative sociology uses statistical methods such as surveys with large numbers of participants to quantify relationships between social variables. In line with the "unity of the scientific method" rule, quantitative sociologists argue that the elements of human life can be measured and quantified — described in numerical terms — in essentially the same way that natural scientists measure and quantify the natural world in physics, biology, or chemistry. Researchers analyze this data using statistical techniques to see if they can uncover patterns or "laws" of human behaviour that predict future outcomes. Law-like statements concerning relationships between variables are often posed in the form of statistical relationships or multiple linear regression formulas. These mathematically formulate the degree of influence different causal or independent variables have on a particular outcome or dependent variable, usually in terms of statistical probabilities. (Independent and dependent variables will be discussed in Chapter 2. Sociological Research.) For example, the degree of religiosity of an individual in Canada, measured by the frequency of church attendance or religious practice, can be predicted by a combination of different independent variables such as age, gender, income, immigrant status, and region (Bibby, 2012; See Chapter 15. Religion). This approach is value neutral for two reasons: firstly because the quantified data is the product of methods of systematic empirical observation that seek to minimize researcher bias, and secondly because "values" per se are human dispositions towards what "should be" and therefore cannot be observed like other objects or processes in the world. Quantitative sociologists might be able to survey and quantify what people say their values are, but they cannot determine through quantitative means what is valuable or what should be valuable.

Structural Functionalism

Structural Functionalism also falls within the positivist tradition in sociology due to Durkheim’s early efforts to describe the subject matter of sociology in terms of objective social facts — “social facts must be studied as things, that is, as realities external to the individual” (Durkheim, 1895/1997) — and to explain them in terms of their social functions, independently of the subjective understandings that individual members of society might have.

Following Durkheim’s insight, structural functionalism therefore sees society as composed of different social structures that perform specific social functions to maintain the operation of society as a whole. Structures are simply regular, observable patterns of behaviour or organized social arrangements that persist through time. Institutional arrangements that define roles and interactions in the family, workplace, or church, etc. are structures, for example. Functions refer to how the various social and biological needs of a society are satisfied. The continuity of society requires children to be properly socialized, food and resources to be distributed, and belief systems to be commonly shared. The family, the economy, and religious institutions perform these social functions. Different societies have the same basic functional requirements, but they meet them using different configurations of social structure (i.e., different types of kinship systems, economy, or religious practice). Thus, society is seen as a system not unlike the human body or an automobile engine. With respect to a system, when one structure changes, the others change as well. According to American sociologist Talcott Parsons (1881–1955), in a healthy society, all of these parts work together to produce a stable state called dynamic equilibrium (Parsons, 1961).

In fact, the English philosopher and biologist Herbert Spencer (1820–1903) likened society to a human body. Each structure of the system performs a specific function to maintain the orderly operation of the whole (Spencer, 1898). When they do not perform their functions properly, the system as a whole is threatened. The heart pumps the blood, the vascular system transports the blood, the metabolic system transforms the blood into proteins needed for cellular processes, etc. When the arteries in the heart get blocked, they no longer perform their function. The heart fails, and the system as a whole collapses. In the same way, the family structure functions to socialize new members of society (i.e., children), the economic structure functions to adapt to the environment and distribute resources, and the cultural structure functions to provide common beliefs to unify society, etc. Each structure of society provides a specific and necessary function to ensure the ongoing maintenance of the whole. However, if the family fails to effectively socialize children, or the economic system fails to distribute resources equitably, or culture fails to provide a credible belief system, repercussions are felt throughout the system. The other structures have to adapt, causing further repercussions. Spencer continued the analogy to the body by pointing out that societies evolve from simple to complex forms just as the bodies of humans and other animals do (Maryanski and Turner, 1992).

Part of the power of structural functionalism is its ability to provide explanations of social phenomena that can predict outcomes independently of the specific goals and intentions of individuals. In a system, there is an interrelation of component parts where a change in one component affects the others regardless of the perspectives of individuals. Noted structural functionalist, Robert Merton (1910–2003), pointed out for example that social processes can have more than one function. Manifest functions are purposes or goals that are consciously sought or anticipated in a social process or institution, while latent functions are the unsought consequences or purposes of a social process or institution.

A manifest function of university education, for example, includes gaining knowledge, preparing for a career, and finding a good job that utilizes that education. But students often wonder why universities make these goals so difficult to accomplish. They get distracted by the lure of partying, they get overworked by unexpected course loads, they find it easier to cheat or learn information by rote and forget it after exams, or they get trained in knowledges that do not have immediate or practical value in the work place, etc. These contradictions can be partially explained by the latent functions of the university, which are byproducts of its manifest purposes and can often exist at cross-purposes with them. One latent function is providing an institutional venue of social solidarity for young adults in their first fledging outside the family: meeting new people, participating in extracurricular activities, or even finding a spouse or partner. This liminal period of freedom and adulthood can easily lead to excesses. On the other hand, the obligation for students to discipline their work habits, intensify their use of time and focus on minutiae, has a latent function of providing individual efficiency and self-autonomy that employers in the knowledge economy value and can exploit. The credentialism that requires advanced certificates and degrees for jobs that do not actually need them is a latent function of the increasing numbers of university graduates since the 1960s, creating a hierarchy of employment and limiting access to it.

Latent functions can be beneficial, neutral, or harmful. Social processes that have undesirable consequences for the operation of society are called dysfunctions. Each of the latent functions of university education can be pursued to excess, for example, with a detrimental effect on the ability of the university to perform its manifest function of preparing students to participate in society: over-partying as a product of excessive social solidarity might lead to dropping out, cheating as a product of excessive concern with grades might lead to learning nothing, anxiety as a product of excessive overwork might lead to chronic mental illness, or over-education as a product of excessive academic rigour might lead to boredom with respect to job requirements. These dysfunctions are products of a system which has failed to integrate its component parts and has become dysfunctional.

Making Connections: Classic Sociologists

The AGIL Schema: A Sociological Explanation of Everything

[caption id="attachment_583" align="alignleft" width="196"] Figure 1.18 Talcott Parsons (1902-1979) was a major figure of American sociology from the 1940s to the 1970s. Founder of the paradigm of structural functionalism, his AGIL schema was the basis of a comprehensive research program in which everything could be explained sociologically. (Photo courtesy of Wikipedia.) Fair Dealing[/caption] Talcott Parsons was a key figure in systematizing Durkheim’s views in the 1940s and 1950s. He argued that a sociological approach to social phenomena must emphasize the systematic nature of society: the relation of definable structures to their functions in relation to the needs or maintenance of the system. This system quality could be observed at all levels of social existence, from the micro to the macro. He noted that all systems have a limited number of needs or “functional requisites” which have to be satisfied in order for the society to be viable or to achieve “stable equilibrium” (Parsons, 1951). Parsons reduced these universal functional requisites to “four spheres of activity that any society must accomplish in order to maintain itself”: namely, Adaptation, Goal attainment, Integration, and Latent pattern maintenance. This became known in sociology as Parsons' “AGIL” schema. Because systems can be observed in phenomena from the micro-scale to the universal, his AGIL schema provided a useful analytical grid for sociological theory in which an individual, an institution, or an entire society could be seen as a system composed of structures that satisfied these four primary functions:

Adaptation (A): how the system adapts to its environment;
Goal attainment (G): how the system determines what its goals are and how it will attain them;
Integration (I): how the system integrates its members into harmonious participation and social cohesion;
(Latent) Pattern Maintenance (L): how basic cultural patterns, values, belief systems, etc. are regulated and maintained.

The AGIL Schema
Adaptation (A) Economy	Goal attainment (G) Political System
(Latent) Pattern Maintenance (L) Cultural institutions: common values	Integration (I) Social roles and norms

So, for example, the social system as a whole relied on the economy to produce and distribute goods and services as its means of adaptation to the natural environment, on the political system to make decisions as its means of goal attainment, on social roles and norms to regulate social behaviour as its means of social integration, and on cultural institutions to reproduce and circulate social values as its means of latent pattern maintenance. Following Durkheim, Parsons argued that explanations of social functions had to be made at the level of systems and system requirements and not simply as the sum of individuals' wants and needs. The whole is more than the sum of its parts because it is a system. In a system, there is an interrelation of component parts where a change in one component affects the others regardless of the specific biographical details of the lives of individuals. In this way, sociology promised to be the explanation of everything. Any enduring feature of society must perform a function, which could be understood as part of a larger system of interrelated parts and functional requisites. The AGIL functions were universal properties of any system. No matter the variation in societies historically or cross-culturally, every society was a system and had the same universal functional requisites that had to be satisfied to be able to operate and survive through time.

Criticisms of Positivism

The main criticisms of both quantitative sociology and structural functionalism have to do with whether social phenomena can truly be studied like the natural phenomena of the physical sciences. Critics challenge the way in which social phenomena are regarded as objective social facts. On one hand, interpretive sociologists suggest that the quantification of variables in quantitative sociology reduces the rich complexity and ambiguity of social life to an abstract set of numbers and statistical relationships that cannot capture the meaning it holds for individuals. Measuring someone’s depth of religious belief or “religiosity” by the number of times they attend church in a week explains very little about the religious experience itself. Similarly, interpretive sociology argues that structural functionalism, with its emphasis on macro-level systems of structures and functions tends to reduce the individual to the status of a sociological "dupe," assuming pre-assigned roles and functions without any individual agency or capacity for self-creation.

On the other hand, critical sociologists challenge the conservative tendencies of quantitative sociology and structural functionalism. Both types of positivist analysis represent themselves as being objective, or value-neutral, whereas critical sociology notes that the context in which they are applied is always defined by relationships of power and struggle for social justice. In this sense sociology cannot be neutral or purely objective. The context of social science is never neutral.

For critical sociologists, both types of positivism also have conservative assumptions built into their basic approach to social facts. The focus in quantitative sociology on observable facts and law-like statements presents an ahistorical and deterministic picture of the world that cannot account for the underlying historical dynamics of power relationships of class, gender, or other struggles. One can empirically observe the trees but not see the forest, so to speak. Similarly, the focus on the needs and the smooth functioning of social systems in structural functionalism supports a conservative viewpoint because it relies on an essentially static model of society. The functions of each structure are understood in terms of the needs of the social system as it exists at a particular moment in time. Each individual has to fit the function or role designated for them. Change is not only dysfunctional or pathological, because it throws the whole system into disarray, it also is very difficult to understand why change occurs at all if society is functioning as a system.

Therefore, structural functionalism has a strong conservative tendency, which is illustrated by some of its more controversial arguments. For example, Davis and Moore (1944) argued that inequality in society is necessary because it functions as an incentive for people to work harder. Talcott Parsons (1954) argued that the gender division of labour in the nuclear family between the husband/breadwinner and wife/housekeeper is necessary because the family will function coherently only if each role is clearly demarcated. In both cases, the order of the system is not questioned, and the historical sources of inequality are not analyzed. Inequality, in fact, performs a useful function for those who hold power in society. Critical sociology challenges both the social injustice and the practical consequences of social inequality. In particular, social equilibrium and function must be scrutinized closely to see whose interests they serve and whose interests they suppress.

2. Interpretive Sociology

The interpretive perspective in sociology is aligned with the hermeneutic traditions of the humanities like literature, philosophy, and history. The focus in interpretative sociology is on understanding or interpreting human activity in terms of the meanings that humans attribute to it. In contrast to the deterministic and functionalist models of explanation, interpretive sociology emphasizes human agency to capture the way that individuals actively construct a world of meaning that affects the way people experience the world and conduct themselves within it. The world evidently has a reality outside of these meanings, but interpretive sociology focuses on analyzing the processes of collective meaning construction that give people access to it.

Max Weber’s Verstehende (understanding) sociology is often cited as the origin of this perspective in sociology because of his emphasis on the centrality of meaning and intention in social action:

Sociology… is a science which attempts the interpretive understanding of social action in order thereby to arrive at a causal explanation of its course and effects. In "action" is included all human behaviour when and in so far as the acting individual attaches a subjective meaning to it.... [Social action is] action mutually oriented to that of each other (Weber, 1922).

This emphasis on the meaningfulness of social action — action to which individuals attach subjective meanings and interpret those of others — is taken up later by phenomenology, ethnomethodology, symbolic interactionism and various contemporary schools of social constructivism. The interpretive perspective is concerned with developing a knowledge of social interaction from the point of view of the meanings individuals attribute to it. Social interaction is a meaning-oriented practice. As a result of its research, interpretive sociology works toward greater mutual understanding and the possibility of consensus among members of society.

Symbolic Interactionism

Symbolic interactionism is one of the main paradigms of interpretive sociology. It provides a theoretical perspective that helps scholars examine how relationships between individuals in society are conducted on the basis of shared understandings and where these understandings come from. This perspective is centered on the notion that communication — or the exchange of meaning through language, gestures and symbols — is how people make sense of their social worlds. As pointed out by Herman and Reynolds (1994), this viewpoint also sees people as active in shaping their world, rather than as entities who are acted upon by society. This approach looks at society and people from a micro-level perspective where the processes of communication and meaning generation occur on an ongoing basis.

George Herbert Mead (1863–1931) is considered one of the founders of symbolic interactionism. His work in Mind, Self and Society (1934) on the “self” and the stages of child development as a sequence of role-playing capacities provides the classic analyses of the perspective. This textbook discusses Mead further in Chapter 5. Socialization, but Mead's key insight is that the self develops only through social interaction with others. The individual is not separate from society. The individual self is a thoroughly social being. People learn to be themselves by the progressive incorporation of the attitudes of others towards them into their concept of self.

His student Herbert Blumer (1900–1987) synthesized Mead’s work and popularized the theory. Blumer coined the term “symbolic interactionism” to emphasize that humans make meaning and interact by exchanging symbols like language or gestures. He identified three basic premises:

Humans act toward things on the basis of the meanings they ascribe to those things.
The meaning of such things is derived from, or arises out of, the social interaction that one has with others and the society.
These meanings are handled in, and modified through, an interpretative process used by the person in dealing with the things they encounter (Blumer, 1969).

In other words, human interaction is not determined in the same cause and effect manner as natural events. Symbolic interactionism focuses on how individuals interpret reality and reach common definitions of the situation in which they are involved. Through the back and forth of mutual interactions and communication (i.e., symbolic interaction), individuals move from ambiguous or undefined situations to those characterized by mutually shared meanings. On the basis of shared meanings, a common and coordinated course of action can be pursued.

In this way, people are able to decide how to help a friend diagnosed with cancer, how to divide up responsibilities at work, or even how to agree to disagree when an irresolvable conflict arises. The passport officer at the airport makes a gesture with her hand, or catches a passenger's eye, which the passenger interprets as a signal to step forward in line and pass her their passport so she can examine its validity. Together the officer and passenger create a joint action — "checking the passport to cross a border" — which is just one symbolic interaction in a sequence that travelers typically link together in pursuing the sociological phenomenon known as "going on a vacation." Randall Collins (2005) argues that all social life can be seen as the stringing together or aligning of multiple joint actions like these into interaction ritual chains. Symbolic interactionism emphasizes that individuals and groups have the freedom and agency to define their situations in potentially numerous ways but often find themselves following well-worn chains of interaction.

Social scientists who apply symbolic-interactionist thinking look for patterns of interaction between individuals. Their studies often involve observation of one-on-one interactions. For example, Howard Becker (1953) argued in his classic study of marijuana users that becoming a marijuana user has less to do with its physiological effects in the body than with the process of communication (or symbolic interaction) about the meaning of the effects. New marijuana users need to go through three stages to become a regular user: they need to learn from experienced smokers how to identify the effects, how to enjoy them, and how to attach meaning to them (i.e., that the experience is funny, strange or euphoric, etc.). Becker emphasizes, therefore, that marijuana smoking is a thoroughly social process and that the experience of “being high” is as much a product of mutual interactions as it is a purely bio-chemical process. In a sense, smoking marijuana could be experienced in numerous ways because the individuals involved exercise agency. No fixed reality of effects, physiological or otherwise, pre-exists the mutual interactions of the users.

Symbolic interactionism has also been important in bringing to light the experiences and worlds of individuals who are typically excluded from official accounts of the social order. Howard Becker’s Outsiders (1963) for example described the process of labeling in which individuals come to be characterized or labelled as deviants by authorities. The sequence of events in which a young person, for example, is picked up by police for an offense, defined by police and other authorities as a “young offender,” processed by the criminal justice system, and then introduced to criminal subcultures through contact with experienced offenders needs to be understood as a process of mutual definitions that create a new identity. Breaking the law does not automatically mean one becomes a "deviant." Individuals are not born deviant or criminal, but become criminal through an institutionalized symbolic interaction with authorities. As Becker says, deviance is not simply a social fact, as Durkheim might argue, but the product of a process of definition by moral entrepreneurs, authorities, and other privileged members of society:

...social groups create deviance by making rules whose infraction creates deviance, and by applying those roles to particular people and labelling them as outsiders. From this point of view, deviance is not a quality of the act the person commits, but rather a consequence of the application by other of rules and sanctions to an "offender." The deviant is one to whom that label has been successfully applied; deviant behaviour is behaviour that people so label (1963).

Studies that use the symbolic interactionist perspective are more likely to use qualitative research methods, such as in-depth interviews or participant observation, rather than quantitative methods because they seek to understand the symbolic worlds in which research subjects live. Only on this basis can an adequate explanation of their behaviour be proposed.

Social Constructivism

Social constructionism is a theory of knowledge that holds that the categories, facts, world views and cosmologies that make up knowledge are dependent on their social, cultural and historical context. For example, characteristics typically thought to be immutable or solely biological — such as gender, race, class, physical ability, and sexuality — are products of human definition and interpretation shaped by specific cultural and historical factors (Subramaniam, 2010). As such, social constructionism highlights the ways in which cultural categories — like “men,” “women,” “black,” “white”— are not "things" per se, but concepts created, changed, and reproduced through historical processes within institutions and culture. This approach differs from symbolic interactionism by the scale of the analysis. Whereas symbolic interactionists focus on micro-level inter-personal interactions of individuals in particular social settings, social constructivists are interested in large-scale social processes like the development of scientific classification systems, the formation of religious or moral categories, the circulation of images and representations in the media, and the interventions of social movements. For example, human bodies exist independently of social categories, but that does not mean that social categories do not affect how bodies are perceived or lived in. Social constructivists examine how social categories based on selected bodily features are constructed, how meanings are attached to these categories, and how people are then placed into these categories and treated accordingly. By the "one-drop rule," (i.e., one drop of African blood), regardless of their appearance, individuals with any African ancestor are considered Black in the United States (see Chapter 11. Race and Ethnicity). In contrast, racial conceptualization and thus racial categories are different in Brazil, where many individuals with African ancestry are considered to be white. This shows how identity categories are not based on strict biological characteristics, but on the social perceptions and meanings that are assumed. Modern biology itself, and biological ways of thinking, were themselves invented in the 19th century, and not without controversy. Categories are not “natural” or fixed and the boundaries around them are always shifting — they are contested and redefined in different historical periods and across different societies. Therefore, the social constructionist perspective is concerned with how meaning is created and given authority through processes by which groups of people, experience, and reality are defined and categorized in specific cultural and historical contexts. Social constructionist approaches to understanding the world challenge the essentialist understandings that typically underpin contemporary “common sense” ways in which people think about race, gender, and sexuality. Essentialism is the idea that the characteristics of persons or groups are significantly influenced by an underlying human nature, and are therefore largely similar in all human cultures and historical periods. A key assumption of essentialism is that “a given truth is a necessary natural part of the individual and object in question” (Gordon and Abbott 2002). In other words, an essentialist understanding of sexuality would argue that not only do all people have a sexual orientation, but that the range of sexual orientations do not vary across time or place. In this example, “sexual orientation” is a pre-given truth about individuals — it is thought to be inherent, biologically determined, and essential to the nature of their being. In response to essentialism, social constructivism firstly makes apparent how even the things commonly thought to be “natural” or “essential” in the world are socially constructed. Understandings of “nature” change through history and across place according to systems of human knowledge. Secondly, the social construction of essences and the differences between them occurs within relations of power and privilege. Sociologist Abby Ferber (2009) argues that these two aspects of the social construction of difference cannot be separated, but must be understood together. Discussing the construction of racial difference, she argues that inequality and oppression actually produce ideas of essential racial difference, (i.e. not the other way around as in many biological determinist arguments). The racial categories that are thought to be “natural” or “essential” are created within the context of racialized power relations— in the case of African-Americans in the United States, that includes slavery, laws regulating interracial sexual relationships, lynching, and white supremacist discourse. Social constructionist analyses seek to better understand the processes through which racialized, gendered, or sexualized differentiations occur, in order to untangle the power relations within them. Because social constructionist analyses examine categories of difference as fluid, dynamic, and changing according to historical and geographical context, a social constructionist perspective suggests that existing inequalities are neither inevitable nor immutable.

This section on social constructivism is adapted from Miliann Kang et al. Introduction to Women, Gender, Sexuality Studies. Used under a CC by 4.0 [Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/)].

Criticisms of Interpretive Sociology

From the point of view of positivism and critical sociology, one of the problems of interpretive paradigms that focus on micro-level interactions is that it is difficult to generalize from very specific situations, involving very few individuals, to make social scientific claims about the nature of society as a whole. The danger is that, while the rich texture of face-to-face social life can be examined in detail, the results will remain purely descriptive without any explanatory or analytical strength. In discussing the rich detail of the rituals and dynamics of authority in a street gang, can a sociologist make conclusions about the phenomenon of street gangs in general, or determine the social factors that lead individuals to join street gangs? Can one go from a particular observation to a general claim about society? For critical sociologists moreover, it is very difficult to get at the historical context or the societal relations of power and deprivation that structure or condition face-to-face, symbolic interactions of gang members.

In the case of Becker's marijuana users, for example, it is difficult to go from Becker’s analysis of symbolic interaction between individuals to a strong explanation for the reasons why marijuana was made illegal in the first place, how the underground trade in marijuana works (and contextualizes the experience of the beginning user), or what the consequences of criminalization are on political discourses, the criminal justice system, and the formation of subcultures (i.e., like the jazz musician subculture Becker studied in the 1950s). Essential aspects of the political context of specific symbolic interactions fall outside the scope of the analysis, which is why, from a critical perspective, the insights of microsociology need to be broadened through the use of the sociological imagination.

A second issue for positivists, specifically, is the emphasis on meanings of social behaviour and the use of empathy to understand these meanings. If "meaning" is, strictly speaking, unobservable and therefore not verifiable through empirical methods, how can anything definitive be said about it? Carl Hempel (1965) argues for example that empathic understanding does not guarantee a sound explanation for a social behaviour because there is a danger of "reading into" it an interpretation that is incorrect or has little predictive value. A psychological factor like empathy is too variable to serve as a standard in assessing worth of an explanation. Empathic understandings “lack cognitive significance unless supplemented by testable explanatory principles in the form of laws or theories” (Hempel, 1965).

For positivists, the social constructivist emphasis on the constructed nature of social reality makes it difficult to formulate law-like relationships between variables or to predict outcomes given certain initial conditions. As the ability to predict is key to the validity of scientific claims, positivists have difficulty with the fluid, processual nature of social reality proposed by social constructivists. The positivist position is typically aligned more with forms of essentialism. On the other hand, critical sociologists are more in agreement with social constructivism. Social constructivist sociology largely comes from the critical tradition, with its attention to how constructed categories of race, sexuality, gender are used in organizing relationships of power. As Kang et al. (2017) explain:

This perspective is especially useful for the activist and emancipatory aims of feminist movements and theories. By centering the processes through which inequality and power relations produce racialized, sexualized, and gendered difference, social constructionist analyses challenge the pathologization of minorities who have been thought to be essentially or inherently inferior to privileged groups. Additionally, social constructionist analyses destabilize the categories that organize people into hierarchically ordered groups through uncovering the historical, cultural, and/or institutional origins of the groups under study. In this way, social constructionist analyses challenge the categorical underpinnings of inequalities by revealing their production and reproduction through unequal systems of knowledge and power.

3. Critical Sociology

The critical perspective in sociology has its origins in social activism, social justice movements, revolutionary struggles, and radical critique. As Karl Marx put it, its focus is the “ruthless critique of everything existing” (Marx, 1843). The key elements of this analysis are the critique of power relations and the understanding of society as historical — i.e., subject to change, struggle, contradiction, instability, social movement, and radical transformation. Rather than objectivity and value neutrality, the tradition of critical sociology promotes practices of liberation and social change in order to achieve universal social justice. As Marx stated, “the philosophers have only interpreted the world, in various ways; the point is to change it” (1845). This is why it is misleading to call critical sociology “conflict theory” as some introductory textbooks do. While conflict is certainly central to the critical analyses of power and domination, the focus of critical sociology is on developing types of knowledge and political action that enable emancipation from power relations (i.e., from the conditions of conflict in society). Historical materialism, feminism, environmentalism, anti-racism, queer studies, and poststructuralism are all examples of the critical perspective in sociology.

One of the outcomes of systematic analyses, such as these, is that they generate questions about the relationship between people's everyday life and issues concerning social justice and environmental sustainability. In line with the philosophical traditions of the Enlightenment, critical sociology is sociology with an “emancipatory interest” (Habermas, 1972); that is, a sociology that seeks not simply to understand or describe the world, but to use sociological knowledge to change and improve the world, and to emancipate people from conditions of servitude.

What does the word critical mean in this context? Critical sociologists argue that it is important to understand that the critical tradition in sociology is not about complaining or being “negative.” Nor is it about adopting a moral position from which to judge people or society. It is not about being “subjective” or “biased” as opposed to “objective.” As Herbert Marcuse put it in One Dimensional Man (1964), critical sociology involves two value judgments:

That human life is worth living, or rather that it can be and ought to be made worth living; and
In a given society, specific possibilities exist for the amelioration of human life and the specific ways and means of realizing these possibilities.

Critical sociology therefore rejects the notion of a value-free social science, but does not thereby become a moral exercise or an individual “subjective” value preference as a result. Being critical in the context of sociology is about using objective, empirical knowledge to assess the possibilities and barriers to improving or “ameliorating” human life.

Historical Materialism

The tradition of historical materialism that developed from Karl Marx’s work is one of the central frameworks of critical sociology. Historical materialism concentrates on the study of how people's everyday lives are structured by the connection between history, relations of power and economic processes. The basis of this approach begins with the macro-level question of how specific relations of power and specific economic formations have developed historically. These form the context in which the institutions, practices, beliefs, and social rules (norms) of everyday life are situated. The elements that make up a culture — a society’s shared practices, values, beliefs, and artifacts — are structured by the society’s economic mode of production: the different historical ways human societies have acted upon their environment and its resources in order to use them to meet their needs. Hunter-gatherer, agrarian, feudal, and capitalist modes of production have been the economic basis for very different types of society throughout world history (see Chapter 4. Society and Modern Life).

[caption id="attachment_36" align="aligncenter" width="600"] Figure 1.19 The Last of the Clan painted by Thomas Faed, (1865). (Photo courtesy of Thomas Faed/Wikimedia Commons.) Public Domain[/caption]

It is not as if this relationship is always clear to the people living in these different periods of history, however. Often the mechanisms and structures of social life are obscure. For example, it might not have been clear to the Scots, who were expelled from their ancestral lands in Scotland during the Highland clearances of the 18th and 19th centuries, and who emigrated to the Red River settlements in Rupert’s Land (now Manitoba), that they were living through the epochal transformation from feudalism to capitalism. This transition was nevertheless the context for the decisions individuals and families made to emigrate from Scotland and attempt to found the Red River Colony. It might also not have been clear to them that they were participating in the development of colonial power relationships between the Indigenous peoples of North America and the Europeans that persist up until today. Through contact with the Scots and the French fur traders, the Cree and Anishinabe were gradually drawn out of their own Indigenous modes of production and into the developing global capitalist economy as fur trappers and provisioners for the early European settlements. It was a process that eventually led to the loss of control over their lands, the destruction of their way of life, the devastating spread of European diseases, the imposition of the Indian Act (1876), the establishment of the residential school system, institutional and everyday racism, and an enduring legacy of intractable social problems.

In a similar way, historical materialism analyzes the constraints that define the way individuals review their options and make their decisions in present-day society. From the types of career to pursue to the number of children to have, the decisions and practices of everyday life must be understood in terms of the 20th century shift to corporate ownership, and the 21st century context of globalization in which corporate decisions about investments are made.

The historical materialist approach can be called dialectical. Dialectics in sociology proposes that social contradiction, opposition, and struggle in society drive processes of social change and transformation. It emphasizes four components in its analysis (Naiman, 2012). The first is that everything in society is related — it is not possible to study social processes in isolation. The second is that everything in society is dynamic (i.e., in a process of continuous social change). It is not possible to study social processes as if they existed outside of history. The third is that the gradual accumulation of many social changes eventually create a qualitative transformation or social turning point.

For example, the self-immolation of the street vender Mohamed Bouazizi, in 2010, lead to the Tunisian revolution of 2011 because it "crystallized" the multitude of everyday incidences in which people endured the effects of high unemployment, government corruption, poor living conditions, and a lack of rights and freedoms. It is not possible to examine quantitative changes independently of the qualitative transformations they produce, and vice versa.

The fourth analytical component of the dialectical approach is that the tensions that form around relationships of power and inequality in society are the key drivers of social change. In the language of Marx, these tensions are based on “contradictions” built into the organization of the economic or material relationships that structure people's livelihoods, their relationships to each other, their relationship to the environment, and their place within the global community. The capitalist class and the working class do not simply exist side by side as other social groups do (e.g., model boat enthusiasts and Christian fundamentalists), but exist in a relationship of contradiction. Each class depends on the other for its existence, (i.e., the owners "provide" employment for workers; the worker's exploited labour "provides" profit for the owners), but their interests are fundamentally irreconcilable, (i.e., owners need to cut wages to compete; workers need more wages to survive), and therefore the relationship is fraught with tension and conflict. Social tensions and contradictions in society may simmer or they may erupt in struggle, but in either case it is not possible to study social processes as if they were independent of the historical formations of power that both structure them and destabilize them.

Making Connections: Sociology in the Real World

"Wanna go for a coffee?"

[caption id="attachment_1020" align="alignright" width="225"] Figure 1.20 According to a 2010 study, 65% of Canadians drink coffee daily. The average coffee drinker drinks 2.8 cups of coffee per day. Source: Coffee Association of Canada, 2010. (Photo courtesy of Duncan C/Flickr.) CC BY-NC 2.0[/caption]

A good example of the dialectical approach to everyday social life would be to think about all the social relationships that are involved in meeting a friend for a cup of coffee. This is a common everyday event that usually passes without a great deal of sociological reflection. On the one hand, it might offer the sociologist numerous opportunities to study the social aspects of this event in isolation or at a micro-level: conversation analysis, the dynamics of friend relationships, addiction issues with caffeine, consumer preferences for different beverages, beliefs about caffeine and mental alertness, etc. In this regard, a symbolic interactionist might ask: Why is drinking coffee at the center of this specific interaction? What does coffee mean for the friends who meet to drink it?

On the other hand, if one was to take a more systematic and critical sociological view of the activity of coffee drinking, one would note how the practice also embeds people in a series of relationships to others and the environment that are not immediately apparent if the activity is viewed in isolation (Swift, Davies, Clarke and Czerny, 2004). When a person purchases a cup of coffee, they enter into a relationship with the growers in Central and South America. They are involved with their working conditions and with the global structures of private ownership and distribution that make selling coffee a profitable business. They are also involved with the barista at the counter who works in the coffee shop for a living; with the fluctuations of supply, demand, competition, and market speculation that determine the price of coffee; with the marketing strategies that lead people to identify with specific beverage choices and brands; and with the modifications to the natural environment where the coffee is grown, through which it is transported, and where, finally, the paper cups and other waste are disposed of, etc.

Ultimately, over a cup of coffee, people find themselves in the midst of a long political and historical process that is part of the formation of low wage or subsistence farming in Central and South America, the transfer of wealth to North America, and recently, various forms of resistance to this process like the fair trade movement. Despite the fact that people can be largely unaware of the web of relationships that they have entered into when they sit down to coffee with a friend, a systematic analysis would emphasize that their casual chat over coffee is just the tip of a vast iceberg composed of the activities and circumstances of countless individuals, including the activities and work relationships people themselves engage in to earn the money to pay for the coffee. These relationships involve people in dialectical economic and political processes every time they have a cup of coffee. One question for sociologists is therefore about how modern life can be so structured that people typically remain unaware of this vast network of economic relationships and catastrophes?

Feminism

Another major school of critical sociology is feminism. From the early work of women sociologists like Harriet Martineau, feminist sociology has focused on the power relationships and inequalities between women and men. How can the conditions of inequality faced by women be addressed? As Harriet Martineau put it in Society in America (1837):

All women should inform themselves of the condition of their sex, and of their own position. It must necessarily follow that the noblest of them will, sooner or later, put forth a moral power which shall prostrate cant [hypocrisy], and burst asunder the bonds (silken to some but cold iron to others) of feudal prejudice and usages. In the meantime is it to be understood that the principles of the Declaration of Independence bear no relation to half of the human race? If so, what is the ground of this limitation?

Feminist sociology focuses on analyzing the grounds of the limitations faced by women when they claim the right to equality with men.

Inequality between the genders is a phenomenon that goes back at least 4,000 years (Lerner, 1986). Although the forms and ways in which it has been practiced differ between cultures and change significantly through history, its persistence has led to the formulation of the concept of patriarchy. Patriarchy refers to a set of institutional structures (like property rights, access to positions of power, relationship to sources of income) that are based on the belief that men and women are dichotomous and unequal categories. Key to patriarchy is what might be called the dominant gender ideology toward sexual differences: the assumption that physiological sex differences between males and females are related to differences in their character, behaviour, and ability (i.e., their gender). These differences are used to justify a gendered division of social roles and unequal access to rewards, positions of power, and privilege. The question that feminists ask therefore is: How does this distinction between male and female, and the attribution of different qualities to each, serve to organize institutions and to perpetuate inequality between the sexes? How is the family, the law, the occupational structure, the religious institutions, and the division between public and private spheres of life organized on the basis of inequality between the genders?

Feminism is a distinct type of critical sociology. There are considerable differences between types of feminism, however; for example, the differences often attributed to the first wave of feminism in the 19th and early 20th centuries, the second wave of feminism from the 1950s to the 1970s, and the third wave of feminism from the 1980s onward. Despite the variations between the different types of feminist approach, there are four characteristics that are common to the feminist perspective:

Gender differences are the central focus or subject matter.
Gender relations are viewed as a social problem: the site of social inequalities, strains, and contradictions.
Gender relations are not immutable: they are sociological and historical in nature, subject to change and progress.
Feminism is about an emancipatory commitment to change: the conditions of life that are oppressive for women need to be transformed.

One of the keen sociological insights that emerged with the feminist perspective in sociology is that “the personal is political.” Many of the most immediate and fundamental experiences of social life — from childbirth to who washes the dishes to the experience of sexual violence — had simply been invisible or regarded as unimportant politically or socially. Dorothy Smith’s development of standpoint theory was a key innovation in sociology that enabled these issues to be seen and addressed in a systematic way (Smith, 1977). Smith recognized from the consciousness-raising exercises and encounter groups initiated by feminists in the 1960s and 1970s that many of the immediate concerns expressed by women about their personal lives had a commonality of themes. These themes were nevertheless difficult to articulate in sociological terms let alone in the language of politics or law.

Part of the issue was sociology itself. Smith argued that instead of beginning sociological analysis from the abstract point of view of institutions or systems, women’s lives could be more effectively examined if one began from the “actualities” of their lived experience in the immediate local settings of everyday/everynight life. She asked, what are the common features of women’s everyday lives? From this standpoint, Smith observed that women’s position in modern society is acutely divided by the experience of dual consciousness. Every day women crossed a tangible dividing line when they went from the “particularizing work in relation to children, spouse, and household” to the abstract, institutional world of text-mediated work, or in their dealings with schools, medical systems, or government bureaucracies. In the abstract world of institutional life, the actualities of local consciousness and lived life are “obliterated” (Smith, 1977). While the standpoint of women is grounded in bodily, localized, “here and now” relationships between people — due to their obligations in the domestic sphere — society is organized through “relations of ruling,” which translate the substance of actual lived experiences into abstract bureaucratic categories. Power and rule in society, especially the power and rule that constrain and coordinate the lives of women, operate through a problematic “move into transcendence” that provides accounts of social life as if it were possible to stand outside of it. Smith argued that the abstract concepts of sociology, at least in the way that sociology was taught in the 1960s and 1970s, only contributed to the problem.

Criticisms of Critical Sociology

Whereas critical sociologists often criticize positivist and interpretive sociology for their conservative biases, the reverse is also true. In part the issue is about whether sociology can be “objective,” or value-neutral, or not. At a deeper level the criticism is often aimed at the radical nature of critical analyses. Marx’s critique of capitalism and the feminist critique of patriarchy for example lead to very interesting insights into how structures of power and inequality work, but from a point of view that sees only the most radical, revolutionary transformation of society as a solution.

Critical sociology is also criticized from the point of view of interpretive sociology for overstating the power of dominant groups to manipulate subordinate groups. For example, media representations of women are said to promote unobtainable standards of beauty or to reduce women to objects of male desire. This type of critique suggests that individuals are controlled by media images rather than recognizing their independent ability to reject media influences or to interpret media images for themselves. In a similar way, interpretive sociology challenges critical sociology for implying that people are purely the products of macro-level historical forces and struggles rather than individuals with a capacity for individual and collective agency. To be fair, Marx did argue that “Men make their own history;” it is just that they “do not make it just as they please; they do not make it under circumstances chosen by themselves, but under circumstances encountered, given, and transmitted from the past” (Marx, 1851).

Theoretical Approaches Summary

[caption id="attachment_1162" align="aligncenter" width="990"] Figure 1.21 Theoretical Approaches Summary. (Source: William Little and TRU Media.)[/caption]

To get a clearer picture of how these three sociological perspectives differ, it is helpful to map them out using a diagram. As noted above, the sociological perspectives differ according to the initial assumptions of the researcher. One way to show this is to position them along two axes according to (a) whether they view society as governed by agreed-upon norms (normative) or by power relations and conflict (conflictual), and (b) whether individuals are subject to structures beyond their control (structure) or are agents who act and change the conditions of their existence (agency). The emphasis of positivism on generating law-like statements suggests that individuals are not agents, but rather are subject to scientific laws (structure); moreover, its focus on empirical observation relies on the assumption that an underlying consensus exists about the meaning of observed behaviours. That is, there is no essential difficulty in understanding what one is “seeing,” and the agreement between the observer and the observed with respect to the meaning of the observed behaviours (normative) can be taken for granted. Interpretive sociology also emphasizes the importance of shared meanings that guide human behaviour (normative), but at the same time — especially in the tradition of symbolic interactionism — focuses on how these shared meanings are created through the mutual interactions of agents in concerted action (agency). Critical sociology does not assume that an underlying agreement or consensus exists about the norms governing society; rather, the accent is on analyzing relations of power and conflict (conflictual). Some perspectives in critical sociology like Marxism and feminism emphasize the agency of collective actors like the working class or women’s movements in praxis or struggles for change (agency), whereas other perspectives like poststructuralism emphasize the way in which subjects or agents are themselves constructed within relations of power (structure).

Overall, since social reality is complex and multi-faceted, the possibility of fundamental disagreement exists between the different theoretical approaches in sociology. Is society characterized by conflict or consensus? Is human practice determined by external social structures or is it the product of choice and agency? Does society have a reality over and above the lives of individuals or are the lives of individuals the only reality? Is human experience unique because it revolves around the meanings of social action, or is it essentially no different than any other domain studied by science? The answer to each of these questions is: it is both. Similar to the problem in physics about whether light is a particle or a wave, society appears in one guise or another depending on the perspective one takes or the research tool that one adopts. Using Habermas’ framework discussed above, sociology takes different forms depending on whether it is to be used for the purposes of administration (e.g., positivism), mutual understanding (e.g., interpretive sociology), or social justice (e.g., critical sociology). However, just like the wave/particle uncertainty in physics, the fundamental ambiguity in determining which sociological perspective to adopt does not prevent brilliant insights into the nature of social experience from being generated.

Media Attributions

Figure 1.15 Freedom Convoy 2022, Ottawa, Canada, February 12, 2022 by Maksim Sokolov, via Wikimedia Commons, is used under a CC BY-SA 4.0 licence.
Figure 1.16 Blindmen #1, Blindmen #2, and Blindmen #3, by MIke Kline, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY 2.0 licence.
Figure 1.17 Jürgen Habermas at a discussion in Munich, 2007 by Wolfram Huke, via Wikimedia Commons, is used under a CC BY-SA 3.0 licence.
Figure 1.18 Talcott Parsons by unknown source, via Wikipedia, is used under Fair Dealing provisions of the Canadian Copyright Act.
Figure 1.19 The Last of the Clan by Thomas Faed, 1865, via Wikimedia Commons is in the public domain.
Figure 1.20 Coffee [cropped] by duncan c. via Flickr, is used under a CC BY-NC 2.0 licence.
Figure 1.21 Theoretical Approaches Summary by William Little and TRU Media.

1.4. Why Study Sociology?

hfriedman — Wed, 09 Aug 2023 14:32:14 +0000

[caption id="attachment_39" align="alignleft" width="250"] Figure 1.22 Tommy Douglas (1904-1986). As premier of Saskatchewan's CCF government, Douglas introduced legislation for the first publicly funded health care plan in Canada in 1961. Sociologist Bernard Blishen (1919-2017) was the research director for the Royal Commission on Health Services which drew up the plan for Canada’s national medicare program in 1964. (Photo National Archives of Canada, C-036222.) Public Domain[/caption]

When Bernard Blishen picked up the phone one day in 1961, he was surprised to hear Chief Justice Emmett Hall on the other end of the line asking him to be the research director for the newly established Royal Commission on Health Services. Publically funded health care had been introduced for the first time in Canada that year, by a socialist Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (CCF) government in Saskatchewan, amid bitter controversy. Doctors in Saskatchewan went on strike and private health care insurers mounted an expensive anti-public health care campaign. Because it was a Progressive Conservative government commission, appointed by Prime Minister John Diefenbaker, Blishen’s colleagues advised him that it was going to be a whitewash document to defend the interests of private medical care. However, Blishen took on the project as a challenge, and when the commission’s report was published it advocated that the Saskatchewan plan be adopted nationally (Vaughan, 2004).

Blishen went on to work in the field of medical sociology and also created a widely-used index to measure socioeconomic status known as the Blishen scale. He received the Order of Canada in 2011 in recognition of his contributions to the creation of public health care in Canada.

Since sociology was first founded, many people have been driven by the scholarly desire to contribute knowledge to this field, while others have seen it as way not only to study society, but also to improve it. Besides the creation of public health care in Canada, sociology has played a crucial role in many important social reforms such as equal opportunity for women in the workplace, improved treatment for individuals with mental and learning disabilities, increased recognition and accommodation for people from different ethnic backgrounds, the creation of hate crime legislation, the right of Indigenous populations to preserve their land and culture, and prison system reforms.

The prominent sociologist Peter L. Berger (1929–2017), in his 1963 book Invitation to Sociology: A Humanistic Perspective, describes a sociologist as "someone concerned with understanding society in a disciplined way." He asserts that sociologists have a natural interest in the monumental moments of people’s lives, as well as a fascination with banal, everyday occurrences. Berger also describes the “aha” moment when a sociological theory becomes applicable and understood:

[T]here is a deceptive simplicity and obviousness about some sociological investigations. One reads them, nods at the familiar scene, remarks that one has heard all this before and don't people have better things to do than to waste their time on truisms — until one is suddenly brought up against an insight that radically questions everything one had previously assumed about this familiar scene. This is the point at which one begins to sense the excitement of sociology (Berger, 1963).

Sociology can be exciting because it teaches people ways to recognize how they fit into the world and how others perceive them. Looking at themselves and society from a sociological perspective helps people see how they connect to different groups based on the many different ways they classify themselves and how society classifies them in turn. It raises awareness of how those classifications — such as economic class, social status, education, ethnicity, or sexual orientation — affect perceptions and privileges.

Sociology teaches people not to accept easy explanations. It teaches them a way to organize their thinking so that they can ask better questions and formulate better answers. It makes people more aware that there are many different kinds of people in the world who do not necessarily think the way they do. It increases their willingness and ability to try to see the world from other people's perspectives. Sociology prepares people to live and work in an increasingly diverse and integrated world.

Making Connections: Sociological Research

Farming and Locavores: How Sociological Perspectives Might View Food Consumption

[caption id="attachment_1176" align="aligncenter" width="799"] Figure 1.23 Locavore: “One who eats goods grown locally whenever possible.” (Image courtesy of Anton Diaz/Flickr.) CC BY-NC-SA 2.0[/caption] The consumption of food is a commonplace, daily occurrence, yet it can also be associated with important moments in people's lives. Eating can be an individual or a group action, and eating habits and customs are influenced by culture. In the context of society, a nation’s food system is at the core of numerous social movements, political issues, and economic debates. Any of these factors might become a topic of sociological study.

A structural-functional approach to the topic of food consumption might be interested in the role of the agriculture industry within the nation’s economy and the social system as a whole. Food production is a primary example of Talcott Parsons' function of adaptation: human systems need to adapt to ecosystems. In this regard the structural-functionalist would be interested in the potential for disequilibrium in the human/environment relationship that has resulted from increases in population and the intensification of agricultural production — from the early days of manual-labour farming to modern mechanized agribusiness. In many respects the concerns of environmentalists and others, with respect to the destructive relationship between industrial agriculture and the ecosystem, are the results of a dysfunctional system of adaptation. The concept of sustainable agriculture, promoted by Michael Pollan (2006) and others, points to the changes needed to return the interface between humans and the natural environment to a state of dynamic equilibrium.

A sociologist viewing food consumption through a symbolic interactionist lens would be more interested in micro-level topics of the shared meaning of food, such as the symbolic use of food in religious rituals, the attitudes towards food in fast food restaurants, or the role it plays in health regimens or the social interaction of a family dinner. This perspective might also study the interactions among group members who identify themselves based on their sharing a particular diet, such as vegans (people who do not eat meat or dairy products) or locavores (people who strive to eat locally-produced food). The increasing concern that people have with their diets speaks to the way that the life of the biological body is as much a symbolic reality, interpreted within contemporary discourses on health risks and beauty, as it is a biological reality.

A critical sociologist might be interested in the power differentials present in the regulation of the food industry, exploring where people’s right to information intersects with corporations’ drive for profit and how the government mediates those interests. Critical sociologists might also be interested in the power and powerlessness experienced by local farmers versus large farming conglomerates. In the documentary Food Inc. (Kenner, 2009), the plight of farmers resulting from Monsanto’s patenting of seed technology is depicted as a product of the corporatization of the food industry. Another topic of study might be how nutrition and diet varies between different social classes. The industrialization of the food chain has created cheaper foods than ever, yet with the trade-off that the poorest people in society eat the food with the least nutritional content.

Sociology in the Workplace

Employers continue to seek people with what are called “transferable skills.” This means that they want to hire people whose knowledge and education can be applied in a variety of settings and whose skills will contribute to various tasks. Studying sociology can provide people with this wide knowledge and a skillset that can contribute to many workplaces, including:

An understanding of social systems and large bureaucracies;
The ability to devise and carry out research projects to assess whether a program or policy is working;
The ability to collect, read, and analyze statistical information from polls or surveys;
The ability to recognize important differences in people’s social, cultural, and economic backgrounds;
Skill in preparing reports and communicating complex ideas; and
The capacity for critical thinking about social issues and problems that confront modern society (Department of Sociology, University of Alabama, 2015).

Sociology prepares people for a wide variety of careers. Sociologists are skilled at communications (oral, written and, increasingly, digital), at research methods (both qualitative and quantitative), and at policy analysis and provision. Besides actually conducting social research or training others in the field, people who graduate from university with a degree in sociology are hired by government agencies, non-governmental organizations, and corporations in fields such as social services, counseling (e.g., family planning, career, substance abuse), designing and evaluating social policies and programs, health services, polling and independent research, market research, and human resources management. Even a small amount of training in sociology can be an asset in careers like sales, public relations, journalism, teaching, law, and criminal justice.

[caption id="attachment_1178" align="aligncenter" width="1024"] Figure 1.24 Occupational Destinations for Sociology BAs in Broad Labour Market Sectors. (Table courtesy of UBC Sociology and the Canadian Sociological Association). Used with permission.[/caption]

Media Attributions

Figure 1.22 Hon. T.C. Douglas, Premier of Saskatchewan by Lieut. G. Barry Gilroy, via Wikipedia, is in the public domain.
Figure 1.23 Locavore-30 by Anton Diaz via Flickr is used under a CC BY-NC-SA 2.0 licence.
Figure 1.24 Occupational Destinations for Sociology BAs in Broad Labour Market Sectors [table] by UBC Department of Sociology and the Canadian Sociological Association is used by permission of the Canadian Sociological Association.

Chapter 1 Resources and Activities

hfriedman — Wed, 09 Aug 2023 14:38:29 +0000

Key Terms

agency: The capacity of individuals to act and make decisions independently. AGIL schema: Talcott Parsons’ division of society into four functional requisites: Adaptation, Goal attainment, Integration, and Latent pattern maintenance. anomie: A social condition or normlessness in which a lack of clear norms fails to give direction and purpose to individual actions. capitalism: An economic system characterized by private or corporate ownership, production, and sale of goods in a competitive market. collective representations: The shared meanings, symbols, concepts, categories and images of a social collectivity. content: The specific reasons or drives that motivate individuals to interact. critical sociology: A theoretical perspective that focuses on inequality and power relations in society in order to achieve social justice and emancipation through their transformation. culture: A group’s whole way of life including shared practices, values, beliefs, norms and artifacts. definition of the situation: The mutual understanding of the tasks or situation at hand shared among co-participants. dialectics: A type of analysis that proposes that social contradiction, opposition, and struggle in society drive processes of social change and transformation. disenchantment of the world: The replacement of magical thinking by science, technological rationality, and calculation. dominant gender ideology: The belief that physiological sex differences between males and females are related to differences in their character, behaviour, and ability. dual consciousness: The experience of a fissure or division in consciousness when one crosses a line between the abstractions of institutional knowledge and the direct, lived experiences of everyday/every night life. dynamic equilibrium: A stable state in which all parts of a functioning society are working together properly. dysfunctions: Social patterns that have undesirable consequences for the operation of society. empiricism: The philosophical tradition that seeks to discover the laws of the operation of the world through careful, methodical, and detailed observation. egoistic suicide: Suicide which results from the absence of strong social bonds tying the individual to a community. essentialism: The idea that the characteristics of persons or groups are significantly influenced by biological factors or human nature, and are therefore largely similar in all human cultures and historical periods. feminism: The critical analysis of the way gender differences in society structure social inequality. figuration: The process of simultaneously analyzing the behaviour of an individual and the society that shapes that behaviour. formal sociology: A sociology that analytically separates the contents from the forms of social interaction to study the common forms that guide human behaviour. functionalism (or functionalist perspective): See structural functionalism. global-level sociology: The study of structures and processes that extend beyond the boundaries of states or specific societies. historical materialism: An approach to understanding society that explains social change, human ideas, and social organization in terms of underlying changes in the economic (or material) structure of society. interaction ritual chain: A series of linked mechanisms of mutually focused emotion and attention, producing a continuous shared reality, which thereby generates solidarity and symbols of group membership. interpretive sociology: A perspective that explains human behaviour in terms of the meanings individuals attribute to it. labelling: A social process in which an individual’s social identity is established through the imposition of a definition by authorities. latent functions: The unrecognized or unintended consequences of a social process. macro-level sociology: The study of society-wide social structures and processes. manifest functions: Sought consequences of a social process. micro-level sociology: The study of specific, local relationships between individuals or small groups. mode of production: The way a human society acts upon its environment and its resources in order to process and distribute them to meet their needs. multi-perspectival science: A science that is divided into competing or diverse paradigms. paradigms: Philosophical and theoretical frameworks used within a discipline to formulate theories, generalizations, and the experiments performed in support of them. patriarchy: Institutions of male power in society. phenomenology: The study of social structures and processes on the basis of a systematic description of the contents of subjective experience. positive stage: A stage of social evolution in which people explain events in terms of scientific principles and laws. positivism (positivist perspective or positivist sociology): The scientific study of social patterns using the methodological principles of the natural sciences. quantitative sociology: A sociological approach which transforms aspects of social life into numerical variables, such as statistical methods and surveys with large numbers of participants. rationalization: The general tendency of modern institutions and most areas of life to be transformed by the application of instrumental reason. rationalism: The philosophical tradition that seeks to determine the underlying laws that govern the truth of reason and ideas. reification: Referring to abstract concepts, complex processes, or mutable social relationships as “things.” social action: Actions to which individuals attach subjective meanings. social constructivism: A theoretical perspective that focuses on the socially created nature of social life. social facts: The external laws, morals, values, religious beliefs, customs, fashions, rituals, and cultural rules that govern social life. social function: The role a social phenomenon performs in satisfying a social or biological need and ensuring the continuity of society. social reform: An approach to social change that advocates slow, incremental improvements in social institutions rather than rapid, revolutionary change of society as a whole. social script: Pre-established patterns of behaviour that people are expected to follow in specific social situations. social solidarity: The degree to which a group of people cohere or are bound together through shared consciousness, qualities or social ties. social structure: General patterns of social behaviour and social coordination that persist through time and become habitual or routinized at micro-levels of interaction or institutionalized at macro or global levels of interaction. society: A group of people whose members interact, reside in a definable area, and share a culture. sociological imagination: The ability to understand how personal problems of milieu relate to public issues of social structure. sociology: The systematic study of society and social interaction. standpoint theory: The examination of how society is organized and coordinated from the perspective of a particular social location, group or perspective in society. structural functionalism: A theoretical approach that sees society as a structure with interrelated parts designed to meet the biological and social needs of individuals that make up that society. symbolic interactionism: A theoretical perspective that focuses on the relationship of individuals within society by studying their communication (language, gestures and symbols). theory: An explanation about why something occurs.

Section Summary

1.1 What Is Sociolgy? Sociology is the systematic study of society and social interaction. In order to carry out their studies, sociologists deploy the sociological imagination to identify cultural patterns and social forces, and determine how they affect individuals and groups. Patterns and social forces can be analyzed at three different levels of analysis: micro, macro and global.

1.2 The History of Sociology Sociology was developed as a way to study and try to understand the changes to society brought on by the Industrial Revolution in the 18th and 19th centuries. Some of the earliest sociologists thought that societies and individuals’ roles in society could be studied using the same scientific methodologies that were used in the natural sciences, while others believed that is was impossible to predict human behaviour scientifically, and still others believed that the role of social science was to address power inequities. These differing perspectives continue to be represented within sociology today.

1.3 Theoretical Perspectives Sociologists develop theories to explain social events, interactions, and patterns. A theory is a proposed explanation of those patterns. Sociology is a multi-perspectival science: a number of distinct perspectives or paradigms offer competing explanations of social phenomena. There are three different types of theory in sociology: positivist, interpretive and critical.

1.4 Why Study Sociology? Studying sociology is beneficial both for the individual and for society. By studying sociology people learn how to think critically about social issues and problems that confront society. The study of sociology enriches students’ lives and prepares them for careers in an increasingly diverse world. Society benefits because people with sociological training are better prepared to make informed decisions about social issues and take effective action to deal with them.

Questions

Quiz: An Introduction to Sociology

1.1 What Is Sociology?

Which of the following best describes sociology as a subject?
1. The study of individual behaviour
2. The study of primitive and modern cultures
3. The study of society and social interaction
4. The study of market behaviour
Wright Mills once said that sociologists need to develop a sociological to study how society affects individuals.
1. theory
2. imagination
3. method
4. habit
A sociologist defines society as a group of people who reside in a defined area, share a culture, and who:
1. interact.
2. are incorporated.
3. identify with a national identity.
4. are anonymous.
Seeing patterns means that a sociologist needs to be able to:
1. compare the behaviour of individuals from different societies.
2. compare one society to another.
3. identify structures.
4. separate the individual from society.

1.2 The History of Sociology

Which of the following was a source of early sociology?
1. Astrology
2. Social chaos
3. The Council of Trent
4. Historical modes of production
Which founder of sociology believed societies changed due to class struggle?
1. August Comte
2. Karl Marx
3. Ibn Khaldun
4. Émile Durkheim
The difference between positivism and interpretive sociology relates to:
1. whether sociologists are positive or negative towards society.
2. whether research methods use statistical data or sociological imagination.
3. whether sociological studies can predict or only describe society.
4. all of the above.
Which would a quantitative sociologist use to gather data?
1. A large survey
2. A literature search
3. An in-depth interview
4. A deconstruction of media images
Weber believed humans could not be studied purely objectively because they were influenced by:
1. biochemistry.
2. their culture.
3. their subconscious.
4. the researcher's questions.

1.3 Theoretical Perspectives

Which of these theories is most likely to look at the social world on a micro-level?
1. Structural functionalism.
2. Critical sociology.
3. Quantitative sociology.
4. Symbolic interactionism.
Who believed that modern society was afflicted by normlessness or anomie?
1. Karl Marx
2. Émile Durkheim
3. Margaret Mead
4. George Herbert Mead
"Function" in structural functionalism refers to:
1. meeting a need.
2. an institutional or organized event.
3. a persistent pattern of behaviour.
4. a mathematical operation.
A symbolic interactionist may compare social interactions to:
1. involuntary behaviours.
2. space travel.
3. human organs.
4. role playing.
Which paradigm is most concerned with challenging essentialist explanations?
1. Historical materialism.
2. Social constructivism.
3. Post-essentialism.
4. None of the above.
Which classical sociologist described sociology as the study of social forms?
1. Martineau
2. Simmel
3. Weber
4. Comte

1.4 Why Study Sociology?

Studying Sociology helps people analyze data because they learn:
1. interview techniques.
2. to apply statistics.
3. to generate theories.
4. all of the above.
Berger describes sociologists as concerned with:
1. monumental moments in people’s lives.
2. common everyday life events.
3. both 1 and 2.
4. none of the above.

[Quiz answers at the end of the chapter]

Short answer

1.1 What Is Sociology?

What do you think C. Wright Mills meant when he said that to be a sociologist one had to develop a sociological imagination? What is imaginative about sociology?
Describe a situation in which a choice you made was influenced by societal pressures. How would you describe the pressure?

1.2 The History of Sociology

Some figures in sociology are famous and controversial beyond the confines of the discipline. What do you make of Karl Marx’s contributions to sociology? What perceptions of Marx have you been exposed to in your society, and how do those perceptions influence your views?
Why do you think sociology is still influenced by 19th century thinkers? Is that the same or different than other sciences and disciplines of study?

1.3 Theoretical Perspectives

From your experience of the social world, which theory provides the most convincing account of how societies operate — structural functionalism, historical materialism or symbolic interactionism? Why?
Do you think the way people behave in social interactions is due to cause and effect, or is it more spontaneous, like actors improvising in a theatrical production? Why? Think of an example to demonstrate your answer.

1.4 Why Study Sociology?

What type of skills do you think sociology students learn?
What sort of career are you interested in? How could studying sociology help you in this career?

Further Research

1.1 What Is Sociology? Sociology is a broad discipline. Different kinds of sociologists employ various methods for exploring the relationship between individuals and society. Check out CRStal Radio, the podcast of the Canadian Review of Sociology.

1.2 The History of Sociology Many sociologists helped shape the discipline. Learn more about prominent sociologists on the John J. Macionis website, and how they changed sociology.

1.3 Theoretical Perspectives

Sociology is a multi-perspectival science. Learn more about the different sociological paradigms through mini-lectures and screen cast videos on society and culture from the Khan Academy. 1.4 Why Study Sociology? The Canadian Sociological Association has produced a useful pamphlet "Opportunities in Sociology" which includes sections on: (1) The unique skills that set sociology apart as a discipline; (2) An overview of the Canadian labour market and the types of jobs available to Sociology BA graduates; (3) An examination of how sociology students can best prepare themselves for the labour market; (4) An introduction, based on sociological research, of the most fruitful ways to conduct a job search.

References

1.1 What Is Sociology?

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CBC. (2010, September 14). Part 3: Former gang members. The current. CBC Radio. http://www.cbc.ca/thecurrent/2010/09/september-14-2010.html

Durkheim, É. (1951). Suicide: A study in sociology. Free Press. (Original work published 1897.)

Elias, N. (1978). What is sociology? Columbia University Press.

Elias, N. (2000 [1939]). The civilizing process: Sociogenetic and psychogenetic investigations. Blackwell.

Mills, C. W. (2000). The sociological imagination. (40th ed.). Oxford University Press. (Original work published 1959.)

Office of the Correctional Investigator. (2013). Backgrounder: Aboriginal offenders — A critical situation. Government of Canada. http://www.oci-bec.gc.ca/cnt/rpt/oth-aut/oth-aut20121022info-eng.aspx

Office of the Correctional Investigator. (2020). 2019-2020 annual report. Government of Canada. Catologue No.: PS100E-PDF. https://www.oci-bec.gc.ca/cnt/rpt/pdf/annrpt/annrpt20192020-eng.pdf

Pollan, M. (2006). The omnivore’s dilemma: A natural history of four meals. Penguin Press.

Simmel, G. (1971). The problem of sociology. In D. Levine (Ed.), Georg Simmel: On individuality and social forms (pp. 23–27). University of Chicago Press. (Original work published 1908.)

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1.2 The History of Sociology

Aristotle. (1984). The complete works of Aristotle: The revised Oxford translation (Ed. Jonathon Barnes). Princeton University Press

Becker, H. & Barnes, H. (1961). Social thought from lore to science (Vol. 1). Dover Publications.

Berman, M. (1981). The reenchantment of the world. Cornell University Press

Collins, R. and Makowsky, M. (1989). The discovery of society. Random House.

Comte, A. (1975). The nature and importance of the positive philosophy. In Gertrud Lenzer. (Ed.), Auguste Comte and positivism: the essential writings. Harper and Row. (Original work published 1830.)

Durkheim, É. (1964). The rules of sociological method (8th ed.). In J. Mueller, E. George and E. Caitlin (Eds.) Translated by S. Solovay. Free Press. (Original work published 1895.)

Durkheim, É. (1997). The rules of sociological method. In Ian McIntosh (Ed.), Classical sociological theory: A reader (pp. 207–211). New York University Press. (Original work published 1895.)

Durkheim, É. (1997). Suicide: A study in sociology. In Ian McIntosh (Ed.), Classical sociological theory: A reader (pp. 212–231). New York University Press. (Original work published 1897.)

Durkheim, É. (1997). Religion and society. In Ian McIntosh (Ed.), Classical sociological theory: A reader (pp. 232–247). New York University Press. (Original work published 1912.)

Fauré, C., Guilhaumou, J., Vallier, J., and Weil, F. (2007). Des manuscrits de Sieyès, (Vols I & II) 1773–1799. Champion.

Lengermann, P. and Niebrugge, J. (2007). The women founders: Sociology and social theory, 1830–1930. Waveland Press. (Original work published 1997)

Li, P. (1996). The making of post-war Canada. Oxford University Press.

Marx, K. (1977). Capital: A critique of political economy. NY: Knopf Doubleday. (Original work published 1867).

Marx, K. & Engels, F. (1977). The communist manifesto. In David McLellan (Ed.), Karl Marx: Selected writings (pp. 221–247). Oxford University Press. (Original work published 1848.)

McDonald, L. (1998). Women theorists on society and politics. Wilfrid Laurier University Press.

Navaneelan, T. (2012). Suicide rates: An overview. Health at a glance. Statistics Canada. Catalogue no. 82-624-X). http://www.statcan.gc.ca/pub/82-624-x/2012001/article/11696-eng.htm

Simmel, G. (1971). The problem of sociology. In D. Levine (Ed.), Georg Simmel: On individuality and social forms (pp. 23–27). University of Chicago Press. (Original work published 1908.)

Simmel, G. (1971). Sociability. In D. Levine (Ed.), Georg Simmel: On individuality and social forms (pp. 127–140). University of Chicago Press. (Original work published 1910.)

Simmel, G. (1971). Metropolis and mental Life. In D. Levine (Ed.), Georg Simmel: On individuality and social forms (pp. 324–339). University of Chicago Press. (Original work published 1903.)

Statistics Canada. (2011). Women in Canada: A gender based statistical report. [PDF] (Catalogue no. 89-503-X). http://www.statcan.gc.ca/pub/89-503-x/89-503-x2010001-eng.pdf

Weber, M. (1958). The protestant ethic and the spirit of capitalism. Charles Scribner’s Sons. (Original work published 1904.)

Weber, M. (1969). Science as a vocation. In H.H. Gerth and C.W. Mills (Eds.), From Max Weber: Essays in sociology (pp. 129–158). Oxford University Press. (Original work published 1919.)

Weber, M. (1997). Definitions of sociology and social action. In Ian McIntosh (Ed.), Classical sociological theory: A reader (pp. 157–164). New York University Press. (Original work published 1922.)

Wollstonecraft, M. (1792). A vindication of the rights of women with strictures on moral and political subjects. Joseph Johnson.

Zeitlin, I. (1997). Ideology and the development of sociological theory. Prentice Hall.

1.3 Theoretical Perspectives

Allan, K. (2006). Contemporary social and sociological theory: Visualizing social worlds. Pine Forge Press.

Becker, H. (1963). Outsiders : Studies in the sociology of deviance. Macmillan.

Bibby, R. (2012). A new day: The resilience & restructuring of religion in Canada. Project Canada Books

Blumer, H. (1969). Symbolic interactionism: Perspective and method. Prentice Hall.

Bryant, C. (1985). Positivism in social theory and research. St. Martin's Press.

Coffee Association of Canada. (2010). 2010 Canadian coffee drinking survey. About coffee: Coffee in Canada. http://www.coffeeassoc.com/coffeeincanada.htm

Collins, R. (2005). Interaction Ritual Chains. Princeton University Press.

Davis, K. & Moore, W. (1944). Some principles of stratification. American sociological review, 10(2), 242–249. https://doi.org/10.2307/2085643

Drengson, A. (1983). Shifting paradigms: From technocrat to planetary person. Light Star Press.

Durkheim, É. (1984). The division of labor in society. Free Press. (Original work published 1893.)

Durkheim, É. (1964). The rules of sociological method (8th ed.). J. Mueller, E. George and E. Caitlin (Eds.) S. Solovay (Trans.). Free Press. (Original work published 1895.)

Ferber, A. (2009). Keeping sex in bounds: Sexuality and the (de)construction of race and gender. In Ferber, A., K. Holcomb & T. Wentling (Eds.), Sex, gender, and sexuality: The new basics (pp. 136-142). Oxford University Press.

Goffman, E. (1958). The presentation of self in everyday life. University of Edinburgh, Social Sciences Research Centre.

Gordon, L. & Abbott, S. (2002). A social constructionist essential guide to sex. In Heasley, R. & Crane, B. (Eds.), Sexual lives: Theories and realities of human sexualities. McGraw-Hill.

Habermas, J. (1972). Knowledge and human interests. Beacon Press.

Hempel, C. (1965). Studies in the Logic of Explanation. Aspects of scientific explanation. Free Press.

Herman, N. J. and Reynolds, L. T. (1994). Symbolic interaction: An introduction to social psychology. Altamira Press.

Kang, M., Lessard, D., Heston, L. & Nordmarken, S. (2017). Introduction to women, gender, sexuality studies. University of Massachusetts Amherst Libraries. https://openbooks.library.umass.edu/introwgss/

LaRossa, R. and Reitzes, D.C. (1993). Symbolic interactionism and family studies. In P. G. Boss, W. J. Doherty, R. LaRossa, W. R. Schumm, and S. K. Steinmetz (Eds.), Sourcebook of family theories and methods: A contextual approach (pp. 135–163). Springer.

Lerner, G. (1986). The Creation of patriarchy. Oxford University Press.

Marcuse, H. (1964). One dimensional man: Studies in the ideology of advanced industrial society. Beacon Press.

Martineau, H. (1837). Society in America (Vol. II). Saunders and Otley. https://archive.org/details/societyinamerica02martiala

Maryanski, A. and Turner, J. (1992). The social cage: Human nature and the evolution of society. Stanford University Press.

Marx, K. (1977). Theses on Feuerbach. In David McLellan (Ed.), Karl Marx: Selected writings (pp. 156–158). Oxford University Press. (Original work published 1845.)

Marx, K. (1977). The eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte. In David McLellan (Ed.), Karl Marx: Selected writings (pp. 300–325). Oxford University Press. (Original work published 1851.)

Marx, K. (1978). For a ruthless criticism of everything existing. In R. C. Tucker (Ed.), The Marx-Engels reader (pp. 12–15). W. W. Norton. (Original work published 1843.)

Mead, G.H. (1934). Mind, self and society. University of Chicago Press.

Naiman, J. (2012). How societies work (5th ed.). Fernwood Publishing.

Parsons, T. (1951). The social system. Free Press of Glencoe.

Parsons, T. (1961). Theories of society: Foundations of modern sociological theory. Free Press.

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Smith, D. (1977). Feminism and Marxism: A place to begin, a way to go. New Star Books.

Spencer, H. (1898). The principles of biology. D. Appleton and Company.

Subramaniam, B. (2014). Ghost stories for Darwin: The science of variation and the politics of diversity. University of Illinois Press.

Swift, J., Davies, J. M., Clarke, R. G. and Czerny, M.S.J. (2004). Getting started on social analysis in Canada. In W. Carroll (Ed.), Critical strategies for social research (pp. 116–124). Canadian Scholars’ Press.

Weber, M. (1997). Definitions of sociology and social action. In Ian McIntosh (Ed.), Classical sociological theory: A reader (pp. 157–164). New York University Press. (Original work published 1922.)

1.4 Why Study Sociology?

Berger, P. L. (1963). Invitation to sociology: A humanistic perspective. Anchor Books.

Department of Sociology. (2015). What can you do with a major or minor in sociology? University of Alabama. https://web.archive.org/web/20150430230709/http://www.uah.edu/la/departments/sociology/about-sociology/what-people-do-with-sociology

Department of Sociology, University of British Columbia. (2014). Opportunities in Sociology. Canadian Sociological Association. https://www.csa-scs.ca/files/webapps/csapress/student/ressources/opportunities-in-sociology/

Kenner, R. (Director). (2009). Food, Inc. [Film]. Magnolia Pictures.

Vaughan, F. (2004). Aggressive in pursuit: The life of Justice Emmett Hall. University of Toronto Press.

Solutions to Quiz: An Introduction to Sociology

1 C, | 2 B, | 3 A, | 4 C, | 5 B, | 6 B, | 7 C, | 8 A, | 9 B, | 10 D, | 11 B, | 12 A, | 13 D, | 14 B, | 15 B, | 16 D, | 17 C [Return to Quiz]

2.1. Approaches to Sociological Research

hfriedman — Wed, 09 Aug 2023 15:13:15 +0000

[caption id="attachment_543" align="alignleft" width="205"] Figure 2.3 Sherlock Holmes as sociologist? The character Sherlock Holmes was known for his keen observation of social life. (Photo courtesy of Special Collections Toronto Public Library/ Wikimedia Commons.) CC BY-SA 2.0[/caption] When sociologists apply the sociological perspective and begin to ask questions, no topic is off limits. Every aspect of human behaviour is a source of possible investigation. Sociologists question the world that humans have created and live in. They notice patterns of behaviour as people move through the world. Using sociological methods and systematic research within the framework of the scientific method, sociologists have discovered workplace patterns that have transformed industries, family patterns that have enlightened parents, and education patterns that have aided structural changes in classrooms. Depending on the focus and the type of research conducted, sociological findings could be useful in addressing any of the three basic interests or purposes of sociological knowledge discussed in the last chapter: the positivist interest in quantitative evidence to determine effective social policy decisions, the interpretive interest in understanding the meanings of human behaviour to foster mutual understanding and consensus, and the critical interest in knowledge useful for dismantling power relations and building alternatives to conditions of servitude. It might seem strange to use scientific practices to study social phenomena — a bit like the contents of a petri dish examining themselves — but, as argued above, if the goal of sociology is to improve the operation of society, it is extremely helpful to rely on systematic approaches that research methods provide. Sociologists often begin the research process by asking a question about how or why things happen. It might be a unique question about a new trend or an old question about a common aspect of life. Once a question is formed, a sociologist proceeds through an in-depth process to answer it. Depending on the nature of the topic and the goals of the research, sociologists have a variety of methodologies to choose from. In deciding how to design that process, the researcher may adopt a positivist methodology or an interpretive methodology. Both types of methodology can be useful for critical research strategies. The following sections describe these approaches to acquiring knowledge.

Science vs. Non-Science

Contemporary society is going through an interesting time in which the certitudes and authority of science are frequently challenged. In the context of the natural sciences, people doubt scientific claims about climate change and the safety of vaccines. In the context of the social sciences, people doubt scientific claims about the declining rate of violent crime or the effectiveness of needle exchange programs. Sometimes there is a good reason to be skeptical about science, when scientific technologies prove to have adverse effects on the environment, for example. Sometimes skepticism has dangerous outcomes, when people act on conspiracy theories and misinformation or epidemics of diseases like measles suddenly break-out in schools due to low vaccination rates. In fact, skepticism is central to both natural and social sciences; but from a scientific point of view, the skeptical attitude needs to be combined with systematic research in order for knowledge to move forward. In sociology, science provides the basis for being able to distinguish between everyday opinions or beliefs and propositions that can be sustained by evidence. In his paper, The Normative Structure of Science (1942/1973), the sociologist Robert Merton argued that science is a type of empirical knowledge organized around four key principles, often referred to by the acronym CUDOS:

Communalism: The results of science must be made available to the public; science is freely available, shared knowledge, open to public discussion and debate.
Universalism: The results of science must be evaluated based on universal criteria, not parochial criteria specific to the researchers themselves.
Disinterestedness: Science must not be pursued for private interests or personal reward.
Organized Skepticism: The scientist must abandon all prior intellectual commitments, critically evaluate claims, and postpone conclusions until sufficient evidence has been presented; scientific knowledge is provisional.

For Merton, therefore, non-scientific knowledge is knowledge that fails in various respects to meet these criteria. Types of esoteric or mystical knowledge, for example, might be valid for someone on a spiritual path, but because this knowledge is passed from teacher to student through direct transmission and it is not available to the public for open debate, or because the validity of this knowledge might be specific to the individual's unique spiritual configuration, esoteric or mystical knowledge is not scientific per se. Claims that are presented to persuade (rhetoric), to achieve political goals (propaganda, of various sorts), or to make profits (advertising) are not scientific because these claims are structured to satisfy private interests. Propositions which fail to stand up to rigorous and systematic standards of evaluation are not scientific because they can not withstand the criteria of organized skepticism and scientific method. The basic distinction between scientific and common, non-scientific claims about the world is that in science "seeing is believing" whereas in everyday life "believing is seeing" (Brym, Roberts, Lie, & Rytina, 2013). Science is, in crucial respects, based on systematic observation following the principles of CUDOS. Only on the basis of observation (or "seeing") can a scientist believe that a proposition about the nature of the world is correct. Research methodologies are designed to reduce the chance that conclusions will be based on error. In everyday life, the order is typically reversed. People "see" what they already expect to see or what they already believe to be true. They do not systematically test what they believe to be true. Prior intellectual commitments or biases predetermine what people observe and the conclusions they draw. Many people know things about the social world without having a background in sociology. Sometimes their knowledge is valid; sometimes it is not. It is important, therefore, to think about how people know what they know, and compare it to the scientific way of knowing. Four types of non-scientific reasoning are common in everyday life: knowledge based on casual observation, knowledge based on selective evidence, knowledge based on overgeneralization, and knowledge based on authority or tradition.

*Table 2.1. Scientific and Non-Scientific Ways of Knowing [Skip Table]*
Way of Knowing	Description
Casual Observation	Occurs when individuals make observations without any systematic process for observing or assessing the accuracy of what they observed.
Selective Observation	Occurs when individuals see only those patterns that they want to see, or when they assume that only the patterns they have experienced directly exist.
Overgeneralization	Occurs when individuals assume that broad patterns exist even when their observations have been limited.
Authority/Tradition	A socially defined source of knowledge that might shape individuals' beliefs about what is true and what is not true.
Scientific Research Methods	An organized, logical way of learning and knowing about the social world.
Note. (Blackstone, 2012) CC BY-NC-SA 3.0 (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/3.0/)

Many people know things simply because they have experienced them directly. Someone who has grown up in Manitoba has probably observed what plenty of kids learn each winter, that it really is true that one’s tongue will stick to metal when it is very cold outside. Direct experience may provide accurate information, but only if the observer is lucky. Unlike the fictional detective Sherlock Holmes, in general, people are not very careful observers. In this example of the "winged ship" in Figure 2.4, the observation process is not deliberate or systematic. Instead, the observers come to know what they believe to be true through casual observation. The problem with casual observation is that sometimes it is right, and sometimes it is wrong. Without any systematic process for observing or assessing the accuracy of observations, a person can never really be sure if their informal observations are accurate. [caption id="attachment_1193" align="aligncenter" width="708"] Figure 2.4 "A Winged Ship in the Sky" seen by all in Sacramento in 1896. (Photo courtesy of The San Francisco Call/ Wikimedia Commons.) Public Domain[/caption] Many people know things because they overlook disconfirming evidence. Suppose a friend declared that all men are liars shortly after she had learned that her boyfriend had deceived her. The fact that one man happened to lie to her in one instance came to represent a quality inherent in all men. But do all men really lie all the time? Probably not. If the friend is prompted to think more broadly about her experiences with men, she would probably acknowledge that she knew many men who, to her knowledge, had never lied to her and that maybe even her boyfriend did not generally make a habit of lying. This friend committed what social scientists refer to as selective observation by noticing only the pattern that she wanted to find at the time. She ignored disconfirming evidence. If, on the other hand, the friend’s experience with her boyfriend had been her only experience with a man, then she would have been committing what social scientists refer to as overgeneralization, assuming that broad patterns exist based on very limited observations.

Another way that people claim to know what they know is by looking to what they have always known to be true. There is an urban legend about a woman who for years used to cut both ends off of a ham before putting it in the oven (Mikkelson, 2005). She baked ham that way because that is the way her mother did it, so clearly that was the way it was supposed to be done. Her knowledge was based on a family tradition or traditional knowledge. After years of tossing cuts of perfectly good ham into the trash, however, she finally asked her mother why she did it and learned that the only reason her mother cut the ends off ham before cooking it was that she did not have a pan large enough to accommodate the ham without trimming it.

Without questioning what one thinks one knows is true, one may wind up believing things that are actually false. This is most likely to occur when an authority tells us that something is true, a case of authoritative knowledge. Mothers are not the only possible authorities people might rely on as sources of knowledge. Other common authorities people might rely on are political figures, churches and ministers, media influencers and social media networks. Although it is understandable that someone might believe something to be true if they look up to, or respect the person who has said it is so, this way of knowing differs from the sociological way of knowing. Whether quantitative, qualitative, or critical in orientation, sociological research is based on the scientific method.

The last four paragraphs on the four types of non-scientific reasoning are adapted from Amy Blackstone, Sociological Inquiry Principles: Qualitative and Quantitative Methods (V. 1.0, 2012). Used under a CC BY-NC-SA 3.0 licence.

The Scientific Method

Sociologists make use of tried-and-true methods of research, such as experiments, surveys, field research, and textual analysis. But humans and their social interactions are so diverse that they can seem impossible to chart or explain. It might seem that science is about discoveries and chemical reactions, or about proving hypotheses about elementary particles right or wrong, rather than about exploring the nuances of human behaviour. However, this is exactly why scientific models work for studying human behaviour. A scientific process of research establishes parameters that help make sure results are objective and accurate. Scientific methods provide limitations and boundaries that focus a study and organize its results. This is the case for both positivist quantitative methodologies, which seek to translate observable phenomena into unambiguous numerical data, and interpretive qualitative methodologies, which seek to translate observable phenomena into definable units of meaning. The social scientific method in both cases involves developing and testing theories about the world based on empirical (i.e., observable) evidence. The social scientific method is defined by its commitment to systematic observation of the social world, and it strives to be objective, critical, skeptical, and logical. It involves a series of established steps known as the research cycle. [caption id="attachment_46" align="aligncenter" width="300"] Figure 2.5 The research cycle passes through a series of steps. The conclusions and reporting typically generate a new set of questions, which renews the cycle. CC BY 4.0. [Image Description][/caption]No matter what research approach is used, researchers want to maximize the study’s reliability and validity. Reliability refers to how likely research results are to be replicated if the study is reproduced. Reliability increases the likelihood that what is true of one person will be true of all people in a group. Validity refers to how well the study measures what it was designed to measure. If the researcher wishes to examine people's depth of religiosity — i.e., how strong is someone's religious belief? How central is religious belief to their life? — does a measure like "frequency of church attendance" accurately measure that? Maybe not. People attend church for a variety of reasons and some religions are not organized on the basis of churches and congregations. A subtopic in the field of political violence would be to examine the sources of homegrown radicalization: What are the conditions under which individuals in Canada move from a state of indifference or moderate concern with political issues to a state in which they are prepared to use violence to pursue political goals? The reliability of a study of radicalization reflects how well the social factors unearthed by the research apply to similar individuals who were not directly part of the research. Would another sociologist come up with the same results if they replicated the study? How well can the researcher extrapolate from the research subjects studied to individuals in the broader society? Does research on violent jihadi radicalization apply to violent neo-Nazi radicalization? Validity ensures that the study’s design accurately examined what it was designed to study. Do the concepts and measures of radicalization accurately represent the actual experience of political radicals? An exploration of an individual’s propensity to plan or engage in violent acts or to go abroad to join a terrorist organization should address those specific issues and not confuse them with other topics such as why an individual adopts a particular faith or espouses radical political views. There is a key difference between religiosity, radicalization, and violent radicalization. As research from the UK and United States on jihadism has in fact shown, while jihadi terrorists typically identify with an Islamic world view, a well-developed Islamic identity counteracts jihadism. Similarly, research has shown that while it intuitively makes sense that people with radical views would adopt radical means like violence to achieve them, there is in fact no consistent homegrown terrorist profile, meaning that it is not possible to predict whether someone who espouses radical views will move on to committing violent acts without taking into account the specific stages in the process (Patel, 2011). To ensure validity, research on political violence should focus on individuals who engage in political violence and be able to distinguish between simply holding radical political beliefs and acting violently on radical political beliefs. Dalgaard-Nielsen (2010) distinguishes between radical, radicalization, and violent radicalization as follows:

a radical is understood as a person harboring a deep-felt desire for fundamental sociopolitical changes and radicalization is understood as a growing readiness to pursue and support far reaching changes in society that conflict with, or pose a direct threat to, the existing order. [V]iolent radicalization [is]a process in which radical ideas are accompanied by the development of a willingness to directly support or engage in violent acts.

The scientific method provides a systematic, organized series of steps that help ensure objectivity and consistency in exploring a social problem. These steps provide the means for accuracy, reliability, and validity. Typically, the scientific method starts with these steps, which are described below: 1) ask a question; 2) research existing sources; and 3) formulate a hypothesis.

Ask a Question

The first step of the scientific method is to ask a question, describe a problem, and identify the specific area of interest. The topic should be narrow enough to study within a specific geographical location and time frame. “Are societies capable of sustained happiness?” would be too vague. The question should also be broad enough to have universal merit. “What do personal hygiene habits reveal about the values of students at XYZ High School?” would be too narrow. That said, happiness and hygiene are worthy topics to study. [caption id="attachment_47" align="alignleft" width="150"] Figure 2.6 Karl Popper (Photo courtesy of Wikimedia Commons.) No known copyright restrictions.[/caption] Sociologists do not rule out any topic, but would strive to frame these questions in better research terms. That is why sociologists are careful to define their terms. Karl Popper (1902–1994) described the formulation of scientific propositions in terms of the concept of falsifiability (1963). He argued that the key demarcation between scientific and non-scientific propositions was not ultimately their factual truth, nor their verification, but simply whether or not they were stated in such a way as to be falsifiable; that is, whether a possible empirical observation could prove them wrong. If one claimed that evil spirits were the source of criminal behaviour, this would not be a scientific proposition because there is no possible way to definitively disprove it. Evil spirits cannot be observed. However, if one claimed that higher unemployment rates are the source of higher crime rates, this would be a scientific proposition because it is theoretically possible to find an instance where unemployment rates were not correlated to higher crime rates. As Popper said, “statements or systems of statements, in order to be ranked as scientific, must be capable of conflicting with possible, or conceivable, observations” (Popper, 1963). Once a proposition is formulated in a way that would permit it to be falsified, the variables to be observed need to be operationalized. In a hygiene study, for instance, hygiene could be defined as “personal habits to maintain physical appearance (as opposed to health),” and a researcher might ask, “How do differing personal hygiene habits reflect the cultural value placed on appearance?” When forming these basic research questions, sociologists develop an operational definition; that is, they define the concept in terms of the physical or concrete steps it takes to objectively measure it. The concept is translated into an observable variable, a measure that has different values. The operational definition identifies an observable condition of the concept. By operationalizing a variable of the concept, all researchers can collect data in a systematic or replicable manner. The operational definition must be valid in the sense that it is an appropriate and meaningful measure of the concept being studied. It must also be reliable, meaning that results will be close to uniform when tested on more than one person. For example, good drivers might be defined in many ways: Those who use their turn signals; those who do not speed; or those who courteously allow others to merge. But these driving behaviours could be interpreted differently by different researchers, so they could be difficult to measure. Alternatively, “a driver who has never received a traffic violation” is a specific description that will lead researchers to obtain the same information, so it is an effective operational definition. Asking the question, "how many traffic violations has a driver received?" turns the concepts of "good drivers" and "bad drivers" into variables which might be measured by the number of traffic violations a driver has received. Of course the sociologist has to be wary of the way the variables are operationalized. In this example we know that black drivers are subject to much higher levels of police scrutiny than white drivers, so the number of traffic violations a driver has received might reflect less on their driving ability and more on the crime of "driving while black."

Research Existing Sources

The next step researchers undertake is to conduct background research through a literature review, which is a review of any existing similar or related studies. A visit to a university library and a thorough online search will uncover existing research about the topic of study. This step helps researchers gain a broad understanding of work previously conducted on the topic at hand and enables them to position their own research to build on prior knowledge. It allows them to sharpen the focus of their research question and avoid duplicating previous research. Researchers — including student researchers — are responsible for correctly citing existing sources they use in a study or sources that inform their work. While it is fine to build on previously published material (as long as it enhances a unique viewpoint), it must be referenced properly and never plagiarized. To study hygiene and its value in a particular society, a researcher might sort through existing research and unearth studies about childrearing, vanity, obsessive-compulsive behaviours, and cultural attitudes toward beauty. At the literature review stage it is important to sift through this information and determine what is relevant. Using existing sources educates a researcher by showing what others have found relevant about a topic, and helps refine and improve a study’s design.

Formulate a Hypothesis

A hypothesis is an assumption about how two or more variables are related; it makes a conjectural statement about the relationship between those variables. It is an educated guess because it is not random but based on theory, observations, patterns of experience, or the existing literature. The hypothesis formulates this guess in the form of a testable or falsifiable proposition. However, how the hypothesis is handled differs between the positivist and interpretive approaches in sociology.

Hypothesis Formation in Positivist Research

Positivist methodologies are often referred to as hypothetico-deductive methodologies. A hypothesis is derived from a theoretical proposition. On the basis of the hypothesis, a prediction or generalization is logically deduced. If the prediction is confirmed by observation, the theoretical proposition is regarded as valid (at least provisionally). In positivist sociology, the hypothesis predicts how one form of human behaviour influences another. How does being a black driver affect the number of times the police will pull the driver over? Successful prediction will determine the adequacy of the hypothesis and thereby test the theoretical proposition. Typically positivist approaches operationalize variables as quantitative data; that is, by translating a social phenomenon like health into a quantifiable or numerically measurable variable like “number of visits to the hospital.” This permits sociologists to formulate their predictions using mathematical language, like regression formulas, to present research findings in graphs and tables, and to perform mathematical or statistical techniques to demonstrate the validity of relationships. Variables are examined to see if there is a correlation between them. When a change in one variable coincides with a change in another variable there is a correlation. This does not necessarily indicate that changes in one variable causes a change in another variable, however — just that they are associated. A key distinction here is between independent and dependent variables. In research, independent variables are the cause of the change. The dependent variable is the effect, or thing that is changed. For example, in a basic study, the researcher would establish one form of human behaviour as the independent variable and observe the influence it has on a dependent variable. How does gender (the independent variable) affect rate of income (the dependent variable)? How does one’s religion (the independent variable) affect family size (the dependent variable)? How is social class (the dependent variable) affected by level of education (the independent variable)?

*Table 2.2. Examples of Dependent and Independent Variables*
Hypothesis	Independent Variable	Dependent Variable
The greater the availability of affordable housing, the lower the homeless rate.	Affordable Housing	Homeless Rate
The greater the availability of math tutoring, the higher the math grades.	Availability of Math Tutoring	Math Grades
The greater the police patrol presence, the safer the neighbourhood.	Police Patrol Presence	Safer Neighbourhood
The greater the factory lighting, the higher the productivity.	Amount of Factory Lighting	Productivity
The greater the amount of public auditing, the lower the amount of political dishonesty.	Amount of Public Auditing	Political Dishonesty
Note. Typically, the independent variable causes the dependent variable to change in some way.

For it to become possible to speak about causation, three criteria must be satisfied:

There must be a relationship or correlation between the independent and dependent variables.
The independent variable must be prior to the dependent variable.
There must be no other intervening variable responsible for the causal relationship.

It is important to note that while there has to be a correlation between variables for there to be a causal relationship, correlation does not necessarily imply causation. The relationship between variables can be the product of a third intervening variable that is independently related to both. For example, there might be a positive relationship between wearing bikinis and eating ice cream, but wearing bikinis does not cause eating ice cream. It is more likely that the heat of summertime causes both an increase in bikini wearing and an increase in the consumption of ice cream. The distinction between causation and correlation can have significant consequences. For example, Indigenous Canadians are overrepresented in prisons and arrest statistics. As noted in Chapter 1. An Introduction to Sociology, in 2020 Indigenous people accounted for about 5% of the Canadian population, but they made up 30% of the federal penitentiary population (Correctional Investigator Canada, 2020). There is a positive correlation between being an Indigenous person in Canada and being in jail. Is this because Indigenous people are racially or biologically predisposed to crime? No. In fact there are at least four intervening variables that explain the higher incarceration of Indigenous people (Hartnagel, 2004): Indigenous people are disproportionately poor and poverty is associated with higher arrest and incarceration rates; Indigenous lawbreakers tend to commit more detectable "street" crimes than the less detectable and actionable "white collar" crimes of other segments of the population; the criminal justice system disproportionately profiles and discriminates against Indigenous people; and the legacy of colonization has disrupted and weakened traditional sources of social control in Indigenous communities. [caption id="attachment_1196" align="aligncenter" width="788"] Figure 2.7 Correlation does not imply causation: Divorce rate in Maine by Per Capita Consumption of Margarine. (Image courtesy of AltimeterGroup/ Flickr.) CC BY-NC-SA 2.0[/caption] At this point, a researcher’s operational definitions help measure the variables. In a study asking how tutoring improves grades, for instance, one researcher might define “good” grades as a C or better, while another uses a B+ as a starting point for good. Another operational definition might describe “tutoring” as “one-on-one assistance by an expert in the field, hired by an educational institution.” Those definitions set limits and establish cut-off points, ensuring consistency and replicability in a study. As the chart shows, an independent variable is the one that causes a dependent variable to change. For example, a researcher might hypothesize that teaching children proper hygiene (the independent variable) will boost their sense of self-esteem (the dependent variable). Or rephrased, a child’s sense of self-esteem depends, in part, on the quality and availability of hygienic resources. Of course, this hypothesis can also work the other way around. Perhaps a sociologist believes that increasing a child’s sense of self-esteem (the independent variable) will automatically increase or improve habits of hygiene (now the dependent variable). Identifying the independent and dependent variables is very important. As the hygiene example shows, simply identifying two topics, or variables, is not enough: Their prospective relationship must be part of the hypothesis. Just because a sociologist forms an educated prediction of a study’s outcome does not mean data contradicting the hypothesis are not welcome. Sociologists analyze general patterns in response to a study, but they are equally interested in exceptions to patterns. In a study of education, a researcher might predict that high school dropouts have a hard time finding a rewarding career. While it has become at least a cultural assumption that the higher the education, the higher the salary and degree of career happiness, there are certainly exceptions. People with little education have had stunning careers, and people with advanced degrees have had trouble finding work. A sociologist prepares a hypothesis knowing that results will vary.

Hypothesis Formation in Qualitative Research

While many sociologists rely on the positivist hypothetico-deductive method in their research, others operate from an interpretive approach. While still systematic, this approach typically does not follow the hypothesis-testing model that seeks to make generalizable predictions from quantitative variables. Instead, an interpretive framework seeks to understand social worlds from the point of view of participants, leading to in-depth knowledge. It focuses on qualitative data, or the meanings that guide people’s behaviour. Rather than relying on quantitative instruments, like fixed questionnaires or experiments, which can be artificial, the interpretive approach attempts to find ways to get closer to the informants’ lived experience and perceptions. Interpretive research is generally more descriptive or narrative in its findings than positivist research. It can begin from a deductive approach by deriving a hypothesis from theory and then seeking to confirm it through methodologies like in-depth interviews. However, it is ideally suited to an inductive approach in which the hypothesis emerges only after a substantial period of direct observation or interaction with subjects. This type of approach is exploratory in that the researcher also learns as they proceed, sometimes adjusting the research methods or processes midway to respond to new insights and findings as they evolve. For example, Glaser and Strauss' (1967) classic elaboration of grounded theory proposed that qualitative researchers working with rich sources of qualitative data from interviews or ethnographic observations need to go through several stages of coding the data before a strong theory of the social phenomenon under investigation can emerge. In the initial stage, the researcher is simply trying to listen carefully and to tentatively categorize and sort the data. The researchers do not predetermine what the relevant categories of the social experience are, but analyze carefully what their subjects actually say. For example, what are the working definitions of health and illness that hospital patients use to describe their situation? In the first stage, the researcher tries to distinguish and succinctly code or label the numerous themes emerging from the data: different ways of describing the experience of health and illness. In the second stage, the researcher takes a more analytical approach by organizing the initial interview data into a few key reoccurring themes: Perhaps these are key assumptions that lay people make about the physiological mechanisms of the body, or the metaphors they use to describe their relationship to illness (e.g., a random occurrence, a battle, a punishment, a message, etc.). In the third stage, the researcher returns to the interview subjects with a new set of questions that would seek to either affirm, modify, or discard the analytical themes derived from the initial categorization of the interview material. This process can then be repeated back and forth until a thoroughly grounded theory is ready to be proposed. At every stage of the research, the researchers are obliged to follow the emerging data by revising their conceptions as new material is gathered, contradictions accounted for, commonalities categorized, and themes re-examined with further interviews. Once the preliminary work is done and the hypothesis defined, it is time for the next research steps: choosing a research methodology, conducting a study, and drawing conclusions. These research steps are discussed below.

Making Connections: Classic Sociologists

Harriet Martineau: The First Woman Sociologist?

[caption id="attachment_548" align="alignright" width="241"] Figure 2.8 Harriet Martineau. Painting by Richard Evans (1834). (Photo courtesy of National Portrait Gallery, London/ Wikimedia Commons.) Public Domain[/caption] As was noted in Chapter 1. An Introduction to Sociology, Harriet Martineau (1802–1876) was one of the first women sociologists in the 19th century. She was a British sociologist known at the time especially for her translation of August Comte's sociological works. Particularly innovative was her early work on sociological methodology, How to Observe Manners and Morals (1838). In this volume she developed the ground work for a systematic social-scientific approach to studying human behaviour. She recognized that the issues of the researcher-subject relationship would have to be addressed differently in a social science as opposed to a natural science. The observer, or “traveler,” as she put it, needed to respect three criteria to obtain valid research: impartiality, critique, and sympathy. The impartial observer could not allow herself to be “perplexed or disgusted” by foreign practices that she could not personally reconcile herself with. Yet at the same time she saw the goal of sociology to be the fair but critical assessment of the moral status of a culture. In particular, the goal of sociology was to challenge forms of racial, sexual, or class domination in the name of autonomy: the right of every person to be a “self-directing moral being.” Finally, what distinguished the science of social observation from the natural sciences was that the researcher had to have unqualified sympathy for the subjects being studied (Lengermann & Niebrugge, 2007). This later became a central principle of Max Weber’s interpretive sociology, although it is not clear whether Weber read Martineau’s work. A large part of her research in the United States analyzed the situations of contradiction between stated public morality and actual moral practices. For example, she was fascinated with the way that the formal democratic right to free speech enabled slavery abolitionists to hold public meetings, but when the meetings were violently attacked by mobs, the abolitionists and not the mobs were accused of inciting the violence (Zeitlin, 1997). This emphasis on studying contradictions followed from the distinction she drew between morals — society’s collective ideas of permitted and forbidden behaviour — and manners — the actual patterns of social action and association in society. As she realized the difficulty in getting an accurate representation of an entire society based on a limited number of interviews, she developed the idea that one could identify key “Things” experienced by all people — age, gender, illness, death, etc. — and examine how they were experienced differently by a sample of people from different walks of life (Lengermann & Niebrugge, 2007). Martineau’s pioneering sociology, therefore, focused on surveying different attitudes toward “Things,” and studying the anomalies that emerged when manners toward them contradicted a society’s formal morals.

Critical Research Strategies

As Karl Marx (1977 /1845) said: "The philosophers have only interpreted the world, in various ways; the point is to change it.” Critical research strategies build on positivist and interpretive methodologies but bring the focus of research to the problems of social transformation and emancipation. Critical sociologists emphasize that the social world is not simply given or natural. It is the ongoing product of human actions and is therefore transformable. Domination and injustice are not inevitable. In this context, critical sociologists note that in a world characterized by extreme inequities and injustices, knowledge and ways of knowing can be caught up and implicated in power relations. "In a socially unjust world, knowledge of the social that does not challenge injustice is likely to play a role in reproducing it” (Carroll, 2004). Critical research strategies are therefore approaches that utilize positivist, interpretive, and critical methods to produce knowledge that maximizes the human potential for freedom and equality. [caption id="attachment_1210" align="alignleft" width="238"] Figure 2.9 Paulo Freire (1921-1997). (Image courtesy of Slobodan Dimitrov/Wikimedia Commons.) CC BY-SA 3.0[/caption] Paulo Freire's (1970) Pedagogy of the Oppressed is a key reference point for critical research. Working with the illiterate poor in North-Eastern Brazil in the 1940s and 1950s, Freire recognized that effective education and knowledge were not simply about things, but were emancipatory practices themselves. Through the development of critical consciousness, people could understand the circumstances in which they were living and act effectively to change the conditions of oppression they experienced. This was the basis of critical pedagogy, an approach to teaching and learning based on fostering the agency of marginalized communities, and empowering learners to emancipate themselves from oppressive social structures. Carroll (2004) describes three types of critical research strategy: Oppositional or activist strategies investigate and oppose visible structures and practices of domination by taking up the standpoint of the oppressed; Radical strategies focus on analyzing deeper systematic bases of domination at the roots of societal structures; Subversive strategies subvert or deconstruct received notions of reality/identity and everyday, common sense binary oppositions (man/woman, culture/nature, self/other, reason/emotion, Black/white, etc.), which opens the door to alternatives and new political spaces of contestation. One contemporary application of critical research strategies is in the critique of colonial structures. Decolonization, or the process of dismantling colonial power structures, also involves a process of decolonizing knowledge and research methods. Eurocentric patterns of thinking are often embedded in the concepts and methods used in sociology and other disciplines. In the 19th century, for example, social hierarchies and evolutionary schemes were central to the understanding of Indigenous people in Canada as alternately "savage" and "childlike," in need of suppressing, civilizing and assimilating. Decolonizing research "means centering concerns and world views of non-Western individuals, and respectfully knowing and understanding theory and research from previously 'Other(ed)' perspectives" (Thambinathan & Kinsella, 2021). Thambinathan & Kinsella (2021) outline four practices of decolonization:

Exercising Critical Reflexivity: Critical reflexivity in research is about the researcher's awareness of their own methodological assumptions — what they consider valid knowledge and proper ways of knowing — as well as of their social position (often as privileged outsiders) with respect to the research and the research subjects.
Reciprocity and Respect for Self-Determination: Research should be practiced as an ongoing collaboration with research subjects to establish collective ownership over the entire research process, and to make accountable the researchers to the research subjects.
Embracing Other(ed) Ways of Knowing: Research methods should be expanded to integrate traditional knowledge, theories and frameworks used by the research subjects.
Embodying a Transformative Praxis: Along the lines of Freire's critical pedagogy, the goal of the research is to enable research subjects to transform the colonial conditions of their existence, to bring to light historically silenced voices, and to build capacities and agency in colonized peoples.

Image Descriptions

Figure 2.5 Long Description: The Scientific Method has a series of steps which can form a repeating cycle.

Ask a question.
Research existing sources
Formulate a hypothesis.
Design and conduct a study
Draw conclusions.
Report results. [Return to Figure 2.5]

Media Attributions

Figure 2.3 Cover of The Strand Magazine featuring the publication of the last Sherlock Holmes story written by Arthur Conan Doyle from The Strand Magazine, vol. 73, April 1927, via Wikimedia Commons, is used under a CC BY-SA 2.0 licence.
Figure 2.4 "Mystery Airship" - Headline by The San Francisco Call, via Wikimedia Commons, is in the public domain.
Figure 2.5 The Scientific Method, by Heather Griffiths and Nathan Keirns, via OpenStax, is used under a CC BY 4.0 licence.
Figure 2.6 Karl Popper in the 1980's by LSE Library, via Wikimedia Commons, has no known copyright restrictions.
Figure 2.7 Mistaking Correlation for Causation by Altimeter, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY-NC-SA 2.0 licence .
Figure 2.8 Harriet Martineau by Richard Evans, via Wikimedia Commons, is in the public domain.
Figure 2.9 Photo of Paulo Freire (1977) by Slobodan Dimitrov, via Wikimedia Commons, is used under a CC BY-SA 3.0 licence.

2.2. Research Methods

hfriedman — Wed, 09 Aug 2023 15:17:01 +0000

Sociologists examine the world, see a problem or interesting pattern, and set out to study it. They use research methods to design a study — perhaps a positivist, quantitative method for conducting research and obtaining data, or perhaps an ethnographic study utilizing an interpretive framework. Planning the research design is a key step in any sociological study. When entering a particular social environment, a researcher must be careful. There are times to remain anonymous and times to be overt. There are times to conduct interviews and times to simply observe. Some participants need to be thoroughly informed; others should not know that they are being observed. A researcher would not stroll into a crime-ridden neighbourhood at midnight, calling out, “Any gang members around?” And if a researcher walked into a coffee shop and told the employees they would be observed as part of a study on work efficiency, the self-conscious, intimidated baristas might not behave naturally. The unique nature of human research subjects is that they can react to the researcher and change their behaviour under observation.

Making Connections: Sociological Research

The Hawthorne Effect

[caption id="attachment_549" align="alignleft" width="300"] Figure 2.10 Hawthorne Works factory of the Western Electric Company, 1925. (Photo courtesy of Western Electric Company photo album/ Wikimedia Commons.) Public Domain[/caption] In the 1920s, leaders of a Chicago factory, called Hawthorne Works, commissioned a study to determine whether or not changing certain aspects of working conditions could increase or decrease worker productivity. Sociologists were interested in the increased productivity of a test group when the lighting of their workspace was improved. They were surprised however when productivity improved if the lighting of the workspace was dimmed, as well. In fact almost every change of independent variable — lighting, work breaks, work hours — resulted in an improvement of productivity. But when the study was over, productivity dropped again. Why did this happen? In 1953, Henry A. Landsberger analyzed the study results to answer this question. He realized that employees’ productivity increased because sociologists were paying attention to them. The sociologists’ presence influenced the study results. Worker behaviours were altered not by the lighting but by the study itself. From this, sociologists learned the importance of carefully planning their roles as part of their research design (Franke & Kaul, 1978). Landsberger called the workers’ response the Hawthorne effect — people change their behaviour when they know they are being watched as part of a study. The Hawthorne effect is unavoidable in some research. In many cases, sociologists have to make the purpose of the study known for ethical reasons. Subjects must be aware that they are being observed, and a certain amount of artificiality may result (Sonnenfeld, 1985). Making sociologists’ presence invisible is not always realistic for other reasons. That option is not available to a researcher studying prison behaviours, early education, or the Ku Klux Klan. Researchers cannot just stroll into prisons, kindergarten classrooms, or Ku Klux Klan conclaves and unobtrusively observe behaviours. In situations like these, other methods are needed. All studies shape the research design, while research design simultaneously shapes the studies' outcomes. Researchers choose methods that best suit their study topic and that fit with their overall goal for the research.

In planning a study’s design, sociologists generally choose from four widely used methods of social investigation: survey, experiment, field research, and textual or secondary data analysis (or use of existing sources). Every research method comes with pluses and minuses, and the topic of study strongly influences which method or methods are put to use.

1. Surveys

As a research method, a survey collects data from subjects who respond to a series of questions about behaviours and opinions, often in the form of a written questionnaire. The survey is one of the most widely used sociological research methods. The standard survey format allows individuals a level of anonymity in which they can express personal ideas. [caption id="attachment_550" align="alignleft" width="300"] Figure 2.11 Questionnaires are a common research method. The Statistics Canada census is a well-known example. (Photo courtesy of Khosrow Ebrahimpour/Flickr.) CC BY 2.0[/caption] At some point or another, everyone responds to some type of survey. The Statistics Canada census is an excellent example of a large-scale survey intended to gather sociological data. Customers also fill out questionnaires on-line and at stores or promotional events, responding to questions such as “How did you hear about the event?” and “Were the staff helpful?” Many people have probably picked up the phone and heard a caller ask them to participate in a political poll or similar type of survey: “Do you eat hot dogs? If yes, how many per month?” Not all surveys would be considered sociological research. Marketing polls help companies refine their marketing goals and strategies; they are generally not conducted as part of a scientific study, meaning they are not designed to test a hypothesis or to contribute knowledge to the field of sociology. The results are not published in a refereed scholarly journal where design, methodology, results, and analyses are vetted. Often, polls on TV do not reflect a general population, but are merely answers from a specific show’s audience. Polls conducted by programs such as American Idol or Canadian Idol represent the opinions of fans, but are not particularly scientific. A good contrast to these are the Bureau of Broadcast Measurement (BBM) (now called Numeris) ratings, which determine the popularity of radio and television programming in Canada through scientific market research. Their researchers ask a large random sample of Canadians, age 12 and over, to fill out a television or radio diary for one week, noting the times and the broadcasters they listened to or viewed. Based on this methodology they are able to generate an accurate account of media consumers preferences, which are used to provide broadcast ratings for radio and television stations and define the characteristics of their core audiences. Sociologists conduct surveys under controlled conditions for specific purposes. Surveys gather different types of information from people. While surveys are not great at capturing the ways people really behave in social situations, they are a great method for discovering how people feel and think — or at least how they say they feel and think. Surveys can track attitudes and opinions, political preferences, individual behaviours (e.g., sleeping, driving, dietary, or texting habits), or factual social background information (e.g., employment status, income, and education levels). A survey targets a specific population, people who are the focus of a study, such as Canadian citizens, university athletes, international students, or teenagers living with type 1 (juvenile-onset) diabetes. Most researchers choose to survey a small sector of the population, or a sample: That is, a manageable number of subjects who represent a larger population. The success of a study depends on how well a population is represented by the sample. In a random sample, every person in a population has the same chance of being chosen for the study. According to the laws of probability, random samples can be used to represent the population as a whole. The larger the sample size, the more accurate the results will be in characterizing the population being studied. For practical purposes, however, a sample size of 1,500 people will give acceptably accurate results even if the population being researched was the entire adult population of Canada. For instance, an Ipsos Reid poll, if conducted as a nationwide random sampling, should be able to provide an accurate estimate of public opinion whether it contacts 1,500 or 10,000 people. Typically surveys will include a figure that gives the margin of error of the survey results. This is a measure of reliability. Based on probabilities, this will give a range of values within which the true value of the population characteristic will be. This figure also depends on the size of a sample. For example, a political poll based on a sample of 1,500 respondents might state that if an election were called tomorrow the Conservative Party would get 30% of the vote plus or minus 2.5% based on a confidence interval of 95%. That is, there is a 5% chance that the true vote would fall outside of the range of 27.5% to 32.5%, or 1 time out of 20 if pollsters were to conduct the poll 20 times. If the poll was based on a sample of 1,000 respondents, the margin of error would be higher, plus or minus 3.1%. This is significant, of course, because if the Conservatives are polling at 30% and the Liberals are polling at 28% the poll would be inconclusive about which party is actually ahead with regard to actual voter preferences. Problems with accuracy or reliability can result if sample sizes are too small because there is a stronger chance the sample size will not capture the actual distribution of characteristics of the whole population. In small samples the characteristics of specific individuals have a greater chance of influencing the results. The reliability of surveys can also be threatened when part of the population is inadvertently excluded from the sample (e.g., telephone surveys that rely on land lines exclude people that use only cell phones) or when there is a low response rate. There is also a question of what exactly is being measured by the survey. This is a question of validity. Does asking whether a voter would choose the Conservatives, Liberals, NDP, or Greens if an election was held today accurately measure their actual voting behaviour on election day? In the BC election of 2013, polls found that the NDP had the largest popular support but on election day many people who said they would vote NDP did not actually vote, which resulted in a Liberal majority government. After selecting subjects, the researcher develops a specific plan to ask a list of standardized questions and record responses. It is important to inform subjects of the nature and purpose of the study upfront. If they agree to participate, researchers thank the subjects and offer them a chance to see the results of the study if they are interested. The researchers present the subjects with an instrument or means of gathering the information. A common instrument is a structured written questionnaire in which subjects answer a series of set questions. For some topics, the researcher might ask yes-or-no or multiple-choice questions, allowing subjects to choose possible responses to each question. This kind of quantitative data — research collected in numerical form that can be counted — is easy to tabulate. Just count up the number of “yes” and “no” answers or tabulate the scales of “strongly agree,” “agree,” “disagree,” etc. responses, and chart them into percentages. This is also the chief drawback of questionnaires, however: their artificiality. The artificial nature of the questions affects their validity. In real life, there are rarely any unambiguously yes or no answers. Questionnaires can also ask more complex questions with more complex answers beyond yes, no, agree, strongly agree, or another option next to a check box. For example, How do you plan to use your university education? Why do you follow Justin Bieber on Twitter? In those cases, the answers are more nuanced, varying from person to person. Those types of survey questions require short essay responses, and participants willing to take the time to provide those answers will convey personal information about their beliefs, views, and attitudes that will need to be interpreted and coded by the researcher. Some topics that reflect internal subjective perspectives are impossible to quantify simply. Sometimes they can be sensitive and difficult to discuss with a researcher straightforwardly. Sometimes they are nuanced and ambiguous. People might not know how to answer a question on a topic, but the way in which they formulate their response can be illuminating to sociologists. This type of information is qualitative data — results that are subjective and often based on what is experienced in a natural setting. Qualitative information is harder to organize and tabulate. The researcher will end up with a wide range of responses, some of which may be surprising and unpredictable in advance. Nevertheless, the responses are a richer source of primary data on a topic. An interview is a one-on-one conversation between the researcher and the subject, and is another way of conducting surveys on a topic. Interviews are similar to the short answer questions on surveys in that the researcher asks subjects a series of questions. They can be quantitative if the questions are standardized and have numerically quantifiable answers: Are you employed? (Yes=0, No=1); On a scale of 1 to 5, how would you describe your level of optimism? They can also be qualitative if participants are free to respond as they wish, without being limited by predetermined choices. In the back-and-forth conversation of an interview, a researcher can ask for clarification, spend more time on a subtopic, or ask additional questions. In an interview, a subject will ideally feel free to open up and answer questions that are often complex. There are no right or wrong answers. The subject might not even know how to answer the questions honestly. Questions such as “How did society's view of alcohol consumption influence your decision whether or not to take your first sip of alcohol?” or “Did you feel that the divorce of your parents would put a social stigma on your family?” involve so many factors that the answers are difficult to categorize. A researcher needs to avoid steering or prompting the subject to respond in a specific way; otherwise, the results will prove to be unreliable. Obviously, a sociological interview is also not supposed to be an interrogation. The researcher will benefit from gaining a subject’s trust by empathizing or commiserating with a subject, and by listening without judgement.

2. Experiments

People often test personal social theories. “If I study at night and review in the morning, I’ll improve my retention skills.” Or, “If I stop drinking soda, I’ll feel better.” Cause and effect. If this, then that. When one tests a theory, the results either prove or disprove a hypothesis. On an individual level these tests are often of dubious value, of course. If one fails a test once using a particular study technique, it is not likely that one will try the same method 100 more times to make sure. It is also not likely that one rigorously controls the experimental conditions to make sure that it is studying at night and not some other factor that produces the results. However the underlying idea is the same as that used in sociological experiments. One way sociological researchers test social theories is by conducting an experiment, meaning they test a hypothesis by introducing a variable to a control group and an experimental group under controlled circumstances and compare the outcomes — a scientific approach. There are two main types of experiments in sociology: lab-based experiments, and natural or field experiments. In a lab setting the research can be controlled so that, perhaps, more data can be recorded in a certain amount of time. In a natural or field-based experiment, the generation of data cannot be controlled, but the information might be considered more accurate since it was collected without interference or intervention by the researcher. As a research method, either type of sociological experiment is useful for testing if-then statements: if a particular thing happens, then another particular thing will result. To set up a lab-based experiment, sociologists create artificial situations that allow them to manipulate variables. Classically, the sociologist selects a set of people with similar characteristics, such as age, class, race, or education. Those people are divided into two groups. One is the experimental group and the other is the control group. The experimental group is exposed to the independent variable(s) and the control group is not. This is similar to pharmaceutical drug trials in which the experimental group is given the test drug and the control group is given a placebo or sugar pill.

Making Connections: Sociological Research

An Experiment in Action: Mincome

[caption id="attachment_551" align="aligncenter" width="1024"] Figure 2.12 Mincome was a large-scale experiment conducted in Dauphin, Manitoba, between 1974 and 1979 to explore the effect of having a universal guaranteed annual income on the incentive to work and other social indicators. (Photo courtesy of Bobak Ha'Eri/Wikimedia commons.) CC BY 3.0[/caption] A real-life example will help illustrate the field experimental process in sociology. Between 1974 and 1979 an experiment was conducted in the small town of Dauphin, Manitoba (the “garden capital of Manitoba”). Each family received a modest monthly guaranteed income — a “mincome” — equivalent to a maximum of 60% of the "low-income cut-off figure" (a Statistics Canada measure of poverty, which varies with family size). The income was 50 cents per dollar less for families who had incomes from other sources. Families earning over a certain income level did not receive mincome. Families that were already collecting welfare or unemployment insurance were also excluded. The test families in Dauphin were compared with control groups in other rural Manitoba communities on a range of indicators such as number of hours worked per week, school performance, high school drop out rates, and hospital visits (Forget, 2011). A guaranteed annual income was seen at the time as a less costly, less bureaucratic public alternative for addressing poverty than the existing employment insurance and welfare programs. Today it is an active proposal being considered in Switzerland (Lowrey, 2013). Intuitively, it seems logical that lack of income is the cause of poverty and poverty-related issues. One of the main concerns, however, was whether a guaranteed income would create a disincentive to work. The concept appears to challenge the principles of the Protestant work ethic (see the discussion of Max Weber in Chapter 1. An Introduction to Sociology). The study did find very small decreases in hours worked per week: about 1% for men, 3% for married women, and 5% for unmarried women. Forget (2011) argues this was because the income provided an opportunity for people to spend more time with family and school, especially for young mothers and teenage girls. There were also significant social benefits from the experiment, including better test scores in school, lower high school drop out rates, fewer visits to hospital, fewer accidents and injuries, and fewer mental health issues. Ironically, due to lack of guaranteed funding (and lack of political interest by the late 1970s), the data and results of the study were not analyzed or published until 2011. The data were archived and sat gathering dust in boxes. The mincome experiment demonstrated the benefits that even a modest guaranteed annual income supplement could have on health and social outcomes in communities. People seem to live healthier lives and get a better education when they do not need to worry about poverty. In her summary of the research, Forget notes that the impact of the income supplement was surprisingly large given that at any one time only about a third of the families were receiving the income and, for some families, the income amount would have been very small. The income benefit was largest for low-income working families, but the research showed that the entire community profited. The improvement in overall health outcomes for the community suggest that a guaranteed income would also result in savings for the public health system.

To test the benefits of tutoring, for example, the sociologist might expose the experimental group of students to tutoring while the control group does not receive tutoring. Then both groups would be tested for differences in performance to see if tutoring had an effect on the experimental group of students. In a case like this, the researcher would not want to jeopardize the accomplishments of either group of students, so the setting would be somewhat artificial. The test would not be for a grade reflected on their permanent record, for instance. The Stanford Prison Experiment is perhaps one of the most famous sociological field experiments ever conducted. In 1971, 24 healthy, middle-class male university students were selected to take part in a simulated jail environment to examine the effects of social setting and social roles on individual psychology and behaviour. They were randomly divided into 12 guards and 12 prisoners. The prisoner subjects were arrested at home and transported, blindfolded, to the simulated prison in the basement of the psychology building on the campus of Stanford University. Within a day of arriving the prisoners and the guards began to display signs of trauma and sadism respectively. After some prisoners revolted by blockading themselves in their cells, the guards resorted to using increasingly humiliating and degrading tactics to control the prisoners through psychological manipulation. The experiment had to be abandoned after only six days because the abuse had grown out of hand (Haney, Banks, & Zimbardo, 1973). While the insights into the social dynamics of authoritarianism it generated were fascinating, the Stanford Prison Experiment also serves as an example of the ethical issues that emerge when experimenting on human subjects. It was also not a true experiment in the sense that there was no comparison between a control group and the experimental group.

3. Field Research

[caption id="attachment_53" align="alignright" width="400"] Figure 2.13 Sociological researchers travel across countries and cultures to interact with and observe subjects in their natural environments. (Photo courtesy of Patrick/Flickr.) CC BY 2.0[/caption] The work of sociology rarely happens in limited, confined experimental spaces. Sociologists seldom study subjects in their own offices or laboratories. Rather, sociologists go out into the world. They meet subjects where they live, work, and play. Field research refers to gathering primary data from a natural environment without doing a lab experiment or a survey. It is a research method suited to an interpretive approach rather than to positivist approaches. To conduct field research, the sociologist must be willing to step into new environments and observe, participate, or experience those worlds. In fieldwork, the sociologists, rather than the subjects, are the ones out of their element. The researcher interacts with or observes a person or people, gathering data along the way. The key point in field research is that it takes place in the subject’s natural environment, whether it is a coffee shop or tribal village, a homeless shelter or a boxing club, a hospital or an airport, a mall or a beach resort. While field research often begins in a specific setting, the study’s purpose is to observe specific behaviours in that setting. Fieldwork is optimal for observing how people behave. It is less useful, however, for developing causal explanations of why they behave that way. From the small size of the groups studied in fieldwork, it is difficult to make predictions or generalizations to a larger population. Similarly, there are difficulties in gaining an objective distance from research subjects. It is difficult to know whether another researcher would see the same things or record the same data. There are three types of field research: participant observation, ethnography, and the case study.

Making Connections: Sociology in the Real World

When Is Sharing Not Such a Good Idea?

[caption id="attachment_54" align="alignright" width="400"] Figure 2.14 Crack cocaine users in downtown Vancouver. (Photo courtesy of Wikimedia Commons.) Public Domain[/caption] Choosing a research methodology depends on a number of factors, including the purpose of the research and the audience for whom the research is intended. The type of research that might go into producing a government policy document on the effectiveness of safe injection sites for reducing the public health risks of intravenous drug use, would be different than exploratory research into the meaning of drug use in specific subcultures. Public administrators likely want “hard” (i.e., quantitative) evidence of high reliability to help them make a policy decision. The most reliable data would come from an experimental research model in which a control group can be compared with an experimental group using quantitative measures. This approach has been used by researchers studying InSite in Vancouver (Marshall et al., 2011; Wood et al., 2006). InSite is a supervised safe-injection site where heroin addicts and other intravenous drug users can go to inject drugs in a safe, clean, supervised environment. Clean needles are provided and health care professionals are on hand to intervene in the case of overdoses or other medical emergency. It is a controversial program both because heroin use is against the law (the facility operates through a federal ministerial exemption) and because the heroin users are not obliged to quit using or seek therapy. To assess the effectiveness of the program, researchers compared the risky usage of drugs in populations before and after the opening of the facility and geographically near and distant to the facility. The results from the studies have shown that InSite has reduced both deaths from overdose and risky behaviours, such as the sharing of needles, without increasing the levels of crime associated with drug use and addiction. On the other hand, if the research question is more exploratory, the more nuanced approach of fieldwork is more appropriate. Graduate student Andrew Ivsins at the University of Victoria wanted to study the reasons why individuals in the crack smoking subculture engage in the risky activity of sharing pipes despite the known risks. The research needed to focus on the subcultural context, rituals, and meaning of sharing pipes, and why these phenomena override known health concerns. Ivsins studied the practice of sharing pipes among 13 habitual users of crack cocaine in Victoria, B.C. (Ivsins, 2010; Ivsins, Roth, Benoit, Fischer, 2013). He met crack smokers in their typical setting downtown, and used an unstructured interview method to try to draw out the informal norms that lead to sharing pipes. One factor he discovered was the bond that formed between friends or intimate partners when they shared a pipe. He also discovered that there was an elaborate subcultural etiquette of pipe use that revolved around the benefit of getting the crack resin smokers left behind. Both of these motives tended to outweigh the recognized health risks of sharing pipes (such as hepatitis) in the decision making of the users. This type of research was valuable in illuminating the unknown subcultural norms of crack use that could still come into play in a harm reduction strategy, such as distributing safe crack kits to addicts.

Participant Observation

Loïc Wacquant is a French sociologist who grew up in Montpellier in the south of France, but when he came to the U.S. to study life in Chicago's south side ghetto he joined the Woodlawn boxing gym, as its only white member, "seeking an observation point from which to scrutinize, listen to, and touch up-close the everyday reality of the black American ghetto" (Wacquant, 2004). It was by accident then that he started his research into boxing. Over a period of three years of intensive practice he became an accomplished apprentice boxer, which also enabled him to participate in the lives of the club members, "accompany[ing] them in their everyday peregrinations outside of it, in search of a job or an apartment, hunting for bargains in ghetto stores, in their hassles with their wives, the local welfare office, or the police, as well as cruising with their "homies" from the fearsome housing projects nearby." What he discovered was the "highly codified nature of pugilistic violence," the various methods of building, risking, and protecting the boxer's "bodily capital," and the deeply embedded ways in which the boxing gym was integrated into the habitus of ghetto life. Wacquant coined the term carnal sociology to refer to a type of sociology that studies the social world from the point of view of the bodies and bodily practices of the participants (Wacquant, 2015). [caption id="attachment_1215" align="alignleft" width="480"] Figure 2.15 Loïc Wacquant at the Woodlands Gym. (Image used by permission of Loïc Wacquant.)[/caption] Wacquant had conducted a form of study called participant observation, in which researchers join people and participate in a group’s routine activities for the purpose of observing them within that context. This method lets researchers study a naturally occurring social activity without imposing artificial or intrusive research devices, like fixed questionnaire questions, onto the situation. A researcher might go to great lengths to get a firsthand look into a trend, institution, or behaviour. Researchers temporarily put themselves into “native” roles and record their observations. A researcher might work as a waitress in a diner, or live as a homeless person for several weeks, or ride along with police officers as they patrol their regular beat. Often, these researchers try to blend in seamlessly with the population they study, and they may not disclose their true identity or purpose if they feel it would compromise the results of their research. At the beginning of a field study, researchers often have a question that cannot be answered from the secondary literature: "What really goes on in the kitchen of the most popular diner on campus?" "What is it like to be homeless?" or "What is hip hop subculture like in the 21st century?" Participant observation is a useful method if the researcher wants to explore a certain environment from the inside. Field researchers simply want to observe and learn. In such a setting, the researcher will be alert and open-minded to whatever happens, recording all observations accurately. Soon, as patterns emerge, questions will become more specific, observations will lead to hypotheses, and hypotheses will guide the researcher in shaping data into results. Loïc Wacquant was upfront about his mission. The boxers of the Woodland's club knew why he was in their midst. But some sociologists prefer not to alert people to their presence. The main advantage of covert participant observation is that it allows the researcher access to authentic, natural behaviours of a group’s members. The challenge, however, is gaining access to a setting without disrupting the pattern of others’ behaviour. Becoming an inside member of a group, organization, or subculture takes time and effort. Researchers must pretend to be something they are not. The process could involve role playing, making contacts, networking, or applying for a job. Once inside a group, some researchers spend months, or even years, pretending to be one of the people they are observing. However, as observers, they cannot get too involved. They must keep their purpose in mind and apply the sociological perspective. That way, they illuminate social patterns that are often unrecognized. Because information gathered during participant observation is mostly qualitative, rather than quantitative, the end results are often descriptive or interpretive. The researcher might present findings in an article or book, describing what they witnessed and experienced. One of the most famous studies of this sort was Rosenhan's (1973), "On Being Sane in Insane Places." Unbeknownst to staff, Rosenhan and eight of his colleagues gained admission as patients into 12 different psychiatric hospitals. They wanted to test whether, and how, sanity could be distinguished from insanity in the institutions that had been created to make this distinction, and how people are treated on the basis of that distinction. As Rosenhan put it, although people generally believe they can tell the normal from the abnormal, "there are a great deal of conflicting data on the reliability, utility, and meaning of such terms as 'sanity,' 'insanity,' 'mental illness,' and 'schizophrenia.'" Despite their normal behaviour, the pseudo-patients were not detected. Rosenhan noted that when diagnoses had been made, it was very difficult to reverse them. "Once a person is designated abnormal, all of his other behaviours and characteristics are coloured by that label." Moreover, the psychological consequences for the pseudo-patients was distressing and far from therapeutic. All of the pseudo patients reported feelings of powerlessness, depersonalization, segregation, and mortification. "At times, depersonalization reached such proportions that pseudo-patients had the sense that they were invisible, or at least unworthy of account." Rosenhan concluded that the outcome for the pseudo patients was not the result of personal failings or callousness of staff — the "overwhelming impression of them was of people who really cared, who were committed and who were uncommonly intelligent" — but of the environment and structure of the hospitals themselves. [caption id="attachment_1217" align="aligncenter" width="731"] Figure 2.16 Dormitory at Longue Pointe Asylum, Montreal, 1911. Field research happens in real locations. What type of environment do psychiatric hospitals foster? What would a sociologist discover after blending in? (Image courtesy of McCord Museum/ Wikimedia Commons.) Public Domain[/caption]

Ethnography

Ethnography is the extended observation of the social perspective and cultural values of an entire social setting. Researchers seek to immerse themselves in the life of a bounded group by living and working among them. Often ethnography involves participant observation — Loïc Wacquant's research mentioned above is an ethnography — but the focus is the systematic observation of an entire community. The heart of an ethnographic study focuses on how subjects view their own social standing and how they understand themselves in relation to a community. It aims at developing a thick description of people's behaviour that describes not only the behaviour itself but the layers of meaning that form the context of the behaviour (Geertz, 1973). An ethnographic study might observe, for example, a small Newfoundland fishing town, an Inuit community, a scientific research laboratory, a backpacker's hostel, a private boarding school, or Disney World. These places all have borders. People live, work, study, or vacation within those borders. People are there for a certain reason and therefore behave in certain unique ways and respect certain unique cultural norms. An ethnographer would commit to spending a determined amount of time studying every aspect of the chosen place, taking in as much as possible, and keeping careful notes on their observations. A sociologist studying ayahuasca ceremonies in the Amazon might learn the language, watch the way shaman and apprentices go about their daily lives, ask individuals about the meaning of different aspects of the activity, study the group’s cosmology, and then write a paper about it. To observe a Buddhist retreat centre, an ethnographer might sign up for a retreat and attend as a guest for an extended stay, observe and record how people experience spirituality in this setting, and collate the material into results. [caption id="attachment_1223" align="alignright" width="300"] Figure 2.17 Jonas Salk, founder of the Salk Institute —"a research complex for the investigation of biological phenomena 'from cell to society'''- surrounded by inscription devices and extracts. (Image courtesy of Sanofi Pasteur/Flickr.) CC BY-NC-ND 2.0[/caption] Latour and Woolgar's (1986) study of the Salk Institute Laboratory in California is an example of ethnography that detailed the social processes of science by following the paper trail involved in publishing articles of scientific research. How are the objective truths arrived at before they are stated in scientific papers? What do scientists actually do to produce objective science, especially when the factual "things" they seek to describe are complex, diffuse, and messy? Latour and Woolgar watched the work of the Salk Institute scientists for two years as the scientists studied and isolated endocrinological (hormonal) processes in the body. They noted that the major product or focus of the lab was the creation of texts and that every activity, from the preparation of samples to the sweeping of the floors, was in some way involved in this process. In the end, each scientific paper cost approximately $30,000 U.S. to produce — in 1979 dollars. Therefore, detailing each step in the process provided an overall picture of the culture of this tribe of scientists as they sought to provide accounts of reality. From this vantage point, Latour and Woolgar were fascinated with the processes of inscription by which material substances, like the brain tissues of rats, were extracted, rendered as test tube samples and then turned into textual outputs like graphic arrays or numerical figures. On the basis of comparing mathematical curves of these textual "traces" of the original substances, scientists were able to say whether they had either isolated a "solid" substance or had been obliged to discard "elusive and transitory" substances as false artifacts of the inscription device. Latour and Woolgar concluded that the particular reality of hormones that the lab presented as an objective and factual reality "out there," was the product of particular inscription devices and practices. The particular realities do not exist without the particular inscription devices and practices that produced them. With the use of different inscription devices and practices, a different objective reality would have been created. They caution that this does not mean that science is simply "made up" like a fiction, but that it is dependent on a network of individuals, accepted practices, and technical devices which are more or less precarious and uncertain. Scientists are a tribe, much like the tribes that anthropological ethnologists have studied, who have a culture, beliefs, and practices, who gossip and share meals together, and who produce accounts of reality based on their own unique ethnographical circumstances.

Making Connections: Sociological Research

The Feminist Perspective: Institutional Ethnography

[caption id="attachment_557" align="alignright" width="300"] Figure 2.18 A sociology for women. (Photo courtesy of Zuleyka Zevallos/Flickr.) CC BY-NC-SA 2.0. [Image Description][/caption]Dorothy Smith elaborated on traditional ethnography to develop what she calls institutional ethnography (2005). In modern society the practices of everyday life in any particular local setting are often organized at a level that goes beyond what an ethnographer might observe directly. Everyday life is structured by “extralocal,” institutional forms; that is, by the practices of institutions that act upon people from a distance.It might be possible to conduct ethnographic research on the experience of domestic abuse by living in a women’s shelter and directly observing and interviewing victims to see how they form an understanding of their situation. However, to the degree that the women are seeking redress through the criminal justice system, a crucial element of the situation would be missing.In order to activate a response from the police or the courts, a set of standard legal procedures must be followed, a case file must be opened, legally actionable evidence must be established, forms filled out, etc. All of this allows criminal justice agencies to organize and coordinate the response. The urgent and immediate experience of the domestic abuse victims needs to be translated into an abstract format that enables distant authorities to take action. Often this is a frustrating and mysterious process in which the immediate needs of individuals are neglected so that the needs of institutional processes are met. Therefore, to research the situation of domestic abuse victims, an ethnography needs to somehow operate at two levels: the close examination of the local experience of particular women, and the simultaneous examination of the extralocal, institutional world through which their world is organized.In order to accomplish this, institutional ethnography focuses on the study of the way everyday life is coordinated through “textually mediated” practices: the use of written documents, standardized bureaucratic categories, and formalized relationships (Smith, 1990). Institutional paperwork translates the specific details of locally lived experience into a standardized format that enables institutions to apply the institution’s understandings, regulations, and operations in different local contexts. A study of these textual practices reveals otherwise inaccessible processes that formal organizations depend on: their formality, their organized character, their ongoing methods of coordination, etc.An institutional ethnography often begins by following the paper trail that emerges when people interact with institutions: How does a person formulate a narrative about what has happened to him or her in a way that the institution will recognize? How is it translated into the abstract categories on a form or screen that enable an institutional response to be initiated? What is preserved in the translation to paperwork, and what is lost? Where do the forms go next? What series of “processing interchanges” take place between different departments or agencies through the circulation of paperwork? How is the paperwork modified and made actionable through this process (e.g., an incident report, warrant request, motion for continuance)?Smith’s insight is that the shift from the locally lived experience of individuals to the extralocal world of institutions is nothing short of a radical metaphysical shift in worldview. In institutional worlds, meanings are detached from directly lived processes and reconstituted in an organizational time, space, and consciousness that is fundamentally different from their original reference point. For example, the crisis that has led to a loss of employment becomes a set of anonymous criteria that determines one's eligibility for Employment Insurance. The unique life of a child with a disability becomes a checklist that determines the content of an “individual education program” in the school system, which in turn determines whether funding will be provided for special aid assistants or therapeutic programs. Institutions put together a picture of what has occurred that is not at all the same as what was lived.The ubiquitous but obscure mechanism by which this is accomplished is textually mediated communication. The goal of institutional ethnography, therefore, is to make “documents or texts visible as constituents of social relations” (Smith, 1990). Institutional ethnography is very useful as a critical research strategy. It is an analysis that gives grassroots organizations, or those excluded from the circles of institutional power, a detailed knowledge of how the administrative apparatuses actually work. This type of research enables more effective actions and strategies for change to be pursued.

The Case Study

Sometimes a researcher wants to study one specific person, group or event. A case study is an in-depth analysis of a single event, situation, social setting, organization, group, or individual. To conduct a case study, a researcher examines existing sources like biographical documents and archival records, conducts interviews, and engages in direct observation and even participant observation, if possible. Researchers might use this method to study a single case of, for example, a foster child, drug lord, cancer patient, criminal, or rape victim, with the idea that the individual case exemplifies something important about a larger topic or social phenomenon: the problems of "aging out" of foster care, the operation of power outside the law, the relation to rebellious bodies in the cancer patient, etc. Case studies also enable researchers to document particular social processes in action, such as the implementation of a social policy or the roll out of a dating app; they would explore, in detail, how they are interpreted by participants, how they develop step by step, and their effects in a particular socio-political context. However, a major criticism of the case study as a research method is that a developed study of a single case, while offering depth on a topic, does not provide enough evidence to form a generalized conclusion. In other words, it is difficult to make universal claims based on just one person or event, since one person or event does not verify a pattern. However, case studies are especially useful when the single case is unique. Little (2012) used the autobiographical materials of ex-neo-Nazi leader, Ingo Hasselbach, to study the process and difficulties of leaving a tight-knit, neo-Nazi group, and a life of political violence. What were the stages of leaving and what were the various ways in which Hasselbach acted upon himself to transform himself into a "normal" democratic citizen? From the outside, the attraction to neo-Nazism, the thrills of street violence and the difficulties of leaving this political subculture behind might seem incomprehensible to most people. The difficulties that Hasselbach had in changing his identity, even after having made the decision to "step out," are therefore informative for thinking about the problems of responding to political extremism.

4. Secondary Data or Textual Analysis

While sociologists often engage in original research studies, they also contribute knowledge to the discipline through secondary data or textual analysis. Secondary data do not result from firsthand research collected from primary sources, but are drawn from the already-completed work of other researchers, as well as from sources like newspapers, social media, pop culture, archives, census statistics, sales records, letters, and so on. One of the most famous studies in early American sociology was Znaniecki and Thomas' The Polish Peasant in Europe and America (1918-1920), which explored the formation of the immigrant Polish ethnic community in Chicago, in the early 20th century, by examining personal documents, letters, immigration brochures, newspaper articles, and church and court documents. Using available information not only saves time and money, but it can add depth to a study. Sociologists often interpret findings in a new way — a way that was not part of an author’s original purpose or intention. To study how women were encouraged to act and behave in the 1960s, for example, a researcher might review movies, televisions shows, pop psychology articles, and women's magazines from that period. Or, to research changes in behaviour and attitudes due to the emergence of social media, a sociologist would rely on texts, Facebook pages, Instagram accounts, Twitter trends, and the like. One methodology that sociologists employ with secondary data is content analysis. The quantitative approach to content analysis is a form of textual research that selects an item of textual content (i.e., a variable) that can be reliably and consistently observed and coded, and surveys the prevalence of that item in a sample of textual output. For example, Gilens (1996) wanted to find out why survey research shows that the American public substantially exaggerates the percentage of African Americans among the poor. He examined whether media representations influence public perceptions, and did a content analysis of photographs of poor people in American news magazines. He coded and then systematically recorded incidences of three variables in the photos: (1) race: white, black, indeterminate; (2) employed: working, not working; and (3) age. Gilens discovered that not only were African Americans markedly overrepresented in news magazine photographs of poverty, but that the photos also tended to under represent “sympathetic” subgroups of the poor — the elderly and working poor — while over representing less sympathetic groups — unemployed, working age adults. Gilens (1996) concluded that by providing a distorted representation of poverty, U.S. news magazines “reinforce negative stereotypes of blacks as mired in poverty and contribute to the belief that poverty is primarily a ‘black problem.’” Social scientists can also do statistical research by analyzing the data provided by a variety of agencies. Governmental departments, public interest research groups, and global organizations like Statistics Canada, the Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives, or the World Health Organization, publish studies with findings that are useful to sociologists. A public statistic that measures inequality of incomes might be useful for studying who benefited and who lost as a result of the 2008 recession; a demographic profile of different immigrant groups might be compared with data on unemployment to examine the reasons why immigration integration is more effective for some communities than for others. One of the advantages of secondary data is that it is non-reactive (or unobtrusive) research, meaning that it does not include direct contact with subjects and will not alter or influence people’s behaviours. Unlike studies requiring direct contact with people, using previously published data does not require entering a population and the investment and risks inherent in that research process. Using available data does have its challenges. Public records are not always easy to access. A researcher needs to do some legwork to track them down and gain access to records. In some cases there is no way to verify the accuracy of existing data. It is easy, for example, to count how many drunk drivers are pulled over by the police. But how many are not? While it is possible to discover the percentage of teenage students who drop out of high school, it might be more challenging to determine the number who return to school or get their high school diplomas later. Another problem arises when data are unavailable in the exact form needed, or do not address the precise question the researcher is asking. For example, the salaries paid to professors at universities are often published, but the figures do not necessarily reveal how long it took each professor to reach that salary range, what their educational backgrounds are, or how long they have been teaching. In his qualitative research, sociologist Richard Sennett (2008) uses secondary data to shed light on current trends from contemporary urban life to material culture. In The Craftsman, he studied homo faber (the human as maker): the human desire to perform quality work, from carpentry to computer programming. "What [does] the process of making concrete things reveal to us about ourselves[?]" He studied the line between craftsmanship and skilled manual labour. He also studied changes in attitudes toward craftsmanship that occurred not only during and after the Industrial Revolution, but also in ancient times. Obviously, he could not have firsthand knowledge of periods of ancient history, so he had to rely on secondary data for his study. For example, Sennett describes technique as a key component of human life. It is a product of bodily practices, resistant materials, and powers of the imagination. However, specific techniques, like the "hand habits of striking a piano key or using a knife," have disappeared and have to be reconstructed through close study of historical instruction manuals, descriptions, and the like. The research problem is to be able to go from historical texts about craftmanship, and sometimes from the crafted artifacts themselves, to understand how the process of skills development occurs and why it was a prominent component of public status in some eras and not in others.

Reading Tables

*Table 2.3 Firearm-Related Violent Crime, by Selected Offenses, in Canada and the United States, 2012. Note: (Adapted from Cotter, 2014)[Skip Table]*
Country	Offence	Number	Per cent of total offenses (%)	Rate (per 100,000 pop).
Canada	Homicide	172	33	0.5
Canada	Major assault	1,459	4	5.5
Canada	Robbery	2,368	12	8.9
United States	Homicide	8,813	69	3.5
United States	Major assault	143,119	22	52.8
United States	Robbery	122,174	41	45.1

One of the common forms in which one encounters secondary data is the contingency table. A contingency table provides a frequency distribution of at least two variables that allows the researcher to see at a glance how the variables are related. Table 2.3 shows the frequency of different types of firearm crime for Canada and the United States. In this table, the independent variable (the causal variable) is the country, either Canada or the United States. The dependent variable, displayed in the columns, is the frequency of offenses that involve firearms in the two countries. This is given as an absolute number ("Number"), as a percentage of the total number of crimes in that category (i.e., as a percentage of the total number of homicides, major assaults and robberies; "Percent of total offenses"), and as rate calculated per 100,000 population ("Rate"). To interpret the table, the researcher has to pay attention to what adds up to 100%. This table does not provide the complete information in each column, but it is straight forward to recognize that if 33% of the homicides in Canada involved the use of a firearm, another 67% of homicides did not. The table, for instance, does not say that 33% of all firearm crimes in Canada were homicides. From these figures one can also calculate the total number of homicides that took place in Canada in 2012 by a simple ratio: If the 172 homicides that involved firearms represents 33% or 1/3 of all the Canadian homicides, then there were (approximately) 516 homicides in Canada in 2012. Table 2.3 suggests that there is a definite correlation between country and firearm-related violent crime. This is most clearly demonstrated by percentages and rates per capita rather than absolute numbers, because the United States has a population approximately 9 times the size of Canada's. Comparisons of absolute numbers are difficult to interpret. Violent crime in the United States tends to involve firearms much more frequently than violent crime in Canada. With respect to homicides, there were 8,813 homicides involving firearms in the United States in 2012, accounting for 69% of all homicides, while in Canada, firearms accounted for 33% of homicides. The column that gives the rates of firearm violence per 100,000 population allows the researcher to identify a comparison figure that takes into account the different population sizes of the two countries. The rate of firearm-related homicide in the United States was about seven times higher than in Canada in 2012 (0.5 per 100,000 compared to 3.5 per 100,000), firearm-related major assault was about ten times higher (53 per 100,000 compared to 5 per 100,000), and firearm-related robbery was about five times higher (8.9 per 100,000 compared to 45.1 per 100,000). The question that this data raises is about causation. Why are firearm-related violent crimes so much lower in Canada than in the United States? One key element are the legal restrictions on firearm possession in the two countries. Canadian law requires that an individual has a valid licence under the Firearms Act, in order to own or possess a firearm or to purchase ammunition. Until 2012, all firearms also had to be registered, but with the repeal of the national gun registry provisions for long guns (rifles and shot guns), currently only hand guns and prohibited weapons (assault weapons, fully automatic firearms, and sawed-off rifles or shotguns) have to be registered. In the United States firearm regulations are state-specific, and only a few states place restrictions on the possession of firearms. In 2007, there were 89 firearms for every 100 citizens in the United States, which is the highest rate of gun ownership of any country (Cotter, 2014). By contrast, figures from 1998 show that there 24 firearms for every 100 citizens in Canada (Department of Justice, 2015). Nevertheless, as Canada's firearm-related homicide rate is higher than several peer countries, most notably Japan and the United Kingdom, variables other than gun control legislation might be a factor.

Research Methods Summary

As noted above, there is not only a variety of theoretical perspectives in sociology, but also a diversity of research methodologies that can be used in studying the social. In large part, the choice of research methodology follows from the choice of the research question. Of course, the choice of the research question itself depends on the same sort of underlying values and decisions about the nature of the world that divide the theoretical perspectives in sociology. In addition, the choice of the research question involves both the character of the social phenomenon being studied and the purpose of the research in the first place.

[caption id="attachment_1225" align="aligncenter" width="800"] Figure 2.19 Research methods summary. (Source: William Little) [Image Description][/caption]

Again, it is useful to map out the different methodologies in a diagram. They can be positioned along two axes according to: (a) whether the subject matter or purpose of the research calls for highly reliable findings — consistent between research contexts (high reliability) — or for highly valid and nuanced findings true to the specific social situation under observation (unique observation), and (b) whether the nature of the object of research can be meaningfully operationalized and measured using quantitative techniques (quantitative data) or is better grasped in terms of the texture of social meanings that constitute it (qualitative data). The advantages and disadvantages of the different methodologies are summarized in Table 2.4 below.

*Table 2.4. Main Sociological Research Methods [Skip Table]*
Method	Implementation	Advantages	Challenges
Survey	Questionnaires Interviews	Yields many responses Can survey a large sample Data generalizable Quantitative data are easy to chart	Can be time consuming Can be difficult to encourage participant response Captures what people think and believe, but not necessarily how they behave in real life
Field Work	Observation Participant observation Ethnography Case study	Yields detailed, accurate, real-life information	Time consuming Data are often descriptive and not conducive to generalization Researcher bias is difficult to control for Qualitative data are difficult to organize
Experiment	Deliberate manipulation of social customs and mores	Tests cause and effect relationships	Hawthorne effect Artificial conditions of research Ethical concerns about people’s well-being
Secondary Data Analysis	Analysis of government data (census, health, crime statistics) Research of historic documents Content analysis	Makes good use of previous sociological information	Data could be focused on a purpose other than the researchers' Data can be hard to find Taking into account the historical or cultural context of texts
Note. Sociological research methods have advantages and disadvantages.

Image Descriptions

Figure 2.18 Long Description: A sociology for women would offer a knowledge of the social organization and determinations of the properties and events of our directly experienced world. [Return to Figure 2.18]

Figure 2.19 Long description: Different Research Methods: Textual analysis uses qualitative data and is highly reliable. Participant observation uses qualitative data and is a unique observation. Experiments and survey research use quantitative data and are highly reliable. Journalism uses quantitative data and is a unique observation. [Return to Figure 2.19]

Media Attributions

Figure 2.10 Hawthorne Works factory of the Western Electric Company, 1925. By Western Electric Company by Western Electric Company, Photograph Album, 1925, via Wikimedia Commons, is in the public domain.
Figure 2.11 Didn't they abolish the mandatory census? Then what's this? by Khosrow Ebrahimpour, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY 2.0 licence.
Figure 2.12 Dauphin Canadian Northern Railway Station by Bobak Ha'Eri, via Wikimedia Commons, is used under CC BY 3.0 licence.
Figure 2.13 Punk Band by Patrick, via Flickr, is used under CC BY 2.0 licence.
Figure 2.14 Crack Cocaine Smokers in Vancouver Alleyway by [name invalid], is in the public domain.
Figure 2.15 Loïc Wacquant at the Woodlands Gym used by permission of Loïc Wacquant.
Figure 2.16 Dormitory at Longue Pointe Asylum, Montreal, 1911 by the McCord Museum, VIEW-11279, via Wikimedia Commons, is in the public domain.
Figure 2.17 Jonas Salk - Polio by Sanofi Pasteur used under a CC BY-NC-ND 2.0 licence.
Figure 2.18 Sociology for Women by Zuleyka Zevallos is used under a CC BY-NC-SA 2.0 licence.

2.3. Ethical Concerns

hfriedman — Wed, 09 Aug 2023 15:19:19 +0000

Sociologists conduct studies to shed light on human behaviours. Knowledge is a powerful tool that can be used toward positive change. While a sociologist’s goal is often simply to uncover knowledge rather than to spur action, authorities use sociological studies to make public policy decisions. In that sense, conducting a sociological study comes with a tremendous amount of responsibility. Like any researchers, sociologists must consider their ethical obligation to avoid harming subjects or groups while conducting their research. The Canadian Sociological Association (CSA), is the major professional organization of sociologists in Canada. The CSA is a great resource for students of sociology as well. It maintains a code of ethics — formal guidelines for conducting sociological research — consisting of principles and ethical standards to be used in the discipline. It also describes procedures for filing, investigating, and resolving complaints of unethical conduct. These are in line with the Tri-Council Policy Statement on Ethical Conduct for Research Involving Humans (2010), which applies to any research with human subjects funded by one of the three federal research agencies — the Canadian Institutes of Health Research (CIHR), the Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada (NSERC), and the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC). Practicing sociologists and sociology students have a lot to consider. Some of the guidelines state that researchers must try to be skillful and fair-minded in their work, especially as it relates to their human subjects. Researchers must obtain participants’ informed consent, and they must inform subjects of the responsibilities and risks of research before they agree to participate. During a study, sociologists must ensure the safety of participants and immediately stop work if a subject becomes potentially endangered on any level. Researchers are required to protect the privacy of research participants whenever possible. Even if pressured by authorities, such as police or courts, researchers are not ethically allowed to release confidential information. Researchers must make results available to other sociologists, must make public all sources of financial support, and must not accept funding from any organization that might cause a conflict of interest or seek to influence the research results for its own purposes. The CSA’s ethical considerations shape not only the study but also the publication of results. Pioneer German sociologist Max Weber (1949) identified another crucial ethical concern. Weber understood that personal values could distort the framework for disclosing study results. While he accepted that some aspects of research design might be influenced by personal values, he declared it was entirely inappropriate to allow personal values to shape the interpretation of the responses. Sociologists, he stated, must establish value neutrality, a practice of remaining impartial, without bias or judgement, during the course of a study and in publishing results. Sociologists are obligated to disclose research findings without omitting or distorting significant data. Value neutrality does not mean having no opinions. It means striving to overcome personal biases, particularly subconscious biases, when analyzing data. It means avoiding skewing data in order to match a predetermined outcome that aligns with a particular agenda, such as a political or moral point of view. Investigators are ethically obligated to report results, even when they contradict personal views, predicted outcomes, or widely accepted beliefs. Is value neutrality possible? Many sociologists believe it is impossible to set aside personal values and obtain complete objectivity. Individuals inevitably see the world from a partial perspective. Their interests are central to the types of topics they choose, the types of questions they ask, the way they frame their research, and the research methodologies they select to pursue it. Moreover, facts, however objective, do not exist in a void. As was noted in Chapter 1. An Introduction to Sociology, Jürgen Habermas (1972) argues that sociological research has built-in interests or values quite apart from the personal biases of individual researchers. Positivist sociology has an interest in pursuing types of knowledge that are useful for controlling and administering social life. Interpretive sociology has an interest in pursuing types of knowledge that promote greater mutual understanding and the possibility of consensus among members of society. Critical sociology has an interest in types of knowledge that enable emancipation from power relations and forms of domination in society. In Habermas’ view, sociological knowledge is not disinterested knowledge. This does not discredit the results of sociological research but allows readers to take into account the perspective of the research when judging the validity and applicability of its outcomes.

Chapter 2 Resources and Activities

hfriedman — Wed, 09 Aug 2023 15:22:32 +0000

Key Terms

Type your key takeaways here. authoritative knowledge: Knowledge based on the accepted authority of the source. case study: In-depth analysis of a single event, situation, or individual. carnal sociology: A sociological research method that studies the social world from the point of view of the bodies and bodily practices of the participants. casual observation: Knowledge based on observations without any systematic process for observing or assessing the accuracy of observations. code of ethics: A set of guidelines established to foster ethical research and professionally responsible scholarship in sociology or other disciplines. content analysis: A quantitative approach to textual research that selects an item of textual content that can be reliably and consistently observed and coded, and surveys the prevalence of that item in a sample of textual output. contingency table: A statistical table that provides a frequency distribution of at least two variables. control group: In an experiment, the subjects or comparison group who are not exposed to the independent variable. correlation: When a change in one variable coincides with a change in another variable, but does not necessarily indicate causation. critical research strategy: Research approach that utilizes positivist, interpretive and reflexive methods to produce knowledge that maximizes the human potential for freedom and equality. critical pedagogy: An approach to teaching and learning based on fostering the agency of marginalized communities and empowering learners to emancipate themselves from oppressive social structures. decolonization: The process of dismantling colonial power structures. dependent variable: Variable changed by the impact of another variable. empirical evidence: Evidence corroborated by direct sense experience and/or observation. ethnography: The extended observation of the cultural practices, perspectives, beliefs and values of an entire social setting. experiment: The testing of a hypothesis under controlled conditions. experimental group: In an experiment, the subjects who are exposed to the independent variable. field research: Gathering data from a natural environment without doing a lab experiment or a survey. grounded theory: The generation of hypotheses and theories after the collecting and analysis of data. Hawthorne effect: When study subjects behave in a certain manner due to their awareness of being observed by a researcher. hypothesis: An educated guess that predicts outcomes with respect to the relationship between two or more variables. hypothetico-deductive methodologies: Methodologies that test the validity of a hypothesis by whether it correctly predicts observations. independent variable: Variable that causes change in a dependent variable. inductive approach: Methodologies that derive a general statement from a series of empirical observations. institutional ethnography: The study of the way everyday life is coordinated through institutional, textually mediated practices. interpretive methodology (approach): Research approach based on systematic, in-depth understanding of the meaning, interpretation, or context of a social phenomenon for research subjects. intervening variable: An underlying variable that explains the correlation between two other variables. interview: A one-on-one conversation between a researcher and a subject. literature review: A scholarly research step that entails identifying and studying all existing studies on a topic to create a basis for new research. nonreactive research: Unobtrusive research that does not include direct contact with subjects and will not alter or influence people’s behaviours. operational definitions: Specific ways of rendering abstract concepts in terms of measurable and observable criteria. overgeneralization: Knowledge that draws general conclusions from limited observations. participant observation: Immersion by a researcher in a group or social setting in order to make observations from an “insider” perspective. population: A defined group serving as the subject of a study. positivist methodology (approach): Research approach based on a hypothetico-deductive formulation of the research question, systematic empirical observation, and quantitative data. primary data: Data collected directly from firsthand experience. qualitative data: Information based on systematic interpretations of meaning. quantitative data: Information from research collected in numerical form that can be counted. random sample: A representative subset of a population selected without bias. Every person in a population has the same chance of being chosen for the study. research design: A detailed, systematic method for conducting research and obtaining data. sample: Small, manageable number of subjects that represent the population. scientific method: A systematic research method that involves asking a question, researching existing sources, forming a hypothesis, designing and conducting a study, and drawing conclusions. secondary data analysis: Using data collected by others but applying new interpretations. selective observation: Knowledge based on observations that only confirm what the observer expects or wants to see. surveys: Data collections from subjects who respond to a series of questions about behaviours and opinions, often in the form of a questionnaire. textually mediated communication: Institutional forms of communication that rely on written documents, texts, and paperwork. thick description: A thorough ethnographic description which describes observed behaviour and the layers of meaning that form the social context of the behaviour. traditional knowledge: Knowledge based on received beliefs or the way things have always been done. validity: The degree to which a sociological measure accurately reflects the topic of study. value neutrality: A practice of remaining impartial, without bias or judgment, during the course of a study and in publishing results. variable: A characteristic or measure of a social phenomenon that can take different values.

Section Summary

2.1 Approaches to Sociological Research Using the scientific method, a researcher conducts a study in five phases: asking a question, researching existing sources, formulating a hypothesis, conducting a study, and drawing conclusions. The scientific method is useful in that it provides a clear method of organizing a study. Some sociologists conduct scientific research through a positivist framework utilizing a hypothetico-deductive formulation of the research question. Other sociologists conduct scientific research by employing an interpretive framework that is often descriptive or inductive in nature. Critical research strategies utilize positivist, interpretive, and reflexive methods to produce knowledge that maximizes the human potential for freedom and equality.

2.2 Research Methods The many methods of research available to sociological researchers — including experiments, surveys, field studies, and secondary data analysis — all come with advantages and disadvantages. The strength of a study depends on the choice and implementation of the appropriate method of gathering research, which in turn depends on the topic and the purposes of the research. Trade-offs occur based on available sources of data, reliability of methods, validity of methods, type of data (qualitative or quantitative), and the purposes of the research.

2.3 Ethical Concerns Sociologists and sociology students must take ethical responsibility for any study they conduct. They must first and foremost guarantee the safety of their participants. Whenever possible, they must ensure that participants have been fully informed before consenting to be part of a study. The Canadian Sociological Association (CSA) maintains ethical guidelines that sociologists must take into account as they conduct research. The guidelines address conducting studies, properly using existing sources, accepting funding, and publishing results. Sociologists must try to maintain value neutrality. They must gather and analyze data objectively, setting aside their personal preferences, beliefs, and opinions. They must report findings accurately, even if they contradict personal convictions.

Questions

Quiz: Sociological Research

2.1 Approaches to Sociological Research

A measurement is considered if it actually measures what it is intended to measure, according to the topic of the study.
1. reliable
2. sociological
3. valid
4. quantitative
Sociological studies test relationships in which change in one causes change in another.
1. test subject
2. behaviour
3. variable
4. operational definition
In a study, a group of 10-year-old boys are fed doughnuts every morning for a week and then weighed to see how much weight they gained. Which factor is the dependent variable?
1. The doughnuts
2. The boys
3. The duration of a week
4. The weight gained
Which statement provides the best operational definition of “childhood obesity”?
1. Children who eat unhealthy foods and spend too much time watching television and playing video games.
2. A distressing trend that can lead to health issues, including type 2 diabetes and heart disease.
3. Body weight that is at least 20% higher than a healthy weight for a child of that height.
4. The tendency of children today to weigh more than children of earlier generations.

2.2 Research Methods

Which materials are considered secondary data?
1. Census information
2. Photos and letters
3. Information from previous sociological research
4. All of the above
What method did Andrew Ivsins use to study crack cocaine users in Victoria?
1. Survey
2. Experiment
3. Field research
4. Content analysis
Why is choosing a random sample an effective way to select participants?
1. Participants do not know they are part of a study.
2. The researcher has no control over who is in the study.
3. It is larger than an ordinary sample.
4. Everyone has the same chance of being part of the study.
What research method did Latour and Woolgar mainly use in their Salk Institute study?
1. Secondary data
2. Survey
3. Ethnography
4. Experiment
Which research approach is best suited to the positivist approach?
1. Questionnaire
2. Case study
3. Ethnography
4. Secondary data analysis
The main difference between ethnography and other types of field work is:
1. Ethnography is based on the systematic observation of an entire community.
2. Ethnographic subjects are unaware they are being studied.
3. Ethnographic studies involve tribes, or tribe-like groupings.
4. There is no difference.
Which best describes the results of a case study?
1. It produces more reliable results than other methods because of its depth.
2. Its results are not generally applicable.
3. It relies solely on secondary data analysis.
4. It demonstrates sociological principles from surveys of legal decisions.
Using secondary data is considered an unobtrusive or research method.
1. non-reactive
2. non-participatory
3. non-restrictive
4. non-confrontive

2.3 Ethical Concerns

Which statement illustrates value neutrality?
1. Obesity in children is obviously a result of parental neglect; therefore, schools should take a greater role in preventing it.
2. In 2003, states like Arkansas adopted laws requiring elementary schools to remove soft drink vending machines from schools.
3. Merely restricting children’s access to junk food at school is not enough to prevent obesity.
4. Physical activity and healthy eating are proper parts of a child’s education.
Which sociologist defined the concept of value neutrality?
1. Karl Marx
2. Dorothy Smith
3. Plato
4. Max Weber
To study the effects of fast food on lifestyle, health, and culture, from which group would a researcher ethically be unable to accept funding?
1. A fast-food restaurant
2. A nonprofit health organization
3. A private hospital
4. A governmental agency like Health and Social Services

[Quiz answers at the end of the chapter]

Short Answer

2.1 Approaches to Sociological Research

Write down the first three steps of the scientific method. Think of a broad topic that you are interested in and which would make a good sociological study; for example, ethnic diversity of university professors, eating rituals, decolonization, or teen driving. Now, take that topic through the first steps of the process. For each step, write a few sentences or a paragraph: 1) Ask a question about the topic. 2) Do some research and write down the titles of some academic articles or books you would want to read about the topic. 3) Formulate a hypothesis.

2.2 Research Methods

What type of data do surveys gather? For what topics would surveys be the best research method? What drawbacks might you expect to encounter when using a survey? To explore further, ask a research question and write a hypothesis. Then create a survey of about six questions relevant to the topic. Provide a rationale for each question. Now define your population and create a plan for recruiting a random sample and administering the survey.
Imagine you are about to do field research in a specific place for a set time. Instead of thinking about the topic of study itself, consider how you, as the researcher, will have to prepare for the study. What personal, social, and physical sacrifices will you have to make? How will you make contact with the subjects? What means of recording, writing down, transcribing, reviewing, or organizing the data will you use?
Choose a research question that interests you. Which of the four types of sociological method would be best suited for the topic? What are the strengths and limitations of each of the four types of method for this topic? How does choice of method affect the types of question you can ask?

2.3 Ethical Concerns

See the Canadian Sociological Association: Statement of Professional Ethics (https://www.csa-scs.ca/statement-of-professional-ethics). Why do you think the CSA crafted such a detailed set of ethical principles? What type of study could put human participants at risk? Think of some examples of studies that might be harmful. Do you think that, in the name of sociology, some researchers might be tempted to cross boundaries that threaten human rights? Why?
Would you willingly participate in a sociological study that could potentially put your health and safety at risk, but had the potential to explain an important, but previously unresearched phenomenon?

Further Research

2.1 Approaches to Sociological Research

For a historical perspective on the scientific method in sociology, read “The Elements of Scientific Method in Sociology” by F. Stuart Chapin (1914) in the American Journal of Sociology.

2.2 Research Methods

Information on current real-world sociology experiments, Seven Examples of Field Experiments for Sociology by Karl Thompson (2016) from the Revise Sociology website.

2.3 Ethical Concerns

The Social Sciences and Humanities Council criteria for ethical conduct in research involving humans are outlined in Chapter 1 of the Tri-Council Policy Statement-Ethical Conduct for Research Involving Humans (TCPS-2) 2018 [PDF], which can be found on the Government of Canada website.

References

2.0 Introduction to Sociological Research

Cohen, T. (2013, April 25). String of terror incidents no reason to ‘commit sociology’: Stephen Harper. National Post. http://news.nationalpost.com/2013/04/25/string-of-terror-incidents-no-reason-to-commit-sociology-stephen-harper/

Pape, R. (2005). Dying to win: The strategic logic of suicide terrorism. Random House.

2.1 Approaches to Sociological Research

Blackstone, A. (2012). Principles of Sociological Inquiry – Qualitative and Quantitative Methods. Saylor Foundation. https://open.umn.edu/opentextbooks/textbooks/139

Brym, R., Roberts, L., Lie, J., & Rytina, S. (2013). Sociology: Your compass for a new world (4th Canadian ed.). Nelson.

Carroll, W. (2004). Introduction. Critical Strategies for Social Research. Canadian Scholars Press.

Dalgaard-Nielsen, A. (2010). Violent radicalization in Europe: What we know and what we do not know. Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, 33(9), 797–814. https://doi.org/10.1080/1057610X.2010.501423

Freire, P. (1970). Pedagogy of the Oppressed. Continuum.

Glaser, B., & Strauss, A. (1967). The discovery of grounded theory: Strategies for qualitative research. Aldine.

Hartnagel, T. (2004). Correlates of criminal behaviour. In Criminology: A Canadian perspective (5th ed.). Nelson.

Lengermann, P. & Niebrugge, G. (2007). The women founders: Sociology and social theory 1830–1930, a text/reader. Waveland Press.

Marx, K. (1977/1845). Theses on Feuerbach. In David McLellan (Ed.), Karl Marx: Selected writings (pp. 156–158). Oxford University Press.

Martineau, H. (1838). How to Observe Morals and Manners. Charles Knight and Co. https://www.gutenberg.org/files/33944/33944-h/33944-h.htm

Merton, R. (1973/1942). The normative structure of science. In The sociology of science theoretical and empirical investigation (pp. 267-278). University of Chicago Press.Merton, R. (1968/1949). Social theory and social structure. New York Free Press.

Mikkelson, B. (1999, November 9). Grandma’s cooking secret. Snopes.com. http://www.snopes.com/weddings/newlywed/secret.asp

Office of the Correctional Investigator. (2020). 2019-2020 annual report. Government of Canada. Catologue No.: PS100E-PDF. https://www.oci-bec.gc.ca/cnt/rpt/pdf/annrpt/annrpt20192020-eng.pdf

Patel, F. (2011). Rethinking radicalization. Brennan Center for Justice at NYU Law. https://www.brennancenter.org/publication/rethinking-radicalization

Popper, K. (1963). Conjectures and refutations: The growth of scientific knowledge. Routledge.

Thambinathan, V. & Kinsella, E. (2021, May). Decolonizing methodologies in qualitative research: Creating spaces for transformative praxis. International Journal of Qualitative Methods, 20, 1–9. https://doi.org/10.1177/16094069211014766

Zeitlin, I. (1997). Ideology and the development of sociological theory. Prentice Hall.

2.2 Research Methods

Cotter, A. (2014). Firearms and violent crime in Canada, 2012. Juristat (Statistics Canada catalogue No. 85-002-X). http://www.statcan.gc.ca/pub/85-002-x/2014001/article/11925-eng.htm

Department of Justice. (2015, January 7). Firearms, accidental deaths, suicides and violent crime: An updated review of the literature with special reference to the Canadian situation. Government of Canada. https://www.justice.gc.ca/eng/rp-pr/csj-sjc/jsp-sjp/wd98_4-dt98_4/p2.html

Forget, E. (2011). The town with no poverty: Using health administration data to revisit outcomes of a Canadian guaranteed annual income field experiment. Canadian Public Policy, 37(3), 283–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cpp.37.3.283

Franke, R., & Kaul, J. (1978). The Hawthorne experiments: First statistical interpretation. American Sociological Review, 43(5), 632–643. https://doi.org/10.2307/2094540

Geertz, C. (1977). Thick description: Toward an interpretive theory of culture. In The interpretation of cultures: Selected essays (pp. 3-30). Basic Books.

Gilens, M. (1996). Race and poverty in America: Public misperceptions and the American news media. The Public Opinion Quarterly, 60(4), 515–541. https://doi.org/10.1086/297771

Haney, C., Banks, W. C., & Zimbardo, P. G. (1973). Interpersonal dynamics in a simulated prison. International Journal of Criminology and Penology, 1, 69–97.

Ivsins, A. (2010). "Got a pipe?" The social dimensions and functions of crack pipe sharing among crack users in Victoria, BC [PDF] (Master's thesis, Department of Sociology, University of Victoria). http://hdl.handle.net/1828/3044

Ivsins, A., Roth, E., Benoit, C., & Fischer, B. (2013). Crack pipe sharing in context: How sociostructural factors shape risk practices among noninjection drug users. Contemporary Drug Problems. 40(4), 481–503. https://doi.org/10.1177/009145091304000403

Latour, B. & Woolgar, S. (1985). Laboratory life: The construction of scientific facts. Princeton University Press.

Little, W. (2012). Leaving a life of political violence: A neo-Nazi steigt aus. New German Critique. 39 (1(115)), 139–167. https://doi.org/10.1215/0094033X-1434533

Lowrey, A. (2013, November 12). Switzerland’s proposal to pay people for being alive. The New York Times Magazine. http://www.nytimes.com/2013/11/17/magazine/switzerlands-proposal-to-pay-people-for-being-alive.html?pagewanted=1&_r=2

Marshall, B. D. L., Milloy, M. J., Wood, E., Montaner, J. S. G., & Kerr, T. (2011). Reduction in overdose mortality after the opening of North America’s first medically supervised safer injecting facility: A retrospective population-based study. Lancet, 377(9775), 1429–1437. https://doi.org/10.1016/S0140-6736(10)62353-7

Rosenhan, D. (1973). On being sane in insane places. Science. 179(4070), 250–258. https://doi.org/10.1126/science.179.4070.250

Sennett, R. (2008). The craftsman. Yale University Press.

Smith, D. (1990). Textually mediated social organization. In Texts, facts and femininity: Exploring the relations of ruling (pp. 209–234). Routledge.

Smith, D. (2005). Institutional ethnography: A sociology for people. Altamira Press.Sonnenfeld, J. A. (1985). Shedding light on the Hawthorne studies. Journal of Occupational Behavior 6, 125. https://doi.org/10.1002/job.4030060203

Thomas, W. I. and Znaniecki, F. (1918–1920). The Polish peasant in Europe and America: monograph of an immigrant group. The Gorham Press.

Thompson, K. (2016, August 12). Seven examples of field experiments for sociology. Revise Sociology. https://revisesociology.com/2016/08/12/field-experiments-examples/

Wacquant, L. (2004). Body and soul: Notebooks of an apprentice boxer. Oxford University Press.

Wacquant, L. (2015). For a sociology of flesh and blood. Qualitative Sociology, 38, 1–11. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11133-014-9291-y

Wood, E., Tyndall, M. W., Montaner, J. S., & Kerr, T. (2006). Summary of findings from the evaluation of a pilot medically supervised safer injecting facility. Canadian Medical Association Journal 175(11), 1399–1404. https://doi.org/10.1503/cmaj.060863

2.3 Ethical Concerns

Canadian Institutes of Health Research, Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada, and Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. (2018). Tri-Council Policy Statement-Ethical Conduct for Research Involving Humans (TCPS-2) 2018 [PDF]. https://ethics.gc.ca/eng/policy-politique_tcps2-eptc2_2018.html

Canadian Sociological Association (CSA-SCS Policy, Ethics, and Professional Concerns Subcommittee). (2021). Statement of professional ethics [PDF]. https://www.csa-scs.ca/statement-of-professional-ethicsHabermas, J. (1972). Knowledge and human interests. Beacon Press.

Weber, M. (1949). Methodology of the social sciences (H. Shils & E. Finch, Trans.). Free Press.

Solutions to Quiz: Sociological Research

1 C, | 2 C, | 3 D, | 4 C, | 5 D, | 6 C, | 7 D, | 8 C, | 9 A, | 10 A, | 11 B, | 12 A, | 13 B, | 14 D, | 15 A, [Return to Quiz]

3.1. What Is Culture?

hfriedman — Wed, 09 Aug 2023 21:53:25 +0000

[caption id="attachment_1799" align="alignleft" width="236"] Figure 3.5 What is culture? (Image courtesy ofAlex-David Baldi/ Flickr.) CC BY NC-SA 2.0[/caption] Humans are social creatures. Since the dawn of Homo sapiens, nearly 200,000 years ago, people have grouped together into communities in order to survive. Living together, people developed forms of cooperation which created the common habits, behaviours, and ways of life known as culture — from specific methods of childrearing to preferred techniques for obtaining food. Peter Berger (b. 1929) argued that culture is the product of a fundamental human predicament (1967). Unlike other animals, humans lack the biological programming to live on their own. They require an extended period of dependency in order to survive in the environment. The creation of culture makes this possible by providing a kind of protective shield against the harsh impositions of nature. Culture provides the ongoing transmission of knowledge and stability that enables human existence. It allows humans to know that one plant is poisonous and another plant is edible, and so on. This means, however, that the human environment is not nature per se but culture itself. Humans live in a world defined by culture. Over the history of humanity, this has lead to an incredible diversity in how humans have imagined and lived life on Earth, the sum total of which Wade Davis (b. 1953) has called the ethnosphere. The ethnosphere is the entirety of all cultures' “ways of thinking, ways of being, and ways of orienting oneself on the Earth” (Davis, 2007). It is the collective cultural heritage of the human species. A single culture, as the sphere of meanings shared by a single social group, is the means by which that group makes sense of the world and of each other. But there are many cultures and many ways of making sense of the world. Through a multiplicity of cultural inventions, human societies have adapted to the environmental and biological conditions of human existence in many different ways. What do we learn from this? First, almost every human behaviour, from shopping to marriage to expressions of feelings, is learned. In Canada, people tend to view marriage as a choice between two people based on mutual feelings of love. In other nations and in other times, marriages have been arranged through an intricate process of interviews and negotiations between entire families, or in other cases, through a direct system such as a mail-order bride. To someone raised in Winnipeg, the marriage customs of a family from Nigeria may seem strange or even wrong. Conversely, someone from a traditional Kolkata family might be perplexed with the idea of romantic love as the foundation for the lifelong commitment of marriage. In other words, the way in which people view marriage depends largely on what they have been taught. Being familiar with these written and unwritten rules of culture helps people feel secure and “normal.” Most people want to live their daily lives confident that their behaviours will not be challenged or disrupted. Behaviour based on learned customs is, therefore, a good thing, but it does raise the problem of how to respond to cultural differences. [caption id="attachment_1748" align="aligncenter" width="800"] Figure 3.6 The cultural norms governing public transportation vary in Canada, Austria, Mumbai, and Tokyo. How would a visitor from a rural Canadian town act and feel on this crowded Tokyo train? (Photo courtesy of Tokyoform/Flickr.) CC BY-NC-ND 2.0[/caption] Second, culture is innovative. The existence of different cultural practices reveals the way in which societies find different solutions to real life problems. The different forms of marriage are various solutions to a common problem, the problem of organizing families in order to raise children and reproduce the species. As structural functionalists argue, the basic problem is shared by the different societies, but the solutions are different. This illustrates the point that culture in general is a means of solving problems. It is a tool composed of the capacity to abstract and conceptualize, to cooperate and coordinate complex collective endeavours, and to modify and construct the world to suit human purposes. It is the repository of creative solutions, techniques, and technologies humans draw on when confronting the basic shared problems of human existence. Culture is, therefore, key to the way humans, as a species, have successfully adapted to the environment. The existence of different cultures refers to the different means by which humans use innovation to free themselves from biological and environmental constraints. Third, culture is also restraining. Cultures retain their distinctive patterns through time and impose them on their members. In contemporary life, global capitalism increasingly imposes a common cultural playing field on the cultures of the world. As a result, Canadian culture, French culture, Malaysian culture, and Kazakhstani culture will share certain features like rationalization and commodification, even if they also differ in terms of languages, beliefs, dietary practices, and other ways of life. There are two sides to the response of local cultures to global culture. Different cultures adapt and respond to capitalism in unique manners according to their specific shared heritages. Local cultural forms have the capacity to restrain the changes produced by globalization. Moreover, unique local cultures are transported around the world due to global migration, diasporas and media, leading to the diversification of cultural practices in countries like Canada, as well as to innovative forms of cultural blending and hybridization. On the other hand, the diversity of local cultures is increasingly limited by the homogenizing pressures of globalization. Economic practices that prove inefficient or uncompetitive in the global market disappear. The meanings of cultural practices and knowledges change as they are turned into commodities for tourist consumption or are patented by pharmaceutical companies. Globalization also increasingly restrains cultural forms, practices, and possibilities. There is therefore a dynamic within culture of innovation and restriction. The cultural fabric of shared meanings and orientations that allows individuals to make sense of the world and their place within it can change with contact with other cultures and changes in the socioeconomic formation, allowing people to reinvision and reinvent themselves. Or, it can remain stable, even rigid, and restrict change. Many contemporary issues to do with identity and belonging, from multiculturalism and hybrid identities to religious fundamentalism and white nationalist movements, can be understood within this dynamic of innovation and restriction. Similarly, the effects of social change on ways of life, from new modes of electronic communication to societal responses to climate change and global pandemics, involve a tension between innovation and restriction.

Making Connections: Big Picture

"Yes, but what does it mean?"

[caption id="attachment_1750" align="alignleft" width="300"] Figure 3.7 In the teaching of traditional Chinese acupuncture, meanings are literally written on the human body. (Photo courtesy of Jenni C/Flickr.) CC BY 2.0[/caption] When asked how to diagnosis illness by observing external signs, Qi Bo replied: "You can determine the form of the illness by examining the chi to see if it is relaxed or tense, small or large, slippery or rough, and by feeling whether the flesh is firm or flabby.... If the skin of the chi is slippery, lustrous, oily, you are dealing with wind. If the skin of the chi is rough, you are dealing with wind induced paralysis" (cited in Kuriyama, 1999). A doctor trained in Western biomedicine would probably not have a clue what Qi Bo was talking about. Even though the operation of the human body would seem universally the same no matter the cultural context, "accounts of the body in diverse medical traditions frequently appear to describe mutually alien, almost unrelated worlds" (Kuriyama, 1999). Why? The sociology of culture is concerned with the study of how things and actions assume meanings, how these meanings orient human behaviour, and how social life is organized around and through meaning. It proposes that the human world, unlike the natural world, cannot be understood unless its meaningfulness for social actors is taken into account. Human social life is necessarily conducted through the meanings humans attribute to things, actions, others, and themselves. Human experience is essentially meaningful, and culture is the source of the meanings that humans share. What this implies is that people do not live in direct, immediate contact with the world and each other. Their lives are not governed by the effects of physical stimuli or genetic programming. Instead, they live only indirectly through the medium of the shared meanings provided by culture. This mediated experience is the experience of culture. As the philosopher Martin Heidegger (1995 /1929–1930) put it, humans uniquely live in an “openness” to the world granted by language and by their ability to respond to the meaningfulness of things in a way that other living beings do not. Max Weber (1968) notes that it is possible to imagine situations in which human experience appears direct and unmediated; for example, a doctor taps a patient's knee and their leg jerks forward, or a bicyclist is riding their bike and gets hit by a car. In these situations, experience seems purely physical, unmediated. Yet when people assimilate these experiences into their lives, they do so by making them meaningful events. By tapping a person's knee, the doctor is interpreting signs that indicate the functioning of their nervous system. She or he is literally reading the reactions as symbolic events and assigning them meaning within the context of an elaborate cultural map of meaning: the modern biomedical understanding of the body. It is quite possible that if the bicyclist was flying through the air after being hit by a car, they would not be thinking or attributing meaning to the event. They would simply be a physical projectile. But afterwards, when they reconstruct the story for their friends, the police, or the insurance company, the event becomes part of their life through the way they put what happened into a narrative. Equally important to note here is that the meaning of these events changes depending on the cultural context. A doctor of traditional Chinese medicine would read the knee reflex differently than a graduate of the UBC medical program. The story and meaning of the car accident changes if it is told to a friend as opposed to a policeman or an insurance adjuster. The problem of meaning in sociological analysis, then, is to determine how events or things acquire meaning (e.g., through the reading of symptoms or the telling of stories); how the true or right meanings are determined (e.g., through pulse diagnosis, biomedical tests, or legal procedures of determining responsibility); how meaning works in the organization of social life (e.g., through the medicalized relation individuals have to their bodies or the rules governing traffic circulation); and how humans gain the capacity to interpret and share meanings in the first place (e.g., through the process of socialization into medical, legal, insurance, and traffic systems). Sociological research into culture studies all of these problems of meaning.

Culture and Biology

The central argument put forward in this chapter is that human social life is essentially meaningful and, therefore, has to be understood first through an analysis of the cultural practices and institutions that produce meaning. Nevertheless, a fascination in contemporary culture persists for finding biological or genetic explanations for complex human behaviours that would seem to contradict the emphasis on culture. In one study, Swiss researchers had a group of women smell unwashed T-shirts worn by different men. The researchers argued that sexual attraction had a biochemical basis in the histo-compatibility signature that the women detected in the male pheromones left behind on the T-shirts. Women were attracted to the T-shirts of the men whose immune systems differed from their own (Wedekind et al., 1995). In another study, Dean Hamer and his colleagues discovered that some homosexual men possessed the same region of DNA on their X chromosome, which led them to argue that homosexuality was determined genetically by a “gay gene” (Hamer et al., 1993). Another study found that the corpus callosum, the region of nerve fibres that connect the left and right brain hemispheres, was larger in women’s brains than in men’s (De Lacoste-Utamsing & Holloway, 1982). Therefore, women were thought to be able to use both sides of their brains simultaneously when processing visuo-spatial information, whereas men used only their left hemisphere. This finding was said to account for gender differences that ranged from women’s supposedly greater emotional intuition to men’s supposedly greater abilities in math, science, and parallel parking. In each of these three cases, the authors reduced a complex cultural behaviour — sexual attraction, homosexuality, cognitive ability — to a simple biological determination. In each of these studies, the scientists’ claims were quite narrow and restricted in comparison to the conclusions drawn from them in the popular media. Nevertheless, they follow a logic of explanation known as biological determinism, which argues that the forms of human society and human behaviour are determined by biological mechanisms like genetics, instinctual behaviours, or evolutionary advantages. Within sociology, this type of framework underlies the paradigm of sociobiology, which provides biological explanations for the evolution of human behaviour and social organization. Sociobiological propositions are constructed in three steps (Lewontin, 1991). First, they identify an aspect of human behaviour which appears to be universal, common to all people in all times and places. In all cultures the laws of sexual attraction — who is attracted to whom — are mysterious, for example. Second, they assume that this universal trait must be coded in the DNA of the species. There is a gene for detecting histo-compatibility that leads instinctively to mate selection. Third, they make an argument for why this behaviour or characteristic increases the chances of survival for individuals and, therefore, creates reproductive advantage. Mating with partners whose immune systems complement your own leads to healthier offspring who survive to reproduce your genes. The implication of the sociobiological analysis is that these traits and behaviours are fixed or "hard wired" into the biological structure of the species and are, therefore, very difficult to change. People will continue to be attracted to people who are not "right" for them in all the ways we would deem culturally appropriate — psychologically, emotionally, socially compatible, etc. — because they are biologically compatible. [caption id="attachment_459" align="alignleft" width="300"] Figure 3.8 Is male aggression innate? (Image courtesy of Riccardo Cuppini/Flickr.) CC BY-NC-ND 2.0[/caption] Despite the popularity of this sort of reason, it is misguided from a sociological perspective for a number of reasons. For example, Konrad Lorenz’s (1903-1989) arguments that human males have an innate biological aggressive tendency to fight for scarce resources, protect territories and secure access to sexual reproduction were very popular in the 1960s (Lorenz, 1966). Young males of reproductive age commit the most violence, so the argument is that male aggression is an inborn biological tendency selected by evolutionary pressures as a result of struggles for reproductive dominance (Daly and Wilson, 1988). The pessimistic dilemma Lorenz posed was that males’ innate tendency towards aggression as a response to external threats might be a useful trait on an evolutionary scale, but in a contemporary society that includes the development of weapons of mass destruction, it is a threat to human survival. Another implication of his argument was that if aggression is instinctual, then the idea that individuals, militant groups, or states could be held responsible for acts of violence or war loses its validity. Ultimately, the evolutionary explanation of violence means that there is no point in trying change it, despite the sociological and historical evidence that aggression in individuals and societies can be changed. (Note here that Lorenz’s basic claim about aggression runs counter to the stronger argument that, if anything, the tendency toward co-operation has been central to the survival of human social life from its origins to the present). However, a central problem of sociobiology as a type of sociological explanation is that while human biology does not vary greatly throughout history or between cultures, the forms of human association do vary extensively. It is difficult to account for the variability of social phenomena by using a universal biological mechanism to explain them. Even something like the aggressive tendency in young males, which on the surface has an intuitive appeal, does not account for the multitude of different forms and practices of aggression, let alone the different social circumstances in which aggression is manifested or provoked. Aggression is, of course, not exclusive to young males. It does not account for why some men are aggressive sometimes and not at other times, or why some men are not aggressive at all. It does not account for women's aggression and the forms in which this typically manifests, which tend to be more indirect, social, and verbal forms of aggression (gossip, exclusion, character defamation, etc.). In fact, evidence suggests that violence between children (prior to reproductive age) is greater than at any other age, and often involves the aggressiveness of young girls, even if girls' aggression is gradually restricted through socialization as they age (Tremblay et al., 2004). If production of testosterone is the key mechanism of male aggression, it does not account for the fact that both men and women generate testosterone. Nor does it explain the universal tendencies of all societies to develop sanctions and norms to curtail violence. To suggest that aggression is an innate biological characteristic means that it does not vary greatly throughout history, nor between cultures, and is impervious to the social rules that restrict it in all societies. Yet as Randall Collins (2008) notes from a micro-sociological perspective, the factor that needs to be explained is not the natural tendency to aggression by young men, but the unique social circumstances required for them to be able to overcome the barriers of "confrontational tension and fear" that make aggression and violence difficult. The evolutionary argument suggests that violence should be easy for young men, whereas the research indicates that it is very hard and attempts to be violent often end in failure. [caption id="attachment_996" align="alignright" width="300"] Figure 3.9 The baby's smile: instinctive or learned? (Photo courtesy of Llee Wu/Flickr.) CC BY-ND 2.0[/caption] The main consideration to make here is not that biology has no impact on human behaviour, but that the biological explanation is limited with respect to what it can explain about complex cultural behaviours and practices. For example, research has shown that newborns and fetuses as young as 26 weeks have a simple smile: “the face relaxes while the sides of the mouth stretch outward and up” (Fausto-Sterling, 2000). This observation about a seemingly straightforward biological behaviour suggests that smiling is inborn, a muscular reflex based on neurological connections. However, the smile of the newborn is not used to convey emotions. It occurs spontaneously during rapid eye movement (REM) sleep. Only when the baby matures and begins to interact with their environment and caretakers does the smile begin to represent a response to external stimuli. By age one, the baby’s smile conveys a variety of meanings, depending on the social context, including flirting and mischief. Moreover, from the age of 6 months to 2 years, the smile itself changes physically: Different muscle groups are used, and different facial expressions are blended with it (surprise, anger, excitement). The smile becomes more complex and individualized. The point here, as Anne Fausto-Sterling (2000) points out, is that “the child uses smiling as part of a complex system of communication,” which is learned. Not only is the meaning of the smile defined in interaction with the social context, but the physiological components of smiling (the nerves, muscles, and stimuli) also are modified and “socialized” according to culture. Therefore, social scientists see explanations of human behaviour based on biological determinants as extremely limited in scope and value. The physiological “human package” — bipedalism, omnivorous diet, language ability, brain size, capacity for empathy, lack of an estrous cycle (Naiman, 2012) — is more or less constant across cultures; whereas, the range of cultural behaviours and beliefs is extremely broad. These occasionally radical differences between cultures have to be accounted for instead by the distinct processes of socialization through which individuals learn how to participate in their societies. From this point of view, as the anthropologist Margaret Mead (1901-1978) put it:

We are forced to conclude that human nature is almost unbelievably malleable, responding accurately and contrastingly to contrasting cultural conditions. The differences between individuals who are members of different cultures, like the differences between individuals within a culture, are almost entirely to be laid to differences in conditioning, especially during early childhood, and the form of this conditioning is culturally determined (1935).

[caption id="attachment_494" align="alignleft" width="221"] Figure 3.10 Francis Galton, a cousin of Charles Darwin, was the founder of eugenics. (Image courtesy of Wikimedia Commons.) Public Domain[/caption] Aside from the explanatory problems of biological determinism, it is important to bear in mind the social consequences of biological determinism, as these ideas have been used to support rigid cultural ideas concerning race, gender, disabilities, etc. that have their legacy in slavery, racism, gender inequality, eugenics programs, and the sterilization of “the unfit.” Eugenics, meaning "well born" in ancient Greek, was a social movement that sought to improve the human "stock" through selective breeding and sterilization. Its founder, Francis Galton (1822-1911) defined eugenics in 1883 as "the study of the agencies under social control that may improve or impair the racial qualities of future generations, either physically or mentally" (Galton as cited in McLaren, 1990). In Canada, eugenics boards were established by the governments of Alberta and British Columbia to enable the sterilization of the "feeble-minded." Based on a rigid cultural concept of what a proper human was, and grounded in the biological determinist framework of evolutionary science, 4,725 individuals were proposed for sterilization in Alberta and 2,822 of them were sterilized between 1928 and 1971. The racial component of the program is evident in the fact that while First Nations and Métis peoples made up only 2.5% of the population of Alberta, they accounted for 25% of the sterilizations. Several hundred individuals were also sterilized in British Columbia between 1933 and 1979 (McLaren, 1990). The interesting question that these biological explanations of complex human behaviour raise is: Why are they so popular? What is it about our culture that makes the biological explanation of behaviours or experiences like sexual attraction, which we know from personal experience to be extremely complicated and nuanced, so appealing? As micro-biological technologies like genetic engineering and neuro-pharmaceuticals advance, the very real prospect of altering the human body at a fundamental level to produce culturally desirable qualities (health, ability, intelligence, beauty, etc.) becomes possible, and, therefore, these questions become more urgent.

Making Connections: Sociology in the Real World

The Pop Gene

[caption id="attachment_425" align="alignleft" width="220"] Figure 3.11 Coding region in a segment of eukaryotic DNA. (Image courtesy of National Human Genome Research Institute/Wikimedia Commons.) Public Domain[/caption] The concept of the gene and the idea of genetic engineering have entered into popular consciousness in a number of strange and interesting ways, which speak to our enduring fascination with biological explanations of human behaviour. Some sociologists have begun to speak of a new eugenics movement in reference to the way the mapping and testing of the genome makes it possible, as a matter of consumer choice, to manipulate the genes of a foetus or an egg — to eliminate what are considered birth “defects” or to produce what are considered desired qualities in a child (Rose, 2007). If the old eugenics movement promoted selective breeding and forced sterilization in order to improve the biological qualities and, in particular, the racial qualities of whole populations, the new eugenics is focused on calculations of individual risk or individual self-improvement and self-realization. In the new eugenics, individuals choose to act upon the genetic information provided by doctors, geneticists, and counselors to make decisions for their children or themselves. This movement is based both on the commercial aspirations of biotechnology companies and the logic of a new biological determinism or geneticism, which suggests that the qualities of human life are caused by genes (Rose, 2007). The concept of the gene is a relatively recent addition to the way in which people begin to think about themselves in relationship to their bodies. The German historians Barbara Duden and Silja Samerski argue that the gene has become a kind of primordial reference point for the fundamental questions people ask about themselves (2007): Where do I come from? Who am I? What will happen to me in the future? The gene has shifted from its specific place within the parameters of medical science to become a source of popular understanding and speculation: a "pop gene." Most tellingly, the gene has become a Trojan horse through which “risk consciousness” is implanted in people’s bodies. People begin to worry and make decisions about their lives and medical care based on the perceived risks embedded in their genetic make-up. The popularization of the idea of the gene entails the development of a new relationship to the human body, health, and the genetic predispositions to health risks as people age. In 2013, the movie star Angelina Jolie underwent a double mastectomy, not because she had breast cancer but because doctors estimated she had an 87% chance of developing breast cancer due to a mutation in the BRCA1 gene (Jolie, 2013). On the basis of what might happen to her based on probabilities of risk from genetic models, she decided to take drastic measures to avoid the breast cancer that caused her mother's death. Her very public stance on her surgery was to raise public awareness of the genetic risks of cancers that run in families and to normalize a medical procedure that many would be hesitant to take. At the same time she further solidified a notion of the gene as a site of invisible risk in peoples lives, encouraging more people to think about themselves in terms of their hidden dispositions to genetically programmed diseases. [caption id="attachment_1841" align="aligncenter" width="300"] Figure 3.12 Angelina Jolie (2013): "My doctors estimated that I had an 87% risk of breast cancer and a 50% risk of ovarian cancer, although the risk is different in the case of each woman." (Photo courtesy of Georges Biard/Wikimedia Commons.) CC BY-SA 3.0[/caption] Many misconceptions exist in popular culture about what a gene actually is or what it can do. Some of these misconceptions are funny — Duden and Samerski cite a hairdresser they interviewed as saying that her nail biting habit was part of the genetic programming she was born with — but some of them have serious consequences that can lead to the impossible decisions some individuals, including couples who are having a child, are forced to make. Informed decision making in genetic counseling often works with statistical probabilities of "defects" based on population data (e.g., "With your family history, you have a 1 in 10 chance of having a child with the genetic mutation for Down's syndrome"), but what does this mean to a particular individual? The actual causal mechanism for that particular individual is unknown and it is unlikely that they will actually have 10 children, one of whom might have Down's syndrome; therefore, what does this probability figure mean to someone who is pregnant? In this sense, the gene defines a set of cultural parameters by which people in the age of genetics make sense of themselves in relationship to their bodies. Like biological determinism in general, the gene introduces a kind of fatalism into the understanding of human life and human possibility.

Cultural Universals

Often, a comparison of one culture to another will reveal obvious differences. But all cultures share common elements. Cultural universals are patterns or traits that are globally common to all societies. One example of a cultural universal is the kinship system: Every human society recognizes a family structure that regulates sexual reproduction and the care of children (See Chapter 14. Marriage and Family). In comparison to primate kinship however, human kinship configurations recognize a far wider range of recognized kin including matrilineal and patrilineal members (mother's and father's side relatives), several generations of family members, and members who live together as well as those who do not (Chapais, 2014). So what exactly is universal about kinship? The significance of different types of relative varies and can be extremely complex — traditional Chinese kinship nomenclature has separate names for maternal and paternal lineages, relative age of siblings, gender of relatives, and nine generations of relative — but all human societies recognize a similar range of relations as kin. Four universal features of kinship systems include:

A lengthy childhood maturation process that requires at least one adult to commit to prolonged child nurturing and educating;
The presence of a socially recognized bond between two (or more) people that regulates their sexual and domestic relationship through time;
A gender based division of labour within the household; and
An incest taboo that prohibits sexual intercourse between close kin.

Even so, there are many variations within these universals and each of the four are regularly broken in individual cases within societies. How the family unit is defined and how it functions vary. In many Asian cultures, for example, family members from all generations commonly live together in one household. In these cultures, young adults will continue to live in the extended household family structure until they marry and join their spouse’s household, or they may remain and raise their nuclear family within the extended family’s homestead. In Canada, by contrast, individuals are expected to leave home and live independently for a period before forming a family unit consisting of parents and their offspring. Anthropologist George Murdock (1897-1985) first recognized the existence of cultural universals while studying systems of kinship around the world. As a structural functionalist, Murdock found that cultural universals often revolve around the functional requisites all societies need to satisfy to ensure human survival, such as finding food, clothing, and shelter. They also form around universally shared human experiences, such as birth and death, or illness and healing. Through his research, Murdock identified other universals including language, the concept of personal names, and, interestingly, jokes. Humour seems to be a universal way to release tensions and create a sense of unity among people (Murdock, 1949). Sociologists consider humour necessary to human interaction because it helps individuals navigate otherwise tense situations.

Making Connections: Sociological Research

Is Music a Cultural Universal?

[caption id="attachment_490" align="alignleft" width="300"] Figure 3.13 Queenscliff Music Festival 2013. (Image courtesy of Tony Proudfoot/Flickr.) CC BY-NC-SA 2.0[/caption] Imagine an audience sitting in a theatre, watching a film. The movie opens with the hero sitting on a park bench with a grim expression on her face. Cue the music. The first slow and mournful notes are played in a minor key. As the melody continues, the hero turns her head and sees a man walking toward her. The music slowly gets louder, and the dissonance of the chords sends a prickle of fear running down the audience's spine. They sense that she is in danger. Now imagine that the audience is watching the same movie, but with a different soundtrack. As the scene opens, the music is soft and soothing with a hint of sadness. They see the hero sitting on the park bench and sense her loneliness. Suddenly, the music swells. The woman looks up and sees a man walking toward her. The music grows fuller, and the pace picks up. The audience feels their hearts rise in their chests. This is a happy moment. Music has the ability to evoke emotional responses. In television shows, movies, and even commercials, music elicits laughter, sadness, or fear. Are these types of musical cues cultural universals? Henry Wadsworth Longfellow declared in 1835 that "'music is the universal language of mankind" (Longfellow, 1835). Is music a universal language? This is a matter of debate. From the perspective of sociobiology or evolutionary psychology, if music is universal then it must have a basis in the genetics of the human species. Ethnomusicologists point out, however, that even though music is widespread cross-culturally, the meanings, uses, behavioural functions and forms of music vary so widely as to be difficult to tie to any specific biological mechanism, adaptive function, or reproductive advantage. On the other hand, the Harvard Data Science Initiative conducted a comprehensive examination of every culture in the ethnographic record, 5000 detailed descriptions of song performances, and a random sample of field recordings (Mehr et al., 2019). They determined that music is universal, occurring in every society observed. Moreover, while music did vary between cultures, it varied along three variables of social context that were common to all cultures (degree of formality, degree of arousal, and degree of religiosity) and was associated with common behavioural contexts shared by all cultures such as lullabies, healing practices, dance and love. To understand what exactly is universal about music, they proposed that while a fixed biological response could not account for the cross-cultural variability in musical expression, the variability concealed regularities emerging from common underlying psychological mechanisms. Songs with similar behavioural functions in different societies, like infant care and healing, tended to have similar musical features (accent, tempo, pitch range, etc.). A lullaby or healing song in one culture was very similar to a lullaby or healing song in another culture. All cultures put words to their songs, all cultures danced to songs, all songs had tonal centers, and all melodies and rythyms found balance between monotony and chaos (Mehr et al., 2019). Similarly, in 2009, a team of psychologists, led by Thomas Fritz of the Max Planck Institute for Human Cognitive and Brain Sciences in Leipzig, Germany, studied people’s reactions to music they had never heard (Fritz et al., 2009). The research team traveled to Cameroon, Africa, and asked Mafa tribal members to listen to Western music and compared their reactions to Canadian interpretations of the same music. The tribe, isolated from Western culture, had never been exposed to Western culture and had no context or experience within which to interpret its music. Even so, as the tribal members listened to a Western piano piece, they were able to recognize three basic emotions: happiness, sadness, and fear. They rated the music as happy, sad and fearful similarly to Canadian listeners. Music, it turns out, is a sort of universal language. Researchers also found that music can foster a sense of wholeness within a group. In fact, scientists who study the evolution of language have concluded that originally language (an established component of group identity) and music were one (Darwin, 1871). Additionally, since music is largely nonverbal, the sounds of music can cross societal boundaries more easily than words. Music allows people to make connections where language might be a more difficult barricade. As Fritz and his team found, music and the emotions it conveys can be cultural universals.

Ethnocentrism and Cultural Relativism

Despite how much humans have in common, cultural differences are far more prevalent than cultural universals. For example, while all cultures have language, analysis of particular language structures and conversational etiquette reveals tremendous differences. In some Middle Eastern cultures, it is common to stand close to others in conversation. North Americans keep more distance, maintaining a large personal space. Even something as simple as eating and drinking varies greatly from culture to culture. If a professor comes into an early morning class holding a mug of liquid, what do students assume she is drinking? In Canada, it is most likely filled with coffee, not black tea, a favourite in England, or yak butter tea, a staple in Tibet. The way cuisines vary across cultures fascinates many people. Some travelers, like celebrated food writer Anthony Bourdain, pride themselves on their willingness to try unfamiliar foods, while others return home expressing gratitude for their native culture’s fare. Canadians might express disgust at other cultures’ cuisine, thinking it is gross to eat meat from a dog or guinea pig for example, while they do not question their own habit of eating cows or pigs. Such attitudes are an example of ethnocentrism, or evaluating and judging another culture based on how it compares to one’s own cultural norms. Ethnocentrism, as sociologist William Graham Sumner (1840-1910) described the term, involves a belief or attitude that one’s own culture is better than all others (1906). Almost everyone is a little bit ethnocentric. For example, Canadians tend to say that people from England drive on the “wrong” side of the road, rather than the “other” side. Someone from a country where dogs are considered dirty and unhygienic might find it off-putting to see a dog in a French restaurant. A high level of appreciation for one’s own culture can be healthy; a shared sense of community pride, for example, connects people in a society. But ethnocentrism can lead to disdain or dislike for other cultures, causing misunderstanding and conflict. This is even more significant when ethnocentrism works its way into social scientific perspectives and public policy decision making. Social scientists with the best intentions sometimes travel to another society to “help” its people, seeing them as uneducated or backward, essentially inferior. In reality, these scientists are guilty of cultural imperialism — the deliberate imposition of one’s own cultural values on another culture. Europe’s colonial expansion, begun in the 16th century, was often accompanied by a severe cultural imperialism. European colonizers often viewed the people in the lands they colonized as uncultured savages who were in need of European governance, dress, religion, and other cultural practices. On the Northwest coast of Canada, the various First Nations' potlatch (gift-giving) ceremony was made illegal in 1885 because it was thought to prevent Indigenous peoples from acquiring the proper industriousness and respect for material goods required by civilization. A more modern example of cultural imperialism was the Green Revolution of the 1950s and 1960s in which international aid agencies introduced technologically intensive agricultural methods and hybrid crop strains from developed countries to improve agricultural output in Mexico, India, the Philippines, and Africa, while overlooking indigenous varieties and agricultural approaches that were better suited to the particular region. Ethnocentrism can be so strong that when confronted with all the differences of a new culture, one may experience disorientation and frustration. Sociologists call this culture shock. A traveler from B.C. might find the established "center of Canada" urban culture of Toronto restrictive. An exchange student from China might be annoyed by the constant interruptions in class as other students ask questions — a practice that can be considered rude in China. Perhaps the B.C. traveler was initially captivated with Toronto's centrality to intellectual and cultural life in Canada, and the Chinese student was originally excited to see a Canadian-style classroom firsthand. But as they experience unanticipated differences from their own culture, their excitement gives way to discomfort and doubts about how to behave appropriately in the new situation. Eventually, as people learn more about a culture, they recover from culture shock. Culture shock can occur when people do not expect to find cultural differences. Anthropologist Ken Barger (1971) discovered this when conducting participatory observation in an Inuit community in the Canadian Arctic. Originally from Indiana, Barger hesitated when invited to join a local snowshoe race. He knew he would never hold his own against these experts. Sure enough, he finished last, to his mortification. But the tribal members congratulated him, saying, “You really tried!” In Barger’s own culture, he had learned to value victory. it was not worth participating if there was no chance of winning. To the Inuit people winning was enjoyable, but their culture valued survival skills essential to their environment: How hard someone tried could mean the difference between life and death. Over the course of his stay, Barger participated in caribou hunts, learned how to take shelter in winter storms, and sometimes went days with little or no food to share among tribal members. Trying hard and working together, two nonmaterial values, were indeed much more important than winning. [caption id="attachment_2325" align="alignleft" width="300"] Figure 3.14 American anthropologist Ruth Benedict: "The purpose of anthropology is to make the world safe for human differences." (Photo courtesy of Library of Congress/ Wikipedia.) No copyright restriction known (gift from WT staff photographer.) Public Domain[/caption] During his time with the Inuit, Barger learned to engage in cultural relativism. Cultural relativism is the practice of assessing a culture by its own standards rather than viewing it through the lens of one’s own culture. The anthropologist Ruth Benedict (1887-1948) argued that each culture has an internally consistent pattern of thought and action, which alone could be the basis for judging the merits and morality of the culture’s practices. In sociological research, cultural relativism requires an open mind and a willingness to consider new values and norms. Insight into unfamiliar sociological phenomena requires the abandonment of preconceptions and prejudgements. The logic of cultural relativism is at the basis of contemporary policies of multiculturalism. However, indiscriminately embracing everything about a new culture is not always possible. Even the most culturally relativist people from egalitarian societies, such as Canada — societies in which women have political rights and control over their own bodies — would question whether the widespread practice of female genital circumcision in countries such as Ethiopia and Sudan should be accepted just because it has been a part of a cultural tradition. Sociologists attempting to engage in cultural relativism may struggle to reconcile aspects of their own culture with aspects of a culture they are studying. Pride in one’s own culture does not have to lead to imposing its values on others or using them to evaluate another culture's practices; A great deal of important information and insight can be overlooked or missed in this way. But nor does an appreciation for another culture preclude individuals from studying it with a critical eye. In the case of female genital circumcision, a universal right to life and liberty of the person conflicts with the neutral stance of cultural relativism. It is not necessarily ethnocentric to be critical of practices that violate universal standards of human dignity because these standards are cultural universals, contained in the cultural codes of all cultures, (even if they are not necessarily followed in practice). Not every practice can be regarded as culturally relative. Cultural traditions are not immune from power imbalances, disagreements, and emancipatory movements that seek to correct them. Research on female genital mutilation (FGM), for example, shows that when practicing communities themselves decide to abandon FGM, the practice can be eliminated very rapidly (WHO, 2020). Feminist sociology is particularly attuned to the way that most cultures present a male-dominated view of the world as if it were simply the view of the world. Androcentrism is a perspective in which male concerns, male attitudes, and male practices are presented as “normal” or define what is significant and valued in a culture. Women’s experiences, activities, and contributions to society and history are ignored, devalued, or marginalized.

As a result the perspectives, concerns, and interests of only one sex and class are represented as general. Only one sex and class are directly and actively involved in producing, debating, and developing its ideas, in creating its art, in forming its medical and psychological conceptions, in framing its laws, its political principles, its educational values and objectives. Thus a one-sided standpoint comes to be seen as natural, obvious, and general, and a one-sided set of interests preoccupy intellectual and creative work (Smith, 1987).

In part, this is simply a question of the bias of those who have the power to define cultural values, and in part, it is the result of a process in which women have been actively excluded from the culture-creating process. It is still common, for example, to read writing that uses the personal pronoun “he” or the word “man” to represent people in general or humanity as a whole. The overall effect is to establish masculine values and imagery as normal. A “policeman” brings to mind a man who is doing a “man’s job,” when in fact, women have been involved in policing for several decades now.

Making Connections: Social Policy and Debate

Multiculturalism in Canada

[caption id="attachment_999" align="alignleft" width="300"] Figure 3.15 Multiculturalism tree planted in Stanley Park to bring B.C.’s 2012 Multiculturalism Week to a close. The gesture of planting the tree is meant to "symbolize the deep roots and flourishing growth of B.C.’s diverse communities." Is multiculturalism just a gesture or is it an effective means of recognizing and supporting Canadian diversity? (Image courtesy of the Province of British Columbia/Flickr.) CC BY-NC-ND 2.0[/caption] One prominent aspect of contemporary Canadian cultural identity is the idea of multiculturalism. Canada was the first officially declared multicultural society in which, as Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau declared in 1971, no culture would take precedence over any other. As he put it, "What could be more absurd than the concept of an 'all-Canadian' boy or girl?" (Trudeau cited in Graham,1998). Multiculturalism refers to both the existence of a diversity of cultures within one territory, and to a way of conceptualizing and managing cultural diversity through social policy. As a policy, multiculturalism seeks to both promote and recognize cultural differences while addressing the inevitability of cultural tensions. In the 1988 Multiculturalism Act, the federal government officially acknowledged its role "in bringing about equal access and participation for all Canadians in the economic, social, cultural, and political life of the nation" (Government of Canada, as cited in Angelini & Broderick, 2012). However, the focus on multiculturalism and culture per se has not always been so central to Canadian public discourse. Multiculturalism represents a relatively recent cultural development. Prior to the end of World War II, Canadian authorities used the concept of biological race to differentiate the various types of immigrants and Indigenous peoples in Canada. This focus on biology led to corresponding fears about the quality of immigrant “stock” and the problems of how to manage the mixture of races. In this context, three different models for how to manage diversity were in contention: (1) the American "melting pot" paradigm in which the mingling of races was thought to be able to produce a super race with the best qualities of all races intermingled, (2) strict exclusion or deportation of races seen to be “unsuited” to Canadian social and environmental conditions, or (3) the Canadian “mosaic” that advocated for the separation and compartmentalization of races (Day, 2000). After World War II, the category of race was replaced by culture and ethnicity in the public discourse, but the mosaic model was retained. Culture came to be understood in terms of the new anthropological definitions of culture as a deep-seated emotional-psychological phenomenon essential to social well-being and belonging. In this conceptualization, to be deprived of culture through coercive assimilation would be a type of cultural genocide. As a result, alternatives to cultural assimilation into the dominant Anglo-Saxon culture were debated, and the Canadian mosaic model for managing a diverse population was redefined as multiculturalism. Based on a new appreciation of the importance of culture, and with increased immigration from non-European countries, Canadian identity was re-imagined in the 1960s and 1970s as a happy cohabitation of cultures, each of which was encouraged to maintain their cultural distinctiveness. So while the cultural identities of Canadians are diverse, the cultural paradigm in which their coexistence is conceptualized — multiculturalism — has come to be equated with Canadian cultural identity. However, these developments have not alleviated the problems of cultural difference with which sociologists are concerned. Multicultural policy has sparked numerous, remarkably contentious issues ranging from whether Sikh RCMP officers can wear turbans to whether Mormon sects can have legal polygamous marriages. In 2014, the Parti Québécois in Quebec proposed a controversial Charter of Quebec Values that would, to reinforce the neutrality of the state, ban public employees from wearing “overt and conspicuous” religious symbols and headgear. In 2019, the Quebec ban on religious symbols was enacted by governing Coalition Avenir Québec (CAQ) Party as Bill 21. This position represented a unique Quebec-based concept of multiculturalism known as interculturalism. Whereas multiculturalism begins with the premise that there is no dominant culture in Canada, interculturalism begins with the premise that in Quebec, francophone culture is dominant but also precarious in the North American context. It cannot risk further fragmentation. Therefore the intercultural model of managing diversity is to recognize and respect the diversity of immigrants who seek to integrate into Quebec society but also to make clear to immigrants that they must recognize and respect Quebec's common or "fundamental" values. Critics of multiculturalism identify four related problems:

Multiculturalism only superficially accepts the equality of all cultures while continuing to limit and prohibit actual equality, participation, and cultural expression. One key element of this criticism is that there are only two official languages in Canada — English and French — which limits the full participation of non-anglophone/francophone groups.
Multiculturalism obliges minority individuals to assume the limited cultural identities of their ethnic group of origin, which leads to stereotyping minority groups, ghettoization, and feeling isolated from the national culture.
Multiculturalism causes fragmentation and disunity in Canadian society. Minorities do not integrate into existing Canadian society but demand that Canadians adopt or accommodate their way of life, even when they espouse controversial values, laws, and customs (like polygamy or Sharia Law).
Multiculturalism is based on recognizing group rights which undermines constitutional protections of individual rights.

On the other hand, proponents of multiculturalism like Will Kymlicka (2012) describe the Canadian experience with multiculturalism as a success story. Kymlicka argues that the evidence shows:

Immigrants in Canada are more likely to become citizens, to vote and to run for office, and to be elected to office than immigrants in other Western democracies, in part because voters in Canada do not discriminate against such candidates. Compared to their counterparts in other Western democracies, the children of immigrants have better educational outcomes, and while immigrants in all Western societies suffer from an “ethnic penalty” in translating their skills into jobs, the size of this ethnic penalty is lowest in Canada. Compared to residents of other Western democracies, Canadians are more likely to say that immigration is beneficial and less likely to have prejudiced views of Muslims. And whereas ethnic diversity has been shown to erode levels of trust and social capital in other countries, there appears to be a “Canadian exceptionalism” in this regard (Kymlicka, 2012).

Media Attributions

Figure 3.5 Queen Elizabeth’s Waving Hand Dolls, Windsor, England by Alex-David Baldi, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY NC-SA 2.0 licence.
Figure 3.6 Tokyo 1045 by Tokyoform is used under a CC BY-NC-ND 2.0 licence.
Figure 3.7 Chiropracter Man by Jenni C. is used under a CC BY 2.0 licence.
Figure 3.8 Violence! [Explored] by Riccardo Cuppini, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY-NC-ND 2.0 licence.
Figure 3.9 The Baby Smile by llee_wu, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY-ND 2.0 licence.
Figure 3.10 Francis Galton 1850s, author not stated (scanned from Karl Pearson's The Life, Letters, and Labors of Francis Galton), via Wikimedia Commons, is in the public domain.
Figure 3.11 Gene by National Human Genome Research Institute, via Wikimedia Commons, is in the public domain.
Figure 3.12 Angelina Jolie Cannes 2013 by Georges Biard, via Wikimedia Commons, is used under a CC BY-SA 3.0 licence.
Figure 3.13 Queenscliff Music Festival, 2013 by Tony Proudfoot, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY-NC-SA 2.0 licence.
Figure 3.14 Ruth Benedict, 1937, by World Telegram Staff photographer, Library of Congress, ID: cph.3c14649, New York World-Telegram & Sun Collection (through instrument of gift), via Wikimedia Commons. No copyright restriction known. Public Domain.
Figure 3.15 Multiculturalism tree planted in Stanley Park by Province of British Columbia, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY-NC-ND 2.0 licence.

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3.2. Elements of Culture

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Values and Beliefs

Two crucial elements that define the variability between cultures are values and beliefs. Values are a culture’s standard for discerning desirable states in society (what is true, good, just, or beautiful). They are "culturally defined goals, purposes, and interests," which comprise "a frame of aspirational reference" as Robert Merton put it (Merton, 1938). Values are deeply embedded and critical for transmitting and teaching a culture’s beliefs. Beliefs are tenets or convictions that people hold to be true. Individuals in a society have specific beliefs, but they also share collective values. To illustrate the difference, North Americans commonly believe that anyone who works hard enough will be successful and wealthy. Underlying this belief is the value that both work and wealth are good and desirable. In contrast, the Chinese Taoist concept of wu wei (not-doing or not-making) is based on the belief that "the way of things in the world" (the Tao) unfolds spontaneously. Therefore learning how to "not-work" and to allow life to unfold in the integrated and spontaneous way natural to it, without deliberate effort, is seen as a virtue (te) and is a shared, collective value. Values help shape a society by suggesting what is good and bad, beautiful and ugly, and what should be sought or avoided. Consider the value that North American culture places upon youth. Children represent innocence and purity, while a youthful adult appearance signifies liveliness and sexuality. Shaped by this value, North Americans spend millions of dollars each year on cosmetic products and surgeries to look young and beautiful. Sometimes the values of Canada and the United States are contrasted. Americans are said to have an individualistic culture, meaning people place a high value on individuality and independence. In contrast, Canadian culture is said to be more collectivist, meaning the welfare of the group and group relationships are primary values. As described below, Seymour Martin Lipset used these contrasts of values to explain why the two societies, which have common roots as British colonies, developed such different political institutions and cultures (Lipset, 1990). Values are not static; they vary across time and between groups as people evaluate, debate, and change collective societal beliefs. For example, the change in the laws (the Cannabis Act) governing cannabis use in Canada shifted from prohibition to legalization and regulation in October, 2018, largely because of a change in the underlying values of Canadians. Where cannabis consumption had been presented as a sign of immoral character in the early 20th century campaigns to prohibit it, law makers in the 21st century recognized that a majority of the population disagreed. Many in fact regarded it as medicinal, as a means to attain the positive value of health and well-being. Others regarded it as matter of personal choice or right within a sphere of personal autonomy that should not be interfered with by moral authorities or states. It appears that Canadian values changed priority: from the virtue of abstinence to the virtues of health or personal autonomy. Sociology is interested in the role values play in social life. Practically speaking, values influence or guide choices of action. A person will choose to act in one way rather than another because of their values. However, as described in Chapter 2. Sociological Research, the classical sociologist Harriet Martineau (1838) made a basic distinction between what people say they believe in or value and what they actually do, which are often at odds. Values often suggest how people should behave, but they do not accurately reflect how people do behave. It is easy to value good health, but it is hard to quit eating chips. Marital monogamy is valued, but many spouses engage in infidelity. Regardless, values (1) affect how one perceives or feels towards things (i.e.,they have a significant emotional content); (2) provide a "vocabulary of motives" that allows one to interpret and explain one's own and other's behaviour; and (3) create a basis for shared commonalities and trust — Durkheim's "collective conscience" — that allow cooperation to take place through time. When values are not shared, there is mistrust, which makes collective concerted action more difficult (Thome, 2015).

Norms

So far, the examples in this chapter have often described how people are expected to behave in certain situations — for example, when buying food or boarding a bus. These examples describe the visible and invisible rules of conduct through which societies are structured, or what sociologists call norms. As opposed to values and beliefs which identify desirable states and convictions about how things are, a norm is a generally accepted way of doing things. Norms define how to behave in accordance with what a society values and has defined as good, right, and important. They define the rules that govern behaviour. Just as values vary from culture to culture, so do norms. For example, cultures differ in their norms about what kinds of physical closeness are appropriate in public. It is rare to see two male friends or coworkers holding hands in Canada where that behaviour often symbolizes romantic feelings. But in many nations, masculine physical intimacy is considered natural in public. A simple gesture, such as hand-holding, carries great symbolic differences across cultures. [caption id="attachment_1001" align="alignleft" width="300"] Figure 3.16 In many parts of Africa and the Middle East, it is considered normal for men to hold hands in friendship. How would Canadians react to these two soldiers? (Photo courtesy of Geordie Mott/Wikimedia Commons.) CC BY 2.0[/caption] Most members of the society adhere to norms because their violation invokes some degree of sanction. Sanctions are a form of social control, a way to encourage conformity to cultural norms. They define the punishments and rewards that govern behaviour. These can be understood to operate at various levels of formality. Formal norms are established, written rules. They are behaviours worked out and agreed upon in order to suit and serve most people. Laws are formal norms, but so are employee manuals, college entrance exam requirements, and the "no running" rule at swimming pools. Formal norms are the most specific and clearly stated of the various types of norms, and the most strictly enforced. But even formal norms are enforced to varying degrees, reflected in cultural values. For example, money is highly valued in North America, so monetary crimes are punished. It is against the law to rob a bank, and banks go to great lengths to prevent such crimes. People safeguard valuable possessions and install anti-theft devices to protect homes and cars. Until recently, a less strictly enforced social norm was driving while intoxicated. While it is against the law to drive drunk, drinking is for the most part an acceptable social behaviour. Though there have been laws in Canada to punish drunk driving since 1921, there were few systems in place to prevent the crime until quite recently. These examples show a range of enforcement in formal norms. There are plenty of formal norms, but the list of informal norms — casual behaviours that are generally and widely conformed to — is longer. People learn informal norms by observation, imitation, and general socialization. Some informal norms are taught directly — “kiss your Aunt Edna” or “use your napkin” — while others are learned by observation, including observations of the consequences when someone else violates a norm. Children learn quickly that picking their nose is subject to ridicule when they see someone shamed by others for doing it. Although informal norms define personal interactions, they extend into other systems as well. Think back to the discussion of fast food restaurants at the beginning of this chapter. In Canada, there are informal norms regarding behaviour at these restaurants. Customers line up to order their food, and leave when they are done. They do not sit down at a table with strangers, sing loudly as they prepare their condiments, or nap in a booth. Most people do not commit even benign breaches of informal norms. Informal norms dictate appropriate behaviours without the need of written rules. Robert Merton's (1938) famous essay "Social Structure and Anomie" illustrates the difference and also some of the contradictions between values and norms. He argues that, in North American society, a common value is the accumulation of wealth as a sign of success. Success through possession of wealth is a value that "comprises a frame of aspirational reference." However at the same time he notes that, in a class and racially divided society, access to legitimate means of accumulating wealth is not equally distributed. "Social structure defines, regulates, and controls the acceptable modes of achieving these goals." These "acceptable modes" are defined by norms, the "permissible and required procedures for attaining these ends," and backed up with moral and institutional regulations. As a result, Merton argued that a social strain is built in to the structure of society in which people without access to inheritance, higher education, good jobs, stable living conditions, etc. are forced to either abandon the goal of success or choose illegitimate means like crime to attain it (see Robert Merton: Strain Theory in Chapter 6. Social Interaction). Crime is therefore the natural outcome of the contradiction between the value of success and the norms to achieve it.

The extreme emphasis upon the accumulation of wealth as a symbol of success in our own society militates against the completely effective control of institutionally regulated modes of acquiring a fortune. Fraud, corruption, vice, crime, in short, the entire catalogue of proscribed behavior, becomes increasingly common when the emphasis on the culturally induced success-goal becomes divorced from a coordinated institutional emphasis (Merton, 1938).

Making Connections: Sociological Research

Breaching Experiments

[caption id="attachment_457" align="alignleft" width="300"] Figure 3.17 Harold Garfinkel, founder of ethnomethodology in sociology. (Image courtesy of Arlene Garfinkel/Wikimedia Commons.) CC BY 3.0[/caption] Sociologist Harold Garfinkel (1917-2011) studied people’s everyday interactions in order to find out how tacit and often unconscious societal rules and norms not only influenced behaviour but enabled the social order to exist (Weber, 2011). Like the symbolic interactionists, he believed that members of society together create a working consensus in different situations which produces social order. He noted, however, that people often draw on inferred knowledge and unspoken agreements to do so. His resulting book, Studies in Ethnomethodology (1967), discusses the underlying assumptions and tacit knowledges that people rely on to navigate and make sense of the world. Ethnomethodology is a paradigm of interpretive sociology that studies "the body of common-sense knowledge and the range of procedures and considerations by means of which ordinary members of society make sense of, find their way about in, and act on the circumstances in which they find themselves" (Heritage, 1984). One of his research methods was known as a breaching experiment. His breaching experiments tested sociological concepts of social norms and conformity. In a breaching experiment, the researcher purposely breaks a social norm or behaves in a socially awkward manner. The participants are not aware an experiment is in progress. If the breach is successful, however, these innocent bystanders will respond in some way. For example, he had his students go into local shops and begin to barter with the sales clerks for fixed price goods. “This says $14.99, but I’ll give you $10 for it.” Often the clerks were shocked or flustered because the common sense norms of shopping had been broken. This breach reveals the unspoken convention in North America that the amount given on the price tag is the price. It also breaks a number of other unspoken conventions which seek to make commercial transactions as efficient and impersonal as possible. How people respond to restore order or to provide an account of the norm violation that makes the situation "make sense" was a focus of these experiments. In another example, he had his students engage an acquaintance in conversation, but insist that the acquaintance clarify commonplace remarks. So in response to the question, "How is your girlfriend feeling?" one student experimenter responded "What do you mean, 'How is she feeling?' Do you mean physical or mental?" and so on. The exchange ended with the acquaintance feeling flustered, "What's the matter with you? Are you sick?" In this case, the unspoken norm was the rule that people should not have to explain themselves in ordinary conversation. "What they are saying is understandable and ought to be understood" (Garfinkel, 1967). Certain things 'go without saying,' but what things, and why? How are things that "go without saying" communicated or known? Even though ordinary conversation is often ambiguous and full of gaps the norm is that each participant should go along with the understanding that everything is perfectly understood. If they do not go along they face consequences. The unspoken rules of common sense knowledge are very real in this sense. Moreover they have the character of a "self-fulfilling prophecy" to the degree that they are reinforced over and over again by "persons' motivated compliance with these background expectancies" (Garfinkel, 1967). One has to "go along to get along." The point of the experiments was not that the experimenter would simply act obnoxiously or weird in public. Rather, the point is to deviate from a specific social norm in a small way, to subtly break some form of social etiquette or common speech, and see what happens. Garfinkel suspected that odd behaviours would shatter conventional expectations, but he was not sure how. The reactions of outrage, anger, puzzlement, or other emotions to the breaking of relatively trivial norms, illustrated the deep level of unconscious investment people have in keeping this web of tacit conventions intact. They are essential in maintaining a common, shared sense of the orderliness and predictability of the world. Without them subjects were often flustered. The social situation threatened to become completely senseless unless the breach was rectified. To challenge the known-in-common background — "what should be plain for everyone to see" — leads to bewilderment. The take away is that society itself is only possible to the degree that bewilderment is kept at bay. There are many rules about speaking with strangers in public. It is okay to tell a woman you like her shoes. It is not okay to ask if you can try them on. It is okay to stand in line behind someone at the ATM. It is not okay to look over their shoulder as they make the transaction. It is okay to sit beside someone on a crowded bus. It is weird to sit beside a stranger in a half-empty bus. These cultural norms play an important role. They let people know how to behave around each other and how to feel comfortable in our community, but they are not necessarily rational. Why should we not talk to someone in a public bathroom, or haggle over the price of a good in a store? Breaching experiments uncover and explore the many unwritten social rules people live by. They indicate the degree to which the world people live in is fragile, arbitrary, and ritualistic; socially structured by deep, silent, tacit agreements with others of which people are frequently only dimly aware.

Folkways, Mores, and Taboos

Norms may be further classified as mores, folkways, or taboos. Mores (pronounced mor-ays) are norms that embody the moral views and principles of a group. They are based on social requirements. Violating them can have serious consequences. The strongest mores are legally protected with laws or other formal norms. In Canada, for instance, murder is considered immoral, and it is punishable by law (a formal norm). More often, mores are judged and guarded by public sentiment (an informal norm). People who violate mores are seen as shameful. They can even be shunned or banned from some groups. The mores of the Canadian school system require that a student’s writing be in the student’s own words or else the student should use special stylistic forms such as quotation marks and a system of citation, like APA (American Psychological Association) or MLA (Modern Language Association) style, for crediting the words to other writers. Writing another person’s words as if they are one’s own has a name: plagiarism. The consequences for violating this norm are severe, and can even result in expulsion. Unlike mores, folkways are norms without any moral underpinnings. They are based on social preferences. Folkways direct appropriate behaviour in the day-to-day practices and expressions of a culture. Folkways indicate whether to shake hands or kiss on the cheek when greeting another person. They specify whether to wear a tie and a blazer or a T-shirt and sandals to an event. In Canada, women can smile and say hello to men on the street. In Egypt, it is not acceptable. In northern Europe, it is fine for people to go into a sauna or hot tub naked. Often in North America, it is not. An opinion poll that asked Canadian women what they felt would end a relationship after a first date showed that women in British Columbia were pickier than women in the rest of the country (Times Colonist, 2014). First date deal breakers included poor hygiene (82%), being distracted by a mobile device (74%), talking about sexual history and being rude to waiters (72%), and eating with one's mouth open (60%). All of these examples illustrate breaking informal rules, which are not serious enough to be called mores, but are serious enough to terminate a relationship before it has begun. Folkways might be small manners, but they are by no means trivial. Taboos refer to actions which are strongly forbidden by deeply held sacred or moral beliefs. They are the strongest and most deeply held norms. Their transgression evokes revulsion and severe punishment. In its original use taboo referred to being “consecrated, inviolable, forbidden, unclean, or cursed” (Cook & King, 1784). There was a clear supernatural context for the prohibition; the act offended the gods or ancestors, and evoked their retribution. In secular contexts, taboos refer to powerful, moral prohibitions that protect what are regarded as inviolable bonds between people. Incest, pedophilia, and patricide or matricide are taboos. Many mores, folkways, and taboos are taken for granted in everyday life. People need to act without thinking to get seamlessly through daily routines; they can not stop and analyze every action (Sumner, 1906). They become part of routines, or cultural practices. As Dorothy Smith (1999) put it, the different levels of norm enable the “ongoing concerting and coordinating of individuals’ activities.” These different levels of norm help people negotiate their daily life within a given culture, and as such their study is crucial for understanding the distinctions between different cultures.

Practices

Even an action as seemingly simple as commuting to work evidences a great deal of cultural propriety. Take the case of going to work on public transportation. Whether commuting in Dublin, Cairo, Mumbai, or Vancouver, many behaviours will be the same in all locations, but significant differences also arise between cultures. Typically in Canada, a passenger finds a marked bus stop or station, waits for the bus or train, pays an agent before or after boarding, and quietly takes a seat if one is available. But when boarding a bus in Cairo, passengers might have to run, because buses there often do not come to a full stop to take on patrons. Dublin bus riders are expected to extend an arm to indicate that they want the bus to stop for them. When boarding a commuter train in Mumbai, passengers must squeeze into overstuffed cars amid a lot of pushing and shoving on the crowded platforms. That kind of behaviour would be considered the height of rudeness in Canada, but in Mumbai it reflects the daily challenges of getting around on a train system that is taxed to capacity. In this example of commuting, the different cultural practices are seen as various solutions to a common problem, the problem of public transportation by bus. The problem is shared, but the solutions are different. Practices in general are simply ways of doing things. The idea of a cultural practice indicates that a way of doing things is embedded in a particular culture. They express a particular way of seeing and interpreting the world, a particular type of know-how or practical knowledge, a particular set of social expectations and constraints, and a particular set of customs or traditions.

Symbols and Language

[caption id="attachment_1441" align="aligncenter" width="400"] Figure 3.18 Some road signs are universal. But how would you interpret sign (b)? (Photo (a) courtesy of Taber Andrew Bain/Flickr, ; photo (b) courtesy of HonzaSoukup/Flickr.) CC BY 2.0[/caption] Humans, consciously and subconsciously, are always striving to make sense of their surrounding world. Symbols — such as gestures, signs, objects, signals, and words — are tangible marks that stand in for, or represent, something else in an act of communication. Through symbols an understanding of underlying experiences, statuses, states, and ideas is expressed and can be passed from one person to another. They symbolize these underlying contents and convey them as recognizable markers of meaning shared by societies. They are therefore necessarily social, otherwise they could not be used to communicate. In the words of George Herbert Mead (1934):

Our symbols are universal. You cannot say anything that is absolutely particular, anything you say that has any meaning at all is universal.

The social world is filled with symbols. Sports uniforms, company logos, and traffic signs are symbols. In North America, a gold ring on the fourth finger of the left hand is a symbol of marriage. In many European countries the wedding ring is worn on the right hand. Some symbols are highly functional; stop signs, for instance, provide useful instruction. A police officer’s badge and uniform are symbols of authority and law enforcement. The sight of a police officer in uniform or in a police car triggers reassurance in some citizens, but annoyance, fear, or anger in others. Some symbols are only valuable in what they represent. Trophies, blue ribbons, or gold medals, for example, serve no purpose other than to represent accomplishments. [caption id="attachment_1243" align="alignleft" width="300"] Figure 3.19 Unisex toilet. Symbols are not free of the tensions, conflicts, and power structures of the wider society. (Image courtesy of Bart Maguire/Flickr.) CC BY-NC-ND 2.0[/caption] It is easy to take symbols for granted. Few people challenge or even think about the signs on the doors of public restrooms, but the figures on the signs are more than just symbols that tell men and women which restroom to use. They also uphold the value, in North America, that public restrooms should be gender exclusive. Even though stalls are relatively private, it is still somewhat uncommon to encounter unisex bathrooms. [caption id="attachment_498" align="alignright" width="200"] Figure 3.20 An exercise in detournement in Barcelona transforms the symbol for "do not enter" into a hand holding a brick, a symbol for insurrection. (Image courtesy of acb/Flickr.) CC BY-NC-SA 2.0[/caption] Symbols often get noticed when they are used out of context. Used unconventionally, symbols convey strong messages. A stop sign on the door of a corporation makes a political statement, as does a semi-truck used as a baricade in a protest. Together, the semaphore signals for “N” and “D” represent nuclear disarmament and form the well-known peace sign (Westcott, 2008). Internet memes — images that spread from person to person through reposting — often adopt the tactics of detournement or misappropriation used by the French Situationists of the 1950s and 1960s. The Situationists sought to subvert media and political messages by altering them slightly — “detouring” or hijacking them — in order to defamiliarize familiar messages, signs, and symbols. An ordinary image of a cat combined with the grammatically-challenged caption “I Can Has Cheezburger?” spawned the internet phenomenon "lolcats" because of the funny, nonsensical nature of its non sequitur message. Even the destruction of symbols is symbolic. Effigies representing public figures are beaten or burned to demonstrate anger at certain leaders. In 1989, crowds tore down the Berlin Wall, a decades-old symbol of the division between East and West Germany, that was itself a symbol of the "Cold War" between communist and capitalist political blocs.

Language

While different cultures have varying systems of symbols, there is one that is common to all: the use of language. Language is a symbolic system through which people communicate and through which culture is transmitted. Some languages contain a system of symbols used for written communication, while others rely only on spoken communication and nonverbal actions. For Emile Durkheim (1938), language is a prime example of a social fact. It exists only in people's heads or in their usage of it, yet it exists externally to them "in its own right." Language acts as an external constraint, it operates throughout a whole society and exists as an entity independent of its individual manifestations. Languages in a strange way are not created by individuals. They precede the individual and continue to exist after the individual is gone. They frequently impose detailed obligations on the individual that they are unaware of (vocabulary or the rules of correct word usage and grammar, for example). They operate independently of people's wills as if endowed with an external coercive power that controls them (determining what can and cannot be said, or even what can and cannot be thought, for example), rather than the other way around. By entering into language, a child enters into a whole conceptual order in which a place — that of the "child" and the meanings of "child" — is already laid out for them. Some elements of language are fixed by codes. A code is a set of cultural conventions, instructions, or rules used to combine symbols to communicate meaning. Like the codes used in ciphers to encode secret messages, the sender of a message and the receiver of a message have to share the same instructions for how to encode and decode a message correctly or else communication cannot occur. Codes therefore govern combinations of symbols that are permitted (and thereby make sense) and combinations which are forbidden (and thereby produce nonsense). [caption id="attachment_1248" align="alignleft" width="191"] Figure 3.21 Panzani ad from Barthes" Rhetoric of the Image." What is the ad trying to convince the viewer of? (Image from Barthes, 1977.) Fair Dealing/ Canadian Copyright Act[/caption] Grammatical codes for example are sets of instructions that structure the choice of words — nouns, verbs, adjectives, prepositions, pronouns, adverbs, conjunctions, etc. — that can be combined to make a meaningful sentence. "The boy cried" is coded correctly and conveys a clear image. "Boy the cried" is incorrectly coded and conveys no image. But codes are often more culturally complex than this in the sense that communication depends on being able to combine and interpret numerous cultural conventions, meanings, symbols, and connotations. For example, in a famous analysis of a Panzani pasta ad, Roland Barthes (1977) noted that in order to "get" the ad one had to be able to read the codes that signified the product's "Italianness" and associate the product with the freshness of ripe tomatoes and the freedom of shopping in outdoor markets. People competently decode these types of message everyday. But how do they do it? How do they know the instructions that let them decode the messages? [caption id="attachment_1250" align="alignright" width="300"] Figure 3.22 Light switch as binary opposition with two options: On/off. (Image courtesy of Jeff Golden.) CC BY-SA 2.0[/caption] One type of deep cultural code that fixes the meaning of language is the binary opposition. A binary opposition is a set of paired terms, considered as mutually exclusive and logical opposites, which structure a whole set or system of meanings. "Male/female" structures how people think about gender. "Culture/nature" structures how people think about their relationship to nature. "Us/them" structures how people think about politics. Usually in a society one term in the binary opposition is privileged over another in a way that makes the inequalities that structure institutional organization seem natural. However, there are no binary oppositions in nature. They are products of a cultural distinction. Durkheim already noted how the opposition between sacred/profane — things that were holy and things that were ordinary — was the central organizing structure or code that defined all religion (see Chapter 15. Religion). The anthropologist Claude Levi-Strauss (1978) expanded on this to argue that irreconcilable opposites were at the heart of all cultural systems. They were "the invariant elements among superficial differences" (Levi-Strauss, 1978). This explained the underlying similarities in myths observed in the ethnographic record between vastly divergent groups. Levi-Strauss argued that myths use stories to resolve problems of binary opposition that are common to the human condition: How are animals and gods different than humans? Why are some people heroes and other people villains? How can humans survive in a harsh and unpredictable nature? The analysis of deep structures of meaning like binary oppositions behind the manifestations of culture — stories, belief systems, values, practices, etc. — became known as structuralism. Language is also constantly evolving. Rules for speaking and writing vary even within cultures, most notably by region and level of formality. Does one refer to a can of carbonated liquid as a soda, pop, or soft drink? When leaving a restaurant, does one ask the server for the cheque, the ticket, l’addition, or the bill? Language also changes as societies create new ideas. In this age of social media technology, people have adapted almost instantly to new nouns such as email, internet and cyberspace, and verbs such as download, text, tweet, google, and blog. Thirty years ago, the general public would have considered these words gibberish. [caption id="attachment_1232" align="alignleft" width="225"] Figure 3.23 Elevator in Thailand missing buttons 4, 13, 14, 24, 34. In Vancouver, the chief building officer for the city had to issue a bulletin to stop the superstitious practice of skipping floors because this proved confusing to emergency services (Lee, 2015). (Image courtesy of Dushan Hanuska/Flickr.) CC BY-SA 2.0[/caption] Even while it constantly evolves, language continues to act as a "social fact" to shape social reality. This insight was established in the 1920s by two linguists, Edward Sapir and Benjamin Whorf. They believed that reality is culturally determined, and that any interpretation of reality is based on a society’s language. To prove this point, the sociologists argued that every language has words or expressions specific to that language. In Western societies, for example, the number 13 is associated with bad luck. Fear of Friday the 13th is referred to as paraskevidekatriaphobia, high rise buildings often do not have 13th floors, and some evidence even indicates that hospital admissions due to traffic accidents increase on Friday the 13th (Scanlon et al., 1993). In many Asian societies, however, the number four is considered unlucky, since it is pronounced similarly to the word for death in many Asian languages. Consequently, buildings often do not have a fourth floor, it is difficult to buy things in sets of four and some research indicates that Asian people are more likely to have heart attacks on the 4th of the month (Phillips et al., 2001). The Sapir-Whorf hypothesis is based on the idea that people experience their world through their language and that they, therefore, understand the world through the culture embedded in their language. The hypothesis, which has also been called linguistic relativity, states that people initially develop language to express concepts that emerge from their direct experience of the world, but afterwards language as a system of meaning comes back to shape their experience of the world (Swoyer, 2003). Studies have shown, for instance, that unless people have access to the word “ambivalent,” they do not recognize an experience of ambivalence due to conflicting positive and negative feelings about one issue. If a person cannot describe the experience, the person cannot have the experience. Similarly, at the beginning of this chapter, in Wade Davis' (2007) discussion about the ethnosphere — the sum total of “ways of thinking, ways of being, and ways of orienting oneself on the earth” — each language is understood to be more than just a set of symbols and linguistic rules. Each language is an archive of a culture's unique cosmology, wisdom, ecological knowledge, rituals, beliefs and norms. Each contributes a unique solution to the question of what it means to be human. The compilers of Ethnologue estimate that currently 7,105 languages are used in the world (Lewis et al., 2013). This would suggest that there are at least 7,105 distinct cultural contexts through which humans interpret and experience the world. The Sapir-Whorf hypothesis would suggest that their worlds differ to the degree that their languages differ. However Davis notes that today half of the world's languages are no longer being passed down to children. When languages die out or fail to be passed on to subsequent generations, whole ways of knowing and being in the world die out with them and the ethnosphere is diminished. Norris (2007) reports that at least 10 once flourishing Indigenous languages have become extinct in Canada over the past 100 years. Of the 11 remaining Indigenous language families, 7 were listed as endangered, mostly endangered or uncertain.

Making Connections: Sociology in the Real World

Is Canada Bilingual?

[caption id="attachment_499" align="alignleft" width="300"] Figure 3.24 Starbucks on Rue University, Montreal. (Image courtesy of 12th St David/Flickr.) CC BY-NC-SA 2.0[/caption] In the 1960s it became clear that the federal government needed to develop a bilingual language policy to integrate French Canadians into the national identity and prevent their further alienation. The Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism (1965) recommended establishing official bilingualism within the federal government. As a result, the Official Languages Act became law in 1969 and established both English and French as the official languages of the federal government and federal institutions such as the courts. Pierre Elliott Trudeau's governments of the late 1960s and early 1970s had an even broader ambition: to make Canada itself bilingual. Not only would Canadians be able to access government services in either French or English, no matter where they were in the country, but also receive French or English education. The entire country would be home for both French or English speakers (McRoberts, 1997). However, in the 1971 census 67% of Canadians spoke English most often at home, while only 26% spoke French at home and most of those were in Quebec. Approximately 13% of Canadians could maintain a conversation in both languages (Statistics Canada, 2007). Outside Quebec, the province with the highest proportion of people who spoke French at home was New Brunswick at 31.4%. The next highest were Ontario at 4.6% and Manitoba at 4%. In British Columbia, only 0.5% of the population spoke French at home. French speakers had widely settled Canada, but French speaking outside Quebec had lost ground since Confederation because of the higher rates of anglophone immigrants, the assimilation of Francophones, and the lack of French-speaking institutions outside Quebec (McRoberts, 1997). It seemed even in 1971 that the ideal of creating a bilingual nation was unlikely and unrealistic. What has happened to the concept of bilingualism over the last 50 years? According to the 2011 census, 58% of the Canadian population spoke English at home, while only 18.2% spoke French at home. Proportionately the number of both English and French speakers has actually decreased since the introduction of the Official Languages Act in 1969. On the other hand, the number of people who can maintain a conversation in both official languages has increased to 17.5% from 13% (Statistics Canada, 2007). However, the most significant linguistic change in Canada has not been French-English bilingualism, but the growth in the use of languages other than French and English. In a sense, what has happened is that the shifting cultural composition of Canada has rendered the goal of a bilingual nation anachronistic. Today it would be more accurate to speak of Canada as a multilingual nation. One-fifth of Canadians speak a language other than French or English at home; 11.5% report speaking English and a language other than French, and 1.3% report speaking French and a language other than English. In Toronto, 32.2% of the population speak a language other than French and English at home: 8.8% speak Cantonese, 8% speak Punjabi, 7% speak an unspecified dialect of Chinese, 5.9% speak Urdu, and 5.7% speak Tamil. In Greater Vancouver, 31% of the population speak a language other than French and English at home: 17.7% of whom speak Punjabi, followed by 16.0% who speak Cantonese, 12.2% who speak an unspecified dialect of Chinese, 11.8% who speak Mandarin, and 6.7% who speak Philippine Tagalog. Today, the government of Canada still conducts business in both official languages. French and English are the dominant languages in the workplace and schools. Labels on products are required to be in both French and English. But increasingly a lot of product information is also made available in multiple languages. In Vancouver and Toronto, and to a lesser extent Montreal, linguistic diversity has become increasingly prevalent. French and English are still the central languages of convergence and integration for immigrant communities who speak other languages — only 1.8% of the population were unable to conduct a conversation in either English or French in 2011 — but increasingly Canada is linguistically diverse rather than bilingual in the two official languages. [caption id="attachment_2327" align="aligncenter" width="400"] Figure 3.25 Nowadays, many signs — on streets and in stores — are multilingual. Is this just a more effective way to communicate information or does it signal a shift to a multilingual society? What effect does it have on our culture? (Photo courtesy of Michael Gil/Flickr.) CC BY 2.0[/caption]

Media Attributions

Figure 3.16 Soldiers Holding Hands by Geordie Mott, via Wikimedia Commons, is used under a CC BY 2.0 licence.
Figure 3.17 Garfinkel2 by Arlene Garfinkel, via Wikipedia, is used under a CC BY 3.0 licence.
Figure 3.18 Photo (a) Pedestrians Right There by Andrew Bain; photo (b) Traffic sign by HonzaSoukup, via Flickr are used under a CC BY 2.0 licence.
Figure 3.19 Unisex Toilet by Bart Maguire, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY-NC-ND 2.0 licence.
Figure 3.20 Détourned no-entry sign in Barcelona (img_5845) by acb, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY-NC-SA 2.0 licence.
Figure 3.21 Panzani ad by Roland Barthes (1977), via Academia, is used under Fair Dealing provisions of the Canadian Copyright Act.
Figure 3.22 Undecided by Jeff Golden, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY-SA 2.0 licence.
Figure 3.23 Elevator buttons by Dushan Hanuska, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY-SA 2.0 licence.
Figure 3.24 Starbucks on Rue University, Montreal by 12th St David via Flickr is used under a CC BY-NC-SA 2.0 licence.
Figure 3.25 Multilingual City by Michael Gil, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY 2.0 licence.

3.3. Culture as Innovation: Pop Culture, Subculture, Global Culture

hfriedman — Wed, 09 Aug 2023 22:01:19 +0000

[caption id="attachment_1821" align="aligncenter" width="707"] Figure 3.26 Pop culture heroes from the early days of pulp fiction. The term "pulp" refers to the cheap and disposable wood-pulp paper the books and magazines were published on. (Image painted by Howard V. Brown, courtesy of Wikimedia Commons.) Public Domain[/caption] In the introduction to this chapter, culture was defined as the source of the shared meanings through which people interpret and orient themselves to the world. While cultural practices are in some respects always a response to biological givens or to the structure of the socioeconomic formation, they are not determined by these factors. Culture is innovative. It expresses the human imagination in its capacity to go beyond what is given, to solve problems, to produce innovations — new objects, ideas, or ways of being introduced to culture for the first time. At the same time, people are born into cultures that pre-exist them and shape them. Languages, ways of thinking, ways of doing things, and artifacts are elements of culture people do not invent but inherit. They are ready-made forms of life that people fit themselves into. Culture can, therefore, also be restrictive, imposing ways of life, beliefs, and practices on people, and limiting the possibilities of what they can think and do. As Karl Marx (1852) said, "the tradition of all dead generations weighs like a nightmare on the brains of the living." The next two sections of this chapter will examine aspects of culture which are innovative — high culture and popular culture, subcultures, and global culture — and aspects of culture which are restrictive — rationalization and consumerism.

High Culture and Popular Culture

Does a person prefer listening to opera or hip hop music? Do they like watching horse jumping or NASCAR? Do they read books of poetry or magazines about celebrities? In each of these choices, one type of entertainment is considered high culture and the other low culture. Sociologists use the term high culture to describe forms of cultural experience that are meant to cultivate and refine people's sensibility: their ability to appreciate and respond to complex emotional, intellectual, or aesthetic influences. High cultural forms are characterized by formal complexity, eternal values, originality, and authenticity such as is provided by Beethoven's string quartets, Picasso's paintings, Sergei Diaghilev's ballets, or James Joyce's Ulysses. People often associate high culture with intellectualism, aesthetic taste, elitism, wealth, and prestige because it is not immediately accessible and requires cultivation or education to appreciate. Pierre Bourdieu (1984) argues further that high culture is not only a symbol of cultural distinction, but a means of maintaining status and power distinctions through the transfer of cultural capital: the knowledge, skills, tastes, mannerisms, speaking style, posture, material possessions, credentials, etc. that a person acquires from their family and class background. Events considered high culture can be expensive and formal — attending a ballet, seeing a play, or listening to a live symphony performance — and the people who are in a position to appreciate these events are often those who have enjoyed the benefits of an enriched and exclusive educational background. Their sophistication is the product of an investment in cultural refinement that serves as the basis of status distinctions in society. Nevertheless, high culture itself is a product of focused and intensive cultural innovation and creativity. The term popular culture refers to forms of cultural experience and attitude that circulate in mainstream society: cultural experiences that are well-liked by "the people." Popular culture events might include folk music, hip hop, parades, hockey games, or rock concerts. Some popular culture originated in folk traditions like quilting, carnival festivities, fiddle music, spirit dancing, commedia dell'arte and religious festivals. Other pop culture is considered popular because it is commercialized and marketed to a wide audience. Rock and pop music — “pop” is short for “popular” — are part of modern popular culture that developed first with the publication of sheet music and then with recordings. In modern times, popular culture is often expressed and spread via commercial media such as radio, television, movies, the music industry, bestseller publishers, and corporate-run websites. Unlike high culture, popular culture is known and accessible to most people. One can expect to be able to share a discussion of favourite hockey teams with a new coworker, or comment on a current TV show when making small talk in the check-out line at the grocery store. But if you tried to launch into a deep discussion on the classical Greek play Antigone, few members of Canadian society today would be familiar with it. Although high culture may be viewed as artistically superior to popular culture, the labels of high culture and popular culture vary over time and place. Shakespearean plays, considered pop culture when they were written, are now among Canadian society’s high culture. In the current “Second Golden Age of Television” (2000s to the present, the first Golden Age was in the 1950s and 1960s), television programming has gone from mass audience situation comedies, soap operas, and crime dramas to the development of “high-quality” series with increasingly sophisticated characters, narratives, and themes that require full attention and cultural capital to follow (e.g., The Sopranos, Breaking Bad, Game of Thrones, The Crown). [caption id="attachment_511" align="alignleft" width="366"] Figure 3.27 Celebration Town Hall in the Walt Disney town of Celebration, Florida, is an example of postmodern architecture that playfully borrows and blends elements from historical styles (Greek stoa left, grain silo right) instead of inventing new styles in the modern tradition. The Town Hall is also, perhaps unintentionally, ironic because the town has no mayor or local municipal government. Disney Corporation directly administers the town, which is modelled on Walt Disney World resort's nostalgic image of small-town America. (Image courtesy of trevor.patt/Flickr.) CC BY-NC-SA 2.0[/caption] Contemporary popular culture is frequently referred to as a postmodern culture. This is often presented in contrast to modern culture, or modernity. The term modernity refers to the culture associated with the rise of capitalism in which the world came to be experienced as a place of constant change and transformation, and culture as a sequence of new or contemporary "nows" in which the things of today are "modern" and those of yesterday old and no longer relevant (Sayer, 1991). In the era of modern culture, or modernity, the distinction between high culture and popular culture framed the experience of culture in a more or less a clear way. One side of high culture in the 19^th and 20^th century was experimental and avant-garde, seeking new and original forms in literature, art, and music to authentically express the elusive, transient, ever-changing experiences of modern life. The other side of high culture was the tradition of conserving and passing down the highest and most refined expressions of human cultural possibility: the eternal values and noble sensibilities contained in the "great works" of culture. High culture had a civilizing mission to either capture and articulate new forms of experiencing the world, or to preserve, pass down and renew what was eternal in the tradition. In both forms, high culture appealed to a limited but sophisticated audience. Popular culture, on the other hand, was simply the culture of the people; it was immediately accessible and easily digestible, either in the form of folk traditions or commercialized mass culture. It had no pretension to be more than entertainment and the site of momentary enthusiasms and fads — hit songs, bestsellers, popular film stars, fashion trends, house decor styles, dance crazes, etc. In postmodern culture — the form of culture that comes after or 'post' modern culture — this distinction begins to break down, and it becomes more common to find various sorts of mash-ups of high and low: Serious literature combined with themes from zombie movies; pop music constructed from recycled samples of original hooks and melodies; symphony orchestras performing the soundtracks of cartoons; architecture that playfully borrows and blends historical styles instead of inventing new ones; etc. Rock music is now the subject of many high brow histories and academic analyses, just as the common objects of popular culture are transformed into symbols with depth of meaning as high art (e.g., Andy Warhol’s Campbell's Soup Cans or Marvel Studios epics based on kid's comic books of the 1930s, 1940s, and 1950s). The dominant sensibility of postmodern popular culture is both playful and ironic, as if the blending and mixing of cultural sources, like in the television show The Simpsons, is one big in-joke based on references that only people 'in the know' will get. Postmodern culture has therefore been referred to as a "culture of quotations" (Jameson, 1985) in the sense that instead of searching for new, authentic forms, as in avant-garde modernism, or preserving and revering high cultural sensibilities, as in the classics, it recycles and remixes (i.e., quotes) elements of previous cultural production, often with a tongue in cheek ironic attitude. Frederic Jameson (1985) argues that the mixing and blending of postmodern culture is not just a cultural trend or fashion, but reflects an underlying shift in the nature of culture itself. From a historical materialist perspective, if the culture of modernity was tied to the rise of industrial capitalism, the culture of postmodernity is tied to late capitalism. The culture of modernity was focused on the new, just as capitalism has to constantly innovate in the pursuit of markets and profitability. But the categories of high and low remained stable, just as the commodities of industrial capitalism remained concrete: resources, appliances, automobiles, etc. However, late capitalism is much less concrete. The commodities of late capitalism are frequently images, brands, services and knowledge rather than tangible industrial products. The dominant technologies are computer codes and instantaneous communication networks rather than railroads and industrial machinery. Flows of capital investment are globalized rather than centered in particular national economies and cultures. Jameson argues that under these circumstances it becomes increasingly difficult to "cognitively map" ones location in this complex global space, although this is what a culture is suppose to do. The outcome is the emergence of a postmodern culture, which is seen to challenge modern culture in a number of key ways. The postmodern eclectic mix of elements from different times and places challenges the modernist concepts of authentic expression and progress. The idea that cultural creations can and should seek new and innovative ways to express the truths and deep meanings of life was linked to a belief in social progress. The playfulness and irony of postmodern culture seem to undermine the core values of modernity, especially the idea that cultural critique or innovations in architecture, art, and literature, etc. have an important role in, not just entertaining people, but improving the quality of social life. In postmodernity, nothing is to be taken very seriously, even people themselves. Moreover, in postmodernity everyone with access to a computer and some editing software is seen to be a cultural producer; everyone has a voice and with enough "likes" any voice can be important and influential. Access to knowledge does not require arduous and careful research but is simply a matter of crowd-sourcing. The modernist myth of the great creator or genius is rejected in favour of populism and a plurality of voices. Jean Francois Lyotard (1984) defines postmodern culture as "incredulity towards metanarratives" meaning that postmoderns no longer really believe in the big (i.e., meta) stories and social projects of modernity: progress towards universalization, rationalization, and systemization. Postmoderns are skeptical of the claims that scientific knowledge leads to progress, that political change creates human emancipation, that Truth sets people free. Some argue pessimistically that the outcome of this erosion of authority and decline in consensus around core values is a thorough relativism of values in which no standard exists to judge one thing to be more significant than another. Everyone makes up their own little stories, each as valid as the next — as sociologists have observed with regard to conspiracy theories, or people "doing their own research" on the science of climate change or vaccines. The outcome of the postmodern condition is a culture without a consensus on common, shared standards of truth, value or even a shared reality. Others argue optimistically that the outcome leads to pluralization, an emancipation from centralized institutions of authority, and a weakening of attachments to the dominant culture. It brings a loosening of social bonds and increased freedom. Postmodernism enables a necessary critique of the unexamined assumptions of power and authority in modern culture — the rhetoric of patriotism, "family values," or "scientific progress" lampooned in The Simpsons, for example. Instead of the privileged truths of elites and authorities, postmodernity witnesses the emergence of a plurality of different voices that had been relegated to the margins. Culture moves away from homogeneous sameness and uniformity to heterogeneous diversity.

Subculture and Counterculture

[caption id="attachment_1837" align="alignleft" width="300"] Figure 3.28 Skinhead style consists of "cropped hair, braces, short, wide Levi jeans or functional Sta-Prest trousers, plain or button-down Ben Sherman shirts, and highly polished Doctor Marten boots" (Hebdige, 1979). (Image courtesy of Flavia/Flickr.) CC BY-NC-ND 2.0[/caption] A subculture is just as it sounds — a smaller cultural group within a larger parent culture. People of a subculture are part of the parent culture, but also share a specific identity within a smaller group that distinguishes them. Many subcultures exist within Canada. Within larger ethnic groups, who share the language, food, and customs of their heritage, are subcultures like Rastafarianism, Bhangra, or Chadō. Other subcultures are united by shared pastimes. For example, biker culture revolves around a dedication to motorcycles. Some subcultures are formed by members who possess traits or preferences that differ from the majority of a society’s population. The body modification community embraces aesthetic additions to the human body, such as tattoos, piercings, and certain forms of plastic surgery. But even as members of a subculture band together around a distinct identity, they still identify with and hold many things in common with their larger parent culture. As Hall, Jefferson and Roberts (1975) point out with respect to bohemian subculture for example:

The bohemian sub-culture of the avant-garde which has arisen from time to time in the modern city, is both distinct from its ‘parent’ culture (the urban culture of the middle class intelligentsia) and yet also a part of it (sharing with it a modernising outlook, standards of education, a privileged position vis-a-vis productive labour, and so on).

Sociologists distinguish subcultures from countercultures, which are a type of subculture that explicitly reject the larger culture’s norms and values. In contrast to subcultures, which operate relatively smoothly within the larger society, countercultures actively defy larger society by developing their own set of rules and norms to live by, sometimes even creating alternative communities that operate outside of the greater society. Vegans who choose to not eat meat, fish or dairy products because they like the health benefits, cuisine or lifestyle of the vegan diet would be an example of a subculture. Although this dietary choice is distinct from the dominant culture, dietary health, pleasure in good food and making lifestyle choices are consistent with dominant cultural values. However, vegans who reject the industrial food system and the harvesting of animals for human consumption entirely have to take more radical steps to build a life which is consistant in itself and outside or counter to the dominant norms and structures of society. The post-World War II period was characterized by a series of “spectacular” youth cultures — teddy boys, beatniks, mods, hippies, bikers, skinheads, Rastas, punks, new wavers, ravers, hip-hoppers, and hipsters — who in various ways sought to reject the values of their parents' generation. For some, joining these groups was just for the music, clothing or style of life. But for others, the rejection of the dominant culture had more radical implications. The hippies, for example, were a subculture that became a counterculture, blending protest against the Vietnam War, industrial technology, and consumer culture with a back to the land movement, non-Western forms of spirituality, and the practice of voluntary simplicity. They "explored ‘alternative institutions’ to the central institutions of the dominant culture: new patterns of living, of family-life, of work or even ‘un-careers’" (Hall, Jefferson and Roberts, 1975). Counterculture, in this example, refers to the culture or way of life taken by a political and social protest movement. Cults, a word derived from cultus or the "care" owed to the observance of spiritual rituals, are also considered countercultural groups. They are usually informal, transient, religious groups or movements that deviate from orthodox beliefs and often, but not always, involve an intense emotional commitment to the group and allegiance to a charismatic leader. In pluralistic societies like Canada, they represent quasi-legitimate forms of social experimentation with alternate forms of religious practice, community, sexuality and gender relations, proselytizing, economic organization, healing, and therapy (Dawson and Thiessen, 2014). However, sometimes their challenge to conventional laws and norms is regarded as going too far by the dominant society. For example, the group Yearning for Zion (YFZ) in Eldorado, Texas existed outside the mainstream, and the limelight, until its leader was accused of statutory rape and underage marriage. The sect’s formal norms clashed too severely to be tolerated by U.S. law, and in 2008 authorities raided the compound, removing more than 200 women and children from the property (Oprah.com, 2009). The degree to which countercultures reject the larger culture’s norms and values is questionable, however. In the analysis of spectacular, British working class youth subcultures like the teddy boys, mods, and skinheads, Phil Cohen (1972) noted that the style and the focal concerns of the groups could be seen as a "compromise solution between two contradictory needs: the need to create and express autonomy and difference from parents...and the need to maintain parental identifications" (as cited in Hebdige, 1979). In the 1960s and 70s, for example, skinheads shaved their heads, listened to ska music from Jamaica, participated in racist chants at soccer games, and wore highly polished Doctor Marten boots ("Doc Martens") in a manner that deliberately alienated their working class parents while expressing their own adherence to blue collar working class imagery. At the same time, noted Cohen, their subcultural outfit was more or less a "caricature of the model worker" their parents aspired to, and their attitude simply exaggerated the proletarian, puritanical, and chauvinist traits of their parents' generation. On one hand, the invention of skinhead culture was an innovative cultural creation that seemed to reject the dominant culture; on the other hand, it just exaggerated and reproduced the already existing contradictions of the skinheads' class position and that of their parents.

Making Connections: Sociology in the Real World

The Evolution of North American Hipster Subculture

[caption id="attachment_1003" align="aligncenter" width="225"] Figure 3.29 Intellectual and trendy, today’s hipsters define themselves through cultural irony. (Photo courtesy of Lorena Cupcake/Flickr.) CC BY 2.0[/caption] Skinny jeans, chunky glasses, ironic moustaches, retro-style single speed bicycles, and T-shirts with vintage logos — the hipster is a recognizable figure in contemporary North American culture. Predominantly based in metropolitan areas, hipsters seek to define themselves by a rejection of mainstream norms and fashion styles. As a subculture, hipsters spurn many values and beliefs of North American society, tending to prefer a bohemian lifestyle over one defined by the accumulation of power and wealth. At the same time they evince a concern that borders on a fetish with the pedigree of the music, styles, and objects that identify their focal concerns. When did hipster subculture begin? While commonly viewed as a recent trend among middle-class youth, the history of the group stretches back to the early decades of the 1900s. In the 1940s, black American jazz music was on the rise in the United States. Musicians were known as hepcats and had a smooth, relaxed style that contrasted with more conservative and mainstream expressions of cultural taste. Norman Mailer (1923 - 2007), in his essay The White Negro: Superficial Reflections on the Hipster (1957), defined those who were “hep” or “hip” as largely white youth living by a black jazz-inspired code of resistance, while those who were “square” lived according to society’s rules and conventions.As hipster attitudes spread and young people were increasingly drawn to alternative music and fashion, attitudes and language derived from the culture of jazz were adopted. Unlike the vernacular of the day, hipster slang was purposefully ambiguous. When hipsters said, “It’s cool, man,” they meant not that everything was good, but that it was the way it was. [caption id="attachment_1005" align="aligncenter" width="300"] Figure 3.30 In the 1940s, American hipsters were associated with the “cool” culture of jazz. (Photo courtesy of William P. Gottlieb/Ira and Leonore S. Gershwin Fund Collection, Music Division, Library of Congress.) Public Domain[/caption] By the 1950s, another variation on the subculture was on the rise. The beat generation, a title coined by Quebecois-American writer Jack Kerouac (1922-1969), was defined as a generation that was nonconformist and anti-materialistic. Prominent in this movement were writers and poets who listened to jazz, studied Eastern religions, experimented with different states of experience, and embraced radical politics of personal liberation. They "bummed around," hitchhiked the country, sought experience, and lived marginally. Even in the early stages of the development of the subculture there was a difference between the emphasis in beat and hipster styles:

. . . the hipster was . . . [a] typical lower-class dandy, dressed up like a pimp, affecting a very cool, cerebral tone — to distinguish him from the gross, impulsive types that surrounded him in the ghetto — and aspiring to the finer things in life, like very good "tea," the finest of sounds — jazz or Afro-Cuban . . . [whereas] . . . the Beat was originally some earnest middle-class college boy like Kerouac, who was stifled by the cities and the culture he had inherited and who wanted to cut out for distant and exotic places, where he could live like the "people," write, smoke and meditate (Goldman as cited in Hebdige, 1979)

While the beat was focused on inner experience, the hipster was focused on the external style. By the end of the 1950s, the influence of jazz was winding down and many traits of hepcat culture were becoming mainstream. College students, questioning the relevance and vitality of the American dream in the face of post-war skepticism, clutched copies of Kerouac’s On the Road, dressed in berets, black turtlenecks, and black-rimmed glasses. Women wore black leotards and grew their hair long. The subculture became visible and was covered in Life magazine, Esquire, Playboy, and other mainstream media. Herb Caen (1916-1997), a San Francisco journalist, used the suffix from Sputnik 1, the Russian satellite that orbited Earth in 1957, to dub the movement’s followers as “beatniks.” They were subsequently lampooned as lazy layabouts in television shows like The Many Loves of Dobie Gillis (1959-1963) or dangerous, drug-abusing delinquents in movies like High School Confidential (1958). [caption id="attachment_510" align="aligncenter" width="300"] Figure 3.31 By the late 1950s and early 1960s beatnik subculture was being parodied. (Image courtesy of Sarah/Flickr.) CC BY-NC-SA 2.0[/caption] As the beat generation faded, a new related movement began. It too focused on breaking social boundaries, but also advocated freedom of expression, philosophy, and love. It took its name from the generations before; in fact, some theorists claim that the beats themselves coined the term to describe their children. Over time, the “little hipsters” of the 1960s and 70s became known simply as hippies. Others note that hippie was a derogatory label invented by the mainstream press to discredit and stereotype the movement and its non-materialist aspirations. Contemporary expressions of the hipster rose out of the hippie movement in the same way that hippies evolved from the beats and beats from hepcats. Although today’s hipster may not seem to have much in common with the jazz-inspired youth of the 1940s, or the long-haired, back-to-the-land movement of the 1960s, an emphasis on nonconformity persists. The sociologist Mark Greif set about investigating the hipster subculture of the United States and found that much of what tied the group together was not a specific set of fashion or music choices, nor a specific point of contention with the mainstream. What has emerged, rather, is an appropriation of consumer capitalism that seeks authenticity in and of itself. In his New York Times article “The Hipster in the Mirror” Greif wrote, “All hipsters play at being the inventors or first adopters of novelties: pride comes from knowing, and deciding, what’s cool in advance of the rest of the world” (2010). What tends to be cool is an ironic pastiche of borrowed styles or tastes that signify other identities or histories: alternative music (sometimes very obscure), used vintage clothing, organic and artisanal foods and products, single gear bikes, and countercultural values and lifestyles. Young people are often drawn to oppose mainstream conventions. Much as the hepcats of the jazz era opposed common culture with carefully crafted appearances of coolness and relaxation, modern hipsters reject mainstream values with a purposeful apathy, while embracing their particular enthusiasms with what seems to others like excessive intensity and attention to detail. Ironic, cool to the point of non-caring, and intellectual, hipsters continue to embody a subculture while simultaneously impacting mainstream culture.

Global Culture

The integration of world markets, technological advances, global media communications, and international migration of the last decades have allowed for greater exchange between cultures through the processes of globalization and diffusion. As noted in Chapter 1. An Introduction to Sociology, globalization refers to the ways in which people no longer “live and act in the self-enclosed spaces of national states and their respective national societies” (Beck, 2000). Globalization is the process by which "a supraterritorial dimension of social relations" emerges and spreads (Scholte, 2000). The world is becoming one place, like a "global village," as Canadian media theorist, Marshall McLuhan (1962) described. In this context, culture itself has become increasingly globalized. Life styles, activities, cuisines, clothing styles, cultural references, religions, music preferences, images, news reports and many other facets of contemporary cultural life are no longer pinned to the location where people live or grew up. Globalization has been a process underway for 500 years but it has intensified over the last 30 years. Arjun Appadurai (1996) describes five dimensions of global cultural "flow" that have reshaped the landscape of culture in the 21st century.

First is the increased movement or flow of people who bring their local cultures with them. He refers to this process as the creation of a new global ethnoscape: "tourists, immigrants, refugees, exiles, guest workers, and other moving groups and individuals constitute an essential feature of the world and appear to affect the politics of (and between) nations to a hitherto unprecedented degree."
Second is the spread of technologies across borders, from electric toothbrushes and automobile parts to smart phones and biotech, which creates a global technological configuration or technoscape. Among other things, the global spread of technologies requires an immense amount of global cooperation to define the 22,000 international standards that allow technical components to work together (Frost, 2018).
Third is the creation of new financescapes. Beginning in the 1970s, Western governments began to deregulate social services while granting greater liberties to private businesses. As a result of this process of neoliberalization, world markets became dominated by unregulated, international flows of capital investment and new multinational networks of corporations. A global economy emerged to surpass nationally-based economies.
Finally Appadurai describes the new mediascapes and ideoscapes that emerge as people consume media content and political or religious discourses from different locations through global film and TV distribution, social media platforms like Google, Facebook and Twitter, and other electronic means of news and personal communication. These create "large and complex repertoires of images, narratives, and ethnoscapes to viewers throughout the world, in which the world of commodities and the world of news and politics are profoundly mixed" (Appadurai, 1996). The world shares a common information (and disinformation) space.

These processes of cultural globalization can be summed up by the term diffusion, which refers to the spread of material and non-material culture. Middle-class North Americans can fly overseas and return with a new appreciation of Thai noodles or Italian gelato. Access to television and the internet has brought the lifestyles and values portrayed in Hollywood sitcoms and “reality” TV series into homes around the globe. Twitter feeds from public demonstrations in one nation have encouraged political protesters in other countries. When this kind of diffusion occurs, material objects and ideas from one culture are introduced into another creating new and complex landscapes of cultural diversity.

Diaspora and Hybridity

One aspect of this complex landscape of cultural diversity is the creation of diasporas. The increasing flows of global migrants, temporary foreign workers, and political or economic refugees create globalized and displaced local communities as people from around the world spread out into global diasporas: the communities that emerge through resettlement of a people from their original homeland to new locations. As Arjun Appadurai (1996) suggests, "More people than ever before seem to imagine routinely the possibility that they or their children will live and work in places other than where they were born: this is the wellspring of the increased rates of migration at every level of social, national, and global life." This likelihood of movement, whether actual or imagined, changes the cultural coordinates of how people see themselves in the world. [caption id="attachment_1442" align="alignleft" width="400"] Figure 3.32 Officially patented in 1893 as the “clasp locker” (figure a), the zipper was a technology that did not diffuse through society for many decades. Today (figure b), it is an immediately recognizable feature of the global technoscape. (Photo (a) courtesy of U.S. Patent Office/Wikimedia Commons; Photo (b) courtesy of Rabensteiner/Wikimedia Commons.) Public Domain[/caption] All migrants, refugees, temporary foreign workers, or travelers bring their beliefs, attitudes, languages, cuisines, music, religious practices, and other elements of local ways of life with them when they move, and they encounter new ones in the places where they arrive. What would appear to be different in the contemporary era of global migration is the way in which electronic media make it possible for migrants and travelers to keep in touch daily with not only friends and family, but also favourite TV shows, current events, sports, music, and other elements of culture from home. In the same way, electronic media give migrants access to the culture of their new homes just as they allow local residents to imagine future homes elsewhere in the world. In the era of globalization, the experience of culture is increasingly disembedded from location. The ways people imagine themselves and define their individual attachments, interests, and aspirations criss-cross and intertwine the divisions between cultures formerly established by the territorial boundaries of societies. Hybridity in cultures is one of the consequences of the increased global flows of capital, people, culture, and entertainment. Hybrid cultures refer to new forms of culture that arise from cross-cultural exchange, especially in the aftermath of the colonial era. On one hand, there are blendings of different cultural elements that had at one time been distinct and locally based: fusion cuisines, mixed martial arts, and New Age shamanism. On the other hand, there are processes of Indigenization and appropriation in which local cultures adopt and redefine foreign cultural forms. The classic examples are the cargo cults of Melanesia in which isolated Indigenous peoples “re-purposed” Western goods (cargo) within their own ritualistic practices in order to make sense of Westerners' material wealth. Other examples include Arjun Appadurai’s (1996) discussion of how the colonial Victorian game of cricket has been taken over and absorbed as a national passion into the culture of the Indian subcontinent. Similarly, Chinese “duplitecture” reconstructs famous European and North American buildings, or in the case of Hallstatt, Austria, entire villages, in Chinese housing developments (Bosker, 2013). As cultural diasporas or emigrant communities begin to introduce their cultural traditions to new homelands and absorb the cultural traditions they find there, opportunities for new and unpredictable forms of hybrid culture emerge.

Making Connections: Big Picture

Is There a Canadian Identity?

[caption id="attachment_1006" align="aligncenter" width="300"] Figure 3.33 To what degree does Tim Hortons represent Canadian culture? Is it a cultural icon endangered by its sale to the international consortium 3G Capital, or does it already commodify Canadians’ desire to identify with their national culture in order to sell a product? (Image courtesy of Caribb/Flickr.) CC BY-NC-ND 2.0[/caption] The 2014 purchase of the Canadian coffee and donut chain Tim Hortons by 3G Capital, the American-Brazilian consortium that owns Burger King, raised questions about Canadian identity that never seem far from the surface in discussions of Canadian culture. For example, an article by Joe Friesen (2014) in The Globe and Mail emphasized the potential loss to Canadian culture by the sale to foreign owners of a successful Canadian-owned business that is also a kind of Canadian institution. Tim Hortons's self-promotion has always emphasized its Canadianness: from its original ownership partner, Tim Horton (1930-1974), who was a Toronto Maple Leafs defenceman, to being a kind of "anti-Starbucks," the place where "ordinary Canadians" go. Friesen's article reads a number of Canadian characteristics into the brand image of Tim Hortons. For example, the personality of Tim Horton himself is equated with Canadianness of the chain: “He wasn’t a flashy player, but he was strong and reliable, traits in keeping with Canadian narratives of solidity and self-effacement” (Friesen). How do we understand Canadian culture and Canadian identity in this example? Earlier in the chapter, we described culture as a product of the socioeconomic formation. Therefore, if we ask the question of whether a specific Canadian culture or Canadian identity exists, we would begin by listing a set of distinctive Canadian cultural characteristics and then attempt to explain their distinctiveness in terms of the way the Canadian socioeconomic formation developed. Seymour Martin Lipset (1990) famously described several characteristics that distinguished Canadians from Americans:

Canadians are less self-reliant and more dependent on state programs than Americans to provide for everyday needs of citizens.
Canadians are more “elitist” than Americans in the sense that they are more respectful and deferential towards authorities.
Canadians are less individualistic and more collectivistic than Americans, especially in instances where personal liberties conflict with the collective good.
Overall, Canadians are more conservative than Americans, and less likely to embrace a belief in progress or a forward looking, liberal outlook on political or economic issues.

Lipset’s explanation for these differences is that while both Canada and the United States retain elements from their British colonial experiences, like their language and legal systems, their founding historical events were opposite: the United States was created through violent revolution against British rule (1775-1783); whereas, Canada’s origins were counter revolutionary. Canada was settled in part by United Empire Loyalists who fled America to remain loyal to Britain, and it did not become an independent nation state until it was created by an act of the British Parliament (the British North America Act of 1867). While Lipset’s analysis is disputed, especially by those who do not see American and Canadian cultural differences as being so great (Baer et al., 1990), the logic of his analysis is to see the cultural difference between the nations as a variable dependent on their different socioeconomic formations. (Note: The idea that Canada — with its influential socialist tradition responsible for Canada’s universal health care, welfare and employment insurance, strong union movement, culture of collective responsibility, etc. — is more conservative than the United States may strike the reader as strange. Lipset’s assessment is based on uniquely American cultural definitions of conservatism and liberalism.) In this analysis, the national characteristics that Friesen argues are embodied by Tim Hortons — modesty, unpretentiousness, politeness, respect, etc. — would be seen as qualities that emerged as a result of a uniquely Canadian historical socioeconomic development. However, how well do they actually represent Canadian culture? As we saw earlier in the chapter, one prominent aspect of contemporary Canadian cultural identity is the idea of multiculturalism. The impact of globalization on Canada has been an increased cultural diversity (see Chapter 11. Race and Ethnicity). The 2011 census noted that visible minorities made up 19.1% of the Canadian population, or almost one out of every five Canadians. In Toronto and Vancouver, almost half the population are visible minorities. In a certain way, the existence of diverse cultures in Canada undermines the notion that a unified Canadian identity exists. Canada would appear to be a fragmented nation of hyphenated identities — British-Canadians, French-Canadians, Chinese-Canadians, South Asian-Canadians, Caribbean-Canadians, Indigenous-Canadians, etc. — each with its unique cultural traditions, languages, and viewpoints. In what way are we still able to speak about a Canadian identity except insofar as it is defined by multiculturalism — essentially, many identities?

Media Attributions

Figure 3.26 Cover of Astounding Stories magazine, June 1936: The Shadow out of Time by Howard V. Brown, via Wikimedia Commons, is in the public domain.
Figure 3.27 Celebration Town Hall in the Walt Disney town of Celebration, Florida by trevor.patt via Flickr, is used under a CC BY-NC-SA 2.0 licence.
Figure 3.28 Colonna Infame Skinhead by Flavia, April 2010, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY-NC-ND 2.0 licence.
Figure 3.29 I FINALLY GOT A BIKE! by Lorena Cupcake via Flickr, is used under a CC BY 2.0 licence.
Figure 3.30 [Portrait of Bill (Buddy) De Arango, Terry Gibbs, and Harry Biss, Club Troubadour, New York, N.Y., between 1946 and 1948] by William P. Gottlieb/Ira and Leonore S. Gershwin Fund Collection, Music Division, Library of Congress, is in the public domain.
Figure 3.31 Beatnik paper doll by Sarah, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY-NC-SA 2.0 licence.
Figure 3.32 Photo (a) Judson improved shoe fastening 1893 by U.S. Patent Office, via Wikimedia Commons; Photo (b) Reißverschluss offen [zipper open] by Rabensteiner via Wikimedia Commons; both in the public domain.
Figure 3.33 Always a Line at Tim Horton's by Caribb, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY-NC-ND 2.0 licence.

3.4. Culture as Restriction: Rationalization and Commodification

hfriedman — Wed, 09 Aug 2023 22:03:05 +0000

The previous section examined culture in its innovative guise. Culture, as a source of innovation, is the site of "all thoughts, dreams, ideas, beliefs, myths, intuitions, and inspirations brought into being by the human imagination since the dawn of consciousness" as Wade Davis (2002) put it. Culture provides the imaginative capacity that enables humans to go beyond the "given" of their biological and social reality. The innovations of high culture in expanding the range of human sensibility and the inventiveness of pop culture, subculture, and globally hybrid culture in creating and diffusing new cultural forms attests to the innovative side of culture. However, culture can also be examined in its restrictive guise, as a dimension of social life that confines human possibilities. Two contemporary modes of culture as restriction can be seen in the processes of rationalization and consumerism.

Rationalization

[caption id="attachment_1007" align="alignleft" width="213"] Figure 3.34 Harold Lloyd in Safety Last (1923). What is the relationship between time and stress? (Image courtesy of Harold Lloyd and Wesley Stout, An American Comedy/ Wikimedia Commons.) Public Domain[/caption] Max Weber’s analysis of modern society centers on the concept of rationalization. Arguably, the primary focus of Weber’s entire sociological oeuvre was to determine how and why Western civilization and capitalism developed where and when they did. Why was the West the West? Why did the Western world modernize and develop modern science, industry, military, and democracy first when, for centuries, Asia, the Indian subcontinent, and the Middle East were technically, scientifically, and culturally more advanced than the West? Weber argued that the modern forms of society developed in the West because of the process of rationalization: the general tendency of modern institutions and most areas of life to be transformed by the application of instrumental reason — choosing the most efficient means to achieve defined goals — and the overcoming of “magical” thinking (which in Chapter 1. An Introduction to Sociology was referred to as the “disenchantment of the world”). In modernity, everything is subject to the cold and rational gaze of the scientist, the technician, the bureaucrat, and the business person. “There are no mysterious incalculable forces that come into play… rather… one can, in principle, master all things by calculation. This means that the world is disenchanted” (Weber, 1919). As impediments toward rationalization like religious belief and tradition were removed, organizations and institutions were restructured on the principle of maximum efficiency and specialization. Older, traditional (inefficient) types of organization were gradually eliminated. Weber’s question was, what are the consequences of rationality for everyday life, for the social order, and for the spiritual fate of humanity? Through rationalization, all of the institutional structures of modern society are reorganized on the principles of efficiency, calculability, and predictability. These are the bases of the “technical and economic conditions of machine production” that Weber refers to in The Protestant Ethic (1904). See the discussion in Chapter 15. Religion. As rationalization transforms the institutional and organizational life of modernity, other forms of social organization are eliminated and other purposes of life — spiritual, moral, emotional, traditional, etc.—become irrelevant or sidelined. Life becomes irrevocably narrower in its focus, and other values are lost. People's attitude towards their own lives becomes oriented to maximizing their own efficiency, and eliminating non-productive pursuits and downtime. This is the key to Weber's metaphor of the iron cage in which human are trapped by their own systems of efficiency. Other ways and possibilities of life are abandoned because they are "inefficient" and cannot compete with rationalized organizational structures. Weber argues that the combination of new powers of production and organizational effectiveness and the increasingly narrow specialization of tasks lead to the loss of the Enlightenment ideal of reason: a well-rounded individual and a “full and beautiful humanity.” Having forgotten its spiritual or other purposes of life, humanity succumbed to an order “now bound to the technical and economic conditions of machine production” (Weber, 1904). The modern subject in the iron cage is essentially a narrow specialist or bureaucrat, “only a single cog in an ever-moving mechanism which prescribes to him an essentially fixed route of march” (Weber, 1922). One of the consequences of the rationalization of everyday life is stress. In 2010, 27% of working adults in Canada described their day-to-day lives as highly stressful (Crompton, 2011). Twenty-three per cent of all Canadians, aged 15 and older, reported that most days were highly stressful in 2013 (Statistics Canada, 2014). In the case of stress, rationalization is a double-edged sword in that it allows people to get more things done per unit of time more efficiently in order to "save time," but ironically efficiency — as a means to an end — tends to replace other goals in life and becomes an end in itself. The focus on efficiency means that people regard time as a kind of limited resource in which to achieve a maximum number of activities. The irrationality of rationalization is: Saving time for what? Are people able to take time for activities (including sleep) which replenish them or enrich them? Even the notions of "taking time" or "spending quality time" with someone use the metaphor of time as a kind of expenditure in which people use up a limited resource. Stress is in many respects a product of the modern "rational" relationship to time. As seen in the table below, for a significant number of people, there is simply not enough time in the day to accomplish what they set out to do. This is an outcome of the restrictive quality of the rationalization of culture.

*Table 3.1. Perceptions of time for the population aged 15 and over, by age group, Canada, 2010 [Skip Table]*
Perceptions of time	15 and over	15 to 24	25 to 34	35 to 44	45 to 54	55 to 64	65 to 74	75 and over
Do you plan to slow down in the coming year?	19%	13%	16%	21%	22%	23%	16%	20%
Do you consider yourself a workaholic?	25%	22%	29%	31%	28%	23%	18%	14%
When you need more time, do you tend to cut back on your sleep?	46%	63%	60%	59%	45%	31%	20%	15%
At the end of the day, do you often feel that you have not accomplished what you had set out to do?	41%	34%	46%	48%	46%	40%	29%	35%
Do you worry that you don't spend enough time with your family or friends?	36%	34%	47%	53%	41%	27%	14%	10%
Do you feel that you're constantly under stress trying to accomplish more than you can handle?	34%	35%	41%	47%	40%	27%	15%	10%
Do you feel trapped in a daily routine?	34%	33%	41%	46%	40%	28%	15%	15%
Do you feel that you just don't have time for fun any more?	29%	20%	36%	43%	38%	23%	11%	11%
Do you often feel under stress when you don't have enough time?	54%	65%	66%	69%	59%	41%	22%	16%
Would you like to spend more time alone?	22%	19%	30%	35%	24%	15%	9%	7%
Note. The percentages represent the proportion of persons who answered "yes" to the questions on perceptions of time. Source: Statistics Canada, General Social Survey, 2010 (Statistics Canada, 2011).

Commodity, Commodification, and Consumerism as a Way of Life

[caption id="attachment_92" align="alignleft" width="225"] Figure 3.35 Barbara Kruger’s subversive billboard art piece “I shop therefore I am” is here revised as an actual advertising slogan in a Selfridges department store in Birmingham, England. Is this the ultimate in cynical advertising or simply a fact of life in the age of consumerism? (Photo courtesy of Mark Hillary/Flickr.) CC BY 2.0[/caption] A commodity is an object, service, or a “good” that has been produced for sale on the market. Commodification is the process through which objects, services, or goods are increasingly turned into commodities. Through commodification, they become defined more in terms of their marketability and profitability than by their intrinsic characteristics. Prior to the invention of the commodity market, economic life revolved around bartering or producing for immediate consumption. Real objects like wool or food were exchanged for other real objects or were produced for immediate consumption according to need. The development of commodity exchange with the rise of capitalism introduced a strange factor into this equation because, in the marketplace, objects are exchanged for money. Money can be used to buy other objects or services, or it can be accumulated and used later, but its unique quality is that it is indifferent to where it is used and what it is used for (Simmel, 1978/1900). In commodity exchange, commodities are produced in order to be sold in the market for money. Their value is determined not just in regard to their unique qualities, their purpose, or their ability to satisfy a need (i.e., their “use value”), but also their monetary value or “exchange value” (i.e., their price). When someone asks what something is worth today, they are usually referring to its price. This monetization of value has a number of strange qualities. In the first place, the medium of money allows for incomparable, concrete things or use values to be quantified and compared. Twenty dollars will get the consumer a chicken, a novel, or a hammer; these fundamentally different things all become equivalent from the point of view of money. It is strange in the second place because the use of money to define the value of commodities makes the commodity appear to stand alone, as if its value was independent of the context in which it was created, the labour that produced it, or the needs it was designed to satisfy. Commodities seem to have a life ot their own. In the third place, people see the object and imagine the qualities it will endow them with: a style, a fashionability, a street credibility, a personality type, or a tribal affiliation (e.g., are you a PC person or a Mac person?). They do not recognize the labour and the social relationships of work that produced it, nor the social relationship that ties them to its producers when they purchase it. Instead the commodity has an agency of its own. It will make the consumer smarter, sharper, sexier, or snazzier. Karl Marx (1818-1883) called this phenomenon commodity fetishism (1867), the mistaken belief that commodities themselves hold or create values or give valuable attributes to their possessors, instead of recognizing that it is humans and human social processes that give value to things. Why are diamonds more valuable than water for example? They might be rarer than fresh water but they do not serve any practical function like water does. They are given value purely by human choice or agreement. [caption id="attachment_1009" align="alignright" width="300"] Figure 3.36 The Mac vs. PC ad campaign plays on the idea that the computer you purchase defines your style of life, or vice versa. In this way commodities and their branding strategies insinuate themselves into our self-definitions (Image courtesy of Jose Antonio Gelado/Flickr.) CC BY-NC 2.0[/caption] With the increased importance of maintaining high levels of commodity turn over and consumption that emerged with the system of late capitalism, commodity fetishism plays a powerful role in producing ever-new wants and desires. Consumerism becomes a way of life. Consumerism refers to the way in which people define themselves in terms of the commodities they purchase. To the degree that people's identities become defined by the pattern of their consumer preferences, the commodity no longer exists to serve their needs but to define their needs. As a form of cultural practice, consumerism ties people's identities to the circuits of capital accumulation and restricts the possibilities of individuation and personal expression. As Barbara Kruger put it, the motto of consumer culture is not “I think therefore I am” but “I shop therefore I am.” Thinking is precisely what consumerism entices people not to do, except insofar as they calculate the prices of things.

Media Attributions

Figure 3.34 Safetylast-1 by [authors] Harold Lloyd and Wesley Stoutvia (1928), An American Comedy, via Wikimedia Commons, is in the public domain.
Figure 3.35 I shop, therefore I am by Mark Hillary, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY 2.0 licence.
Figure 3.36 DSC00093 by Jose Antonio Gelado, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY-NC 2.0 licence.

3.5. Theoretical Perspectives on Culture

hfriedman — Wed, 09 Aug 2023 22:03:50 +0000

Music, fashion, technology, norms, and values — all are products of culture. How do sociologists interpret them within the context of the social organization of life? Chapter 3. Culture ends with a review of the analysis of culture in three theoretical paradigms in sociology: functionalism, symbolic interactionism, and critical sociology.

Structural Functionalism

Functionalists view society as a system in which all parts work — or function — together to create society as a whole. In this way, societies need culture to exist. Cultural norms function to support the fluid operation of society, and cultural values guide people in making choices. Talcott Parsons (1902-1979) referred to the function of culture as “latent pattern maintenance,” meaning that the cultural practices that reproduce and circulate symbolic meanings and codes serve the function of maintaining social patterns of behaviour and facilitating orderly change. Culture ensures that people continue to understand one another, share common values and norms, and find security in stable definitions of the “meaning of life.” If cultural systems fail to perform their function within society, people succumb to anomie or normlessness, and life threatens to become meaningless or incomprehensible. By focusing on the function that culture plays in maintaining the stable equilibrium of society as a whole, functionalists also provide interesting insights into cultural activities that might seem irrational or bizarre on the surface. Bronislaw Malinowski (1884-1942) described the way that the Trobriand Islanders of New Guinea used magic at each stage of preparation for fishing (1925). From a rationalized, calculative point of view, magic ritual has nothing to do with the ability to catch fish. Fishing is a practical activity. However, as Malinowski pointed out, fishing for the Trobriand Islanders was also a risky and uncertain activity. It was dangerous, weather was unpredictable and the whereabouts of fish variable. Magic provided the fishermen with a sense of control over their environment and a sense of confidence that enabled them to venture out into the dangerous waters day after day. Whether the magic rituals “worked” or not, they performed an important and rational function in the economic life of the Islanders. It provided a stable pattern of meaning that empowered the fishermen to risk their lives to bring back an essential food resource. Functionalists argue that cultural practices play a similar role in modern societies. The game of hockey, for example, in which highly-skilled men and women chase a disk of rubber around a frozen sheet of ice, risking injury and expending energy for nonproductive purposes, could be regarded an irrational and crazy activity. Yet millions of people watch hockey, millions of dollars are spent on it, millions of people’s identities are defined by their fandom, and millions of people’s collective sense of self-worth can hang on the fortunes and failures of their favourite hockey teams. Hockey is both, practically speaking, useless and yet clearly a highly valued activity. Why? As Durkheim argued with respect to religious rituals and totems, when people come together and focus their attention on a common object — in this case, the fortunes of a disk of rubber on a sheet of ice — thoughts and feelings pass back and forth between them until they take on a supra-individual force, detached from the individuals themselves. A pre-rational collective consciousness emerges that provides the basis for group solidarity or a moral sense of group togetherness. Hockey functions as a site of collective convergence in a society that otherwise threatens to dissolve into incoherence as people’s everyday lives diverge in pursuit of individual self-interests. In addition, many people point to the latent functions of hockey, in that playing hockey provides an outlet for energies that might otherwise be directed to negative activities. It provides the basis for the cultivation of the self in the pursuit of excellence, it provides important lessons on the value of team play and it provides an exercise activity that contributes to the health of the population. As many Canadians know, it is often easier to get a good physical workout when you are chasing a puck or a hockey ball than it is to convince themselves to go jogging in the cold or to do another repetition down at the gym. [caption id="attachment_516" align="aligncenter" width="1024"] Figure 3.37 The Spirit of Haida Gwaii: The Jade Canoe (1994) by Haida artist Bill Reid stands in the center of the Vancouver airport. How would a sociologist interpret this statue? What stories does it tell and what does it represent in North American culture? (Photo Courtesy of Caribb/Flickr.) CC BY-NC-ND 2.0 [/caption]

Symbolic Interactionism

Symbolic interactionism is a sociological paradigm that is most concerned with the face-to-face interactions between members of society. Interactionists see culture as being created and maintained by the ways people interact, interpret each other’s actions and create common meanings. Proponents of this paradigm conceptualize culture as the product of a continuous chain of interactions in which meaning is given to both objects in the environment and the attributes and actions of others. This is where the term “symbolic” comes into play. Every object and action has a symbolic meaning. Language, as a repository of symbolic meanings, serves as a means for people to represent and communicate their meanings, motives and understandings to others. Symbolic interactionists perceive culture as highly dynamic and fluid because it is dependent on how meaning is created and recreated over and over again through the personal face to face encounters that constitute social life. A symbolic interactionist approach to fashion, for example, would emphasize that fashion is a language or code that people use to interpret who others are and communicate who they themselves are. It also involves determining what the present moment in time is. People distinguish between what is "old-fashioned" and what is "hip" with an acute sensibility of what it means to "be with the times." Clothing fashions in particular represent an extremely intricate language of interpersonal communication, as anyone who has gone shopping for clothes with a picky friend is well aware. What variables are involved in the question, “Does this look good on me?” Clothes are never simply “functional,” because even the most functional and practical Mountain Equipment Co-op style clothing makes a statement about the wearer. Georg Simmel (1858-1918) noted that, while extremely transitory, the establishment of fashions always has to contend with two seemingly contradictory tendencies — the desire of individuals to fit in and conform to what is current and fashionable, and the desire of individuals to stand out as unique individuals (1904). Being fashionable involves a highly nuanced negotiation between these two poles.

Critical Sociology

[caption id="attachment_1010" align="alignright" width="300"] Figure 3.38 Women serving in the armed forces during World War I, including nurses, were the only women who were allowed to vote in federal elections. It was not until 1919 that the majority of women in Canada could vote federally. Asian-Canadian, Inuit and First Nation women could not vote until 1948, 1950 and 1960 respectively (Photo courtesy of William Rider-Rider/Wikimedia Commons.) Public Domain[/caption] Critical sociologists view social structure as inherently unequal and based on power differentials related to issues like class, gender, race, and age. For a critical sociologist, culture is not a unified tradition that is experienced the same way by all people in a society. As discussed earlier in the chapter, female genital mutilation practiced by several social groups in Africa and Asia is a cultural practice that is rooted in gender inequality. It is a "tradition" but it is also an example of a cultural practice that reinforces and perpetuates gender inequalities and differences in power. Unlike the functionalists, who examine culture in terms of its function in social cohesion, or symbolic interactionists, who emphasize how people come to mutual understandings through cultural practices and interactions, critical sociologists examine how inequalities and power relationships are maintained by a culture’s value system. Some norms, formal and informal, are practiced at the expense of others. Following Confederation in 1867, women (of European ancestry) were not allowed to vote in federal elections in Canada until 1919, and it was not until 1940 that they could vote in provincial elections in Quebec. (Women property owners had been able to vote prior to Confederation.) It was not until 1948 that Canadians of Japanese, Chinese, and South Asian origins were permitted to vote. Inuit Canadians had their right to vote revoked in 1934 and returned in 1950. Indigenous Canadians, who had been able to vote in some regions up until 1898, had their rights revoked and were not permitted to vote federally again until 1960. In each case of discrimination, it was the dominant culture's attitudes toward the subordinate groups that served as the rationale for refusing them the franchise. For example, in 1898 the Member of Parliament for Saint John argued that “Indians [sic] knew no more of politics ‘than a child two years old’” (Elections Canada, 2014). Because of prevailing paternalistic and racist attitudes, it was argued that Indigenous people would somehow be more susceptible to manipulation by politicians than other Canadians.

Culture as a Source of Innovation and Constraint

[caption id="attachment_1011" align="alignleft" width="300"] Figure 3.39 This child’s clothing may be culturally specific, but her facial expression seems universal. (Photo courtesy of Beth Rankin/Flickr.) CC BY 2.0[/caption] Culture in general is a site of two opposing tendencies: One is the way that cultures around the world lay down sets of rules or norms which constrain, restrict, habitualize, and fix forms of life; the other is the way that cultures produce endlessly innovative and diverse solutions to common human conditions, like birth and death, or the need for nutrition and shelter. Cultures both constrain and continually go beyond constraints. This chapter began by asking, "what is culture?" Culture comprises all the beliefs, values, norms and ways of life of a society. It is the totality of a group's material and non-material products. Because culture is learned, it includes how people think and express themselves. While people may like to consider themselves unique individuals, they must acknowledge the impact of shared culture; they inherit thought and language that shapes their perceptions and patterns their behaviour, including their relations to family and friends, and faith and politics. In this sense, culture defines the normative patterns that constrain people to live according to the given rules. On the other hand, the incredible variety of ways of thinking, ways of being, and ways of orienting oneself on the Earth, which Wade Davis (2002) calls the ethnosphere, attests to the endlessly innovative responses to the human condition that culture affords. Human possibilities are not determined by history, society or biology. Culture reflects the imaginative capacity of human beings to go beyond what is given. To an extent, culture is a artiface that humans create to survive and adapt. As Thomas Berger (1969) puts it, "Its fundamental purpose is to provide the firm structures for human life that are lacking biologically." In the absence of biological programming, humans have culture. Sharing a similar culture with others is precisely what defines societies and societal identities. Nations and societies would not exist if people did not coexist culturally. There could be no societies if people did not share heritage and language, and civilization would cease to function if people did not agree to similar values and systems of social control. Culture is preserved through transmission from one generation to the next, but it also evolves through processes of innovation, discovery, and cultural diffusion. People may be restricted by the confines of their own culture, but also have the ability to question values and make conscious decisions. Because each iteration of culture "must be continuously produced and reproduced... [i]ts structures are, therefore, inherently precarious and predestined to change" (Berger, 1969). No better evidence of this change exists than the amount of cultural diversity within Canadian society and around the world. How people manage cultural diversity in the global context of this era, as a source of mutual understanding and innovation, or as a source of troubling difference and threat, will determine their response to culture's inherent precariety and mutability.

Media Attributions

Figure 3.37 The Spirit of Haida Gwaii sculpture by Bill Reid, photo by Caribb, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY-NC-ND 2.0 licence.
Figure 3.38 Canadian nurses voting 1917 William Rider-Rider / Canada. Dept. of National Defence / Library and Archives Canada / PA-002279/, via Wikimedia Commons, is in the public domain.
Figure 3.39 In passing by Beth Rankin, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY 2.0 licence.

Chapter 3 Resources and Activites

hfriedman — Wed, 09 Aug 2023 22:11:10 +0000

Key Terms

androcentrism: A perspective in which male concerns, male attitudes, and male practices are presented as “normal” or define what is significant and valued in a culture. beliefs: Tenets or convictions that people hold to be true. binary opposition: A set of paired terms, considered as mutually exclusive and logical opposites, which structure a whole set or system of associated meanings. breaching experiment: An experiment in which researchers purposely break a commonly accepted social norm or behave in a socially awkward manner to examine people's reactions. code: A set of cultural conventions, instructions, or rules used to combine symbols to communicate or interpret meaning. commodity: An object, service, or good that has been produced for sale on the market. commodity fetishism: Regarding commodities as objects with inherent qualities independent of their human creators and the social context of their production. commodification: The process through which objects, services, or goods are turned into commodities. consumerism: The tendency for people to define themselves in terms of the commodities they purchase. counterculture: A group that rejects and opposes society’s widely accepted cultural patterns. cultural imperialism: The deliberate imposition of one’s own cultural values on another culture. cultural relativism: The practice of assessing beliefs or practices within a culture by its own standards. cultural universals: Patterns or traits that are common to all societies. culture: Shared beliefs, values, and practices in a whole way of life. culture shock: An experience of personal disorientation when confronted with an unfamiliar way of life. cultural practice: A way of doing things that expresses the customs and know-how of a particular culture. detournement: The conscious subversion of messages, signs, and symbols by altering them slightly. diaspora: The dispersion of a people from their original homeland. diffusion: The spread of material and nonmaterial culture from one culture to another. ethnocentrism: Evaluating another culture according to the standards of one’s own culture. ethnomethodology: The study of tacit knowledges, methods and practical procedures people use to make sense of and orient action in everyday life. folkways: Norms without any particular moral underpinnings. formal norms: Established, written rules. geneticism: A form of biological determinism that suggests the qualities of human life are caused by genes. globalization: The process by which a global dimension of social relations emerges and spreads. high culture: Forms of cultural experience characterized by formal complexity, eternal values, or creative authenticity. hybridity: New forms of culture that arise from cross-cultural exchange and cultural blending. informal norms: Rules of behaviour that are generally and widely followed but not codified in law or institutional policy. iron cage: Max Weber's metaphor for the modern condition of life circumscribed by the demand for maximum efficiency. language: A symbolic system of communication. modernity: The culture of constant change and transformation associated with the rise of capitalism. mores: Norms based on social requirements which are based on the moral views and principles of a group. new eugenics movement: Promotion of making new reproductive technologies and human genetic engineering available to consumers to enhance human characteristics and capacities. norms: Rules of behaviour or conduct. popular culture: Cultural experiences, practices and products that are widely circulated, produced by or well-liked by "the people." postmodern culture: Forms of contemporary culture characterized by a playful mixture of forms, pluralism, and the breakdown of centralized, modern culture. Sapir-Whorf hypothesis: The idea that people understand the world based on their form of language. sanctions: A way to authorize or formally disapprove of certain behaviours. social control: A way to encourage conformity to cultural norms. social facts: The external laws, morals, values, religious beliefs, customs, fashions, rituals, and cultural rules that govern social life. society: The structures of a social group of people who interact within a definable territory and who share a culture. socioeconomic formation: The concrete set of social structures that form around a specific mode of production or economic system. structuralism: The study of deep unconscious rules or codes that govern cultural activities and constrain possibilities in different domains of social life. subculture: A group that shares a specific identity apart from a parent culture, even as the members hold features in common with the parent culture. symbol: Gesture, object, or component of language that represents a meaning recognized by people who share a culture. taboos: Strong prohibitions based on deeply held sacred or moral beliefs. values: A culture’s standard for discerning desirable states in society.

Section Summary

3.1 What Is Culture? Though “society” and “culture” are often used interchangeably, they have different meanings. A society is a group of people sharing a community and culture, whereas culture generally describes the shared practices and beliefs of these people as a whole way of life. Culture exists in human societies because humans lack the biological programming of other species. The combined diversity of cultural practices and knowledges in the world is referred to as the ethnosphere. Experience of cultural difference is influenced by colonialism, ethnocentrism, androcentrism, and cultural relativism. 3.2 Elements of Culture A culture consists of many elements, including the values, beliefs, norms, and practices of its society. Norms can be categorized into laws, taboos, mores, folkways. The symbols and language of a society are social facts that exist independently of individuals. They are key to developing and conveying culture. 3.3 Pop Culture, Subculture, and Cultural Change Sociologists recognize a division between high culture and popular culture within societies, although this division tends to break down in postmodernity. Societies also comprise many subcultures — smaller groups that share an identity. Countercultures are subcultures which reject mainstream values and create their own cultural rules and norms. 3.4 Culture as Restriction: Rationalization and Commodification Culture can be both innovative and restrictive. High culture, pop culture, subculture, and the globalization of culture are examples of how culture is innovative. Rationalization and commodification are examples of how culture can be restrictive. 3.5 Theoretical Perspectives on Culture Three major theoretical approaches toward the interpretation of culture include structural functionalism, symbolic interactionism, and critical sociology. Functionalists view cultural processes in terms of the function they perform in reproducing shared values, norms and meanings. Symbolic interactionists are primarily interested in the ways symbols acquire meanings in say to day interactions. Critical sociologists examine the ways in which culture expresses inequalities and power relationships in societies based on factors like gender, class, race, and age. Debate between sociologists who seek to explain or interpret various cultural occurrences often returns to these foundational views in the discipline.

Questions

Quiz: Culture

3.1 What Is Culture?

The terms and are often used interchangeably, but have nuances that differentiate them.
1. Ethnocentrism and cultural relativism
2. Culture and society
3. Innovation and restriction
4. Hybridity and subculture
The Canadian flag is a material object that represents Canada; however, there are certain connotations that many associate with the flag, like patriotism and democracy. In this example, what is the flag?
1. A symbol
2. An element of language
3. A deep structure
4. A commodity
The belief that one’s culture is the standard used to assess another culture is called?
1. Universalism
2. Cultural relativism
3. Ethnocentrism
4. Xenocentrism
Rodney and Elise are students studying abroad in Italy. When they are introduced to their host families, the families kiss them on both cheeks. When Rodney’s host brother introduces himself and kisses Rodney on both cheeks, Rodney pulls back in surprise. Where he is from, unless they are romantically involved, men do not kiss one another. This is an example of .
1. Culture shock.
2. Homophobia.
3. Cultural relativism.
4. Xenophilia.
Most cultures have been found to identify laughter as a sign of humour, joy, or pleasure. Likewise, most cultures recognize music in some form. Music and laughter are examples of .
1. Cultural relativism.
2. Biological determinism.
3. Cultural practices.
4. Cultural universals.

3.2 Elements of Culture

Not bargaining for a better price in a shopping mall is a .
1. Folkway.
2. Breaching experiment.
3. Belief.
4. Value.
The existence of social norms, both formal and informal, is one of the main things that inform , otherwise known as a way to encourage social conformity.
1. Values
2. Sanctions
3. Social control
4. Mores
The biggest difference between mores and folkways is that .
1. Mores are primarily linked to morality, whereas folkways are more informal cultural patterns.
2. Mores are permanent, whereas folkways are temporary.
3. Mores refer to acts that are absolutely forbidden, whereas folkways refer to unspoken or tacit agreements.
4. Mores refer to eating eels, whereas folkways refer to traditional dance patterns.
The notion that people cannot feel or experience something that they do not have a word for can be explained by .
1. Structuralism.
2. Sapir-Whorf.
3. Biological programming.
4. Cultural frames.
Cultural sanctions can also be viewed as ways that society .
1. Praises accomplishments.
2. Codifies language.
3. Regulates behaviour.
4. Determines laws.

3.3 Pop Culture, Subculture, and Cultural Change

An example of high culture is , whereas an example of popular culture would be .
1. Dostoevsky's Crime and Punishment; American Idol winners.
2. Medical marijuana; Catholic liturgy.
3. Folk music; hip hop music.
4. Postmodernism; modernism.
The Ku Klux Klan is an example of what part of culture?
1. Counterculture
2. Ethnicity
3. Post-multiculturalism
4. Postmodernity
Modern-day hipsters are an example of .
1. Ethnocentricity.
2. Counterculture.
3. Subculture.
4. High culture.
Bhangra was originally a type of traditional folk dance in Punjab. In contemporary Canada it would be seen as an example of .
1. A folk culture.
2. A subculture.
3. Hybridity.
4. All of the above.
Some jobs today advertise in multinational markets and permit telecommuting in lieu of working from a primary location. This broadening of the job market and the way that jobs are performed can be attributed to .
1. Cultural lag.
2. Innovation.
3. Discovery.
4. Globalization.
That people follow Indian cricket in almost every country around the world is an example of .
1. Technoscapes.
2. Mediascapes.
3. Financescapes.
4. Ideoscapes.

3.4 Culture as Restriction: Rationalization and Commodification

A major difference between rationalization and consumerism is .
1. Rationalization is based on technology, whereas consumerism is based on efficiency.
2. Rationalization produces stress, whereas consumerism produces identity.
3. Rationalization refers to the perception of underlying forms, whereas consumerism refers to the perception of fashionability.
4. Rationalization is typically used to explain away lapses in behaviour, whereas consumerism is a lapse of behaviour.

3.5 Theoretical Perspectives on Culture

A sociologist conducts research into the ways that Indigenous cultures were suppressed under colonial rule. What theoretical approach is the sociologist probably using?
1. Symbolic interactionism
2. Functionalism
3. Critical sociology
4. Ethnomethodology
The office culture in a downtown office building is cold and formal, whereas the office culture in a suburban office complex is much more informal and personable. A sociologist who studies the difference between the cultures of these two settings would most likely use what theoretical approach?
1. Symbolic interactionism
2. Breaching experiments
3. Structural functionalism
4. Ethnomethodology
What theoretical perspective views the role of culture in society as "latent pattern maintenance"?
1. Sociobiology
2. Functionalism
3. Conflict theory
4. Structuralism
Malinowski's analysis of the importance of magic rituals among Trobriand Islander fishermen was based on which theoretical paradigm?
1. Ethical relativism
2. Functionalism
3. Spiritualism
4. Ethnocentrism

[Quiz answers at end of chapter]

Short Answer

3. What Is Culture?

Consider your eating patterns. Identify the elements which you would consider cultural. How do they compare with eating patterns from someone from another culture?
Do you feel that attitudes of ethnocentricity or multiculturalism are more prevalent in Canadian culture? Why do you believe this? What issues or events inform your opinion?

3.2 Elements of Culture

What do you think of the Sapir-Whorf hypothesis? Do you agree or disagree with it? Are there elements of experience which are non-linguistic?
Why do you think Garfinkel's breaching experiments were upsetting for people, even if the norms that were violated were relatively trivial? What is the role of unspoken or tacit norms in everyday life do you think?

3.3 Pop Culture, Subculture, and Cultural Change

Identify several examples of popular culture and describe how they inform the larger culture. How central are these examples in your everyday life?
Consider some of the specific issues or concerns of your generation. Are any ideas countercultural? What subcultures have emerged from your generation? How have the issues of your generation expressed themselves culturally? How has your generation made its mark on society’s collective culture?
What are some examples of cultural diffusion that are present in your life? Do you think they are positive or negative? Explain.

3.4 Culture as Restriction: Rationalization and Commodification

Contrast the issues involved in the “rationalization” of culture and “consumerism” and apply the sociological imagination (see Chapter 1). Which issue seems more significant in your personal life? Which issue seems more significant in Western society or global culture as a whole?

3.5 Theoretical Perspectives on Culture

Consider a social issue that you have witnessed in Canadian society, perhaps situated around family, politics, health practices, or Indigenous culture. Can you identify cultural differences that inform the issue? For example, consider different interpretations of public health measures during the Covid-19 pandemic. Do the responses represent differences in culture? Choose a sociological approach—functionalism, critical sociology, or symbolic interactionism—to describe, explain, and analyze the social issue you choose. Which paradigm is the best for illuminating the social issue?

Further Research

3.1 What Is Culture? Getting your genome mapped is becoming increasingly popular. But why? What do people hope to understand about themselves this way? From CBC's How to Think about Science - Part 15, listen to Barbara Duden and Silya Samerski discuss the "pop gene" and other aspects of the turn to genetics in popular understandings of self and society. 3.2 Elements of Culture The science-fiction novel, Babel-17, by Samuel R. Delaney was based upon the principles of the Sapir-Whorf hypothesis. Read an excerpt from Babel-17. 3.3 Pop Culture, Subculture, and Cultural Change The Beats were a counterculture that birthed an entire movement of art, music, and literature—much of which is still highly regarded and studied today. The author responsible for naming the generation was Jack Kerouac; however, the man responsible for introducing the world to that generation was John Clellon Holmes, a writer and friend of Kerouac's. In 1952, he penned an article for the New York Times Magazine titled “This Is the Beat Generation”. Read that article and learn more about the Beat subculture. Popular culture meets counterculture as Oprah Winfrey interacts with members of the Yearning for Zion cult. 3.4 Culture as Restriction: Rationalization and Commodification Review the history of consumerism in this School of Life video: History of ideas - Consumerism Max Weber's concept of rationalization was based on the observation that modern society differed from traditional society in its integration of rationality into social organization and everyday life, specifically with respect to calculability, methodical behaviour and reflexivity. See this Crash Course video summary: Max Weber & Modernity: Crash Course Sociology #9

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Lipset, S. M. (1990). Continental divide: The values and institutions of the United States and Canada. Routledge, Chapman, and Hall.

Martineau, H. (1838). How to observe morals and manners. Charles Knight and Co. https://www.gutenberg.org/files/33944/33944-/33944-h.htm.

McRoberts, K. (1997). Misconceiving Canada: The struggle for national unity. Oxford University Press.

Merton, R. (1938). Social structure and anomie. American Sociological Review, 3(5), 672–682. https://doi.org/10.2307/2084686

Norris, M. (2007). “Aboriginal languages in Canada: Emerging trends and perspectives on second language acquisition.” Canadian Social Trends. No. 83. May. Statistics Canada Catalogue no. 11‑008‑X. https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/en/pub/11-008-x/2007001/pdf/9628-eng.pdf?st=A7yFWS8U

Passero, K. (2002, July). Global travel expert Roger Axtell explains why. Biography, pp. 70–73, 97–98.

Phillips, D., Liu, G., K., Jarvinen, J., Zhang, W., and Abramson, I. S. (2001, December 22). The Hound of the Baskervilles effect: Natural experiment on the influence of psychological stress on timing of death. British Medical Journal, 323(7327), 1443–1446. https://doi.org/10.1136/bmj.323.7327.1443

Scanlon, T. J., Luben, R. N, Scanlon, F. L., Singleton, N. (1993, December 18). Is Friday the 13th bad for your health? British Medical Journal, 307(6919), 1584–1586. https://doi.org/10.1136/bmj.307.6919.1584

Statistics Canada. (2007). Languages in Canada: 2001 census [PDF]. (Catalogue no. 96-326-XIE). http://www.statcan.gc.ca/pub/96-326-x/96-326-x2001001-eng.pdf

Sumner, W. G. (1906). Folkways: A study of the sociological importance of usages, manners, customs, mores, and morals. Ginn and Co.

Swoyer, C. (2003). The linguistic relativity hypothesis. In E. N. Zalta (Ed.), The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Supplement to Relativism). http://plato.stanford.edu/archives/win2003/entries/relativism/supplement2.html

Thome, H. (2015). Sociology of values. In Wright, J.D. (Editor-in-chief), International encyclopedia of the social & behavioral sciences (Vol25, 2nd edition, pp.47–53). Elsevier.

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Westcott, K. (2008, March 20). World’s best-known protest symbol turns 50. BBC News. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/magazine/7292252.stm

3.3. Pop Culture, Subculture, and Cultural Change

Appadurai, A. (1996). Modernity at large: Cultural dimensions of globalization. University of Minnesota Press.

Behind the Yearning for Zion gates. (March 30, 2009). Oprah.com. https://www.oprah.com/oprahshow/inside-the-yfz-polygamist-ranch

Bosker, B. (2013). Original copies: Architectural mimicry in contemporary China. University of Hawai'i Press.

Clarke, J., Hall, S., Jefferson, T., & Roberts, B. (1975). Subcultures, cultures and class. In Hall, S. and T. Jefferson (Eds.), Resistance through rituals: Youth subcultures in post-war Britain (pp. 9–74). Routledge.

Dawson, L. L. & Thiessen, J. (2014). The sociology of religion: A Canadian perspective. Don Mills, On.: Oxford University Press.

Friesen, J. (2014, August 27 ). Tim Hortons: How a brand became part of our national identity. The Globe and Mail. http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/national/tim-hortons-how-a-brand-became-part-of-our-national-identity/article20217349/

Frost, M. (2018, February 22). Finding the unexpected wonder in more than 22,000 international standards: From brewing tea to making shipping containers. Atlas Obscura. https://www.atlasobscura.com/articles/hidden-wonder-international-standards-organization-iso

Gottlieb, W. P. (1946). Portrait of Bill Buddy De Arango, Terry Gibbs, and Harry Biss, Club Troubadour, New York, N.Y., between 1946 and 1948. United States, 1946., Monographic. [Photograph]. The Library of Congress. https://www.loc.gov/item/gottlieb.10801/.

Greif, M. (2010, November 12). The hipster in the mirror. The New York Times. http://www.nytimes.com/2010/11/14/books/review/Greif-t.html?pagewanted=1

Hebdige, D. (1979). Subculture: The meaning of style. Methuen.

Lipset, S. M. (1990). Continental divide: The values and institutions of the United States and Canada. Routledge, Chapman and Hall.

Marx, K. (1977). The eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte. In D. McLellan (Ed.), Karl Marx: Selected writings (pp. 300–325). Oxford University Press. (Original work published 1852.)

McLuhan, M. (1962). The global village: Transformations in world life and media in the 21st century. Oxford University Press.

Scheuerman, W. (2010, June 4). Globalization. In Zalta, E. N. (Ed.), The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Summer ed.). http://plato.stanford.edu/archives/sum2010/entries/globalization/

Scholte, J. A. (2000). Globalization: A critical introduction. MacMillan.

3.4. Culture as Restriction: Rationalization and Commodification

Crompton, S. (2011, October 13). What’s stressing the stressed? Main sources of stress among workers [PDF]. (Statistics Canada catalogue no. 11-008-X). http://www.statcan.gc.ca/pub/11-008-x/2011002/article/11562-eng.pdf

Davis, W. (2002). The naked geography of hope. Whole Earth, Spring, 57–61.

Marx, K. (1977). Capital. In D. McLellan (Ed.), Karl Marx: Selected writings (pp. 415–507). Oxford University Press. (Original work published 1867.)

Simmel, G. (1978/ 1900). The philosophy of money. Routledge.

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Weber, M. (1922). The permanent character of the bureaucratic machine. In Gerth & Mills (Eds.), From Max Weber: Essays in sociology (pp. 228–230). Oxford University Press.

3.5 Theoretical Perspectives on Culture

Berger, T. (1967). The sacred canopy: Elements of a sociological theory of religion. Doubleday & Company, Inc.

Elections Canada. (2014). A history of the vote in Canada. http://www.elections.ca/content.aspx?section=res&dir=his&document=index&lang=e

Malinowski, B. (1954). Magic, science and religion. Doubleday. (Original work published 1925.)

Simmel, G. (1971). Fashion. In D. Levine (Ed.), On individuality and social forms (pp. 294–323). University of Chicago Press. (Original work published 1904.)

Solutions to Quiz: Culture

1 B, | 2 D, | 3 C, | 4 A, | 5 D, | 6 A, | 7 C, | 8 A, | 9 B, | 10 C, | 11 A, | 12 A, | 13 C, | 14 D, | 15 D, | 16 B, | 17 B, | 18 C, | 19 A, | 20 B, | 21 C, [Return to Quiz]

4.1. Types of Societies

hfriedman — Wed, 09 Aug 2023 22:33:12 +0000

[caption id="attachment_64" align="alignleft" width="400"] Figure 4.3 Maasai men are hunting with shepherd’s staves and spears. How does technology influence a society’s daily occupations? (Photo courtesy of Abir Anwar/Flickr.) CC BY 2.0[/caption] Haida, Maasai, modern Canadians — each is a society. But what does this mean? Exactly what is a society? In sociological terms, a society refers to a group of people who interact within a definable territory and share the same culture. In practical, everyday terms, societies consist of various types of institutional constraint and coordination exercised over our choices and actions. The type of society we live in determines the nature of these types of constraint and coordination. The nature of our social institutions, the type of work we do, the way we think about ourselves, and the structures of power and social inequality that order our life chances are all products of the type of society we live in, and thus vary globally and historically. The founder of sociology, August Comte (1798–1857), provided the first sociological theory of the evolution of human societies. His best known sociological theory was the law of three stages, which held that all human societies and all forms of human knowledge evolve through three distinct stages from primitive to advanced: the theological, the metaphysical, and the positive. The key variable in defining these stages was the way a people conceptualized causation or how they understood their place in the world. In the theological stage, humans explain causes in terms of the will of anthropocentric gods (i.e., the gods cause things to happen). In the metaphysical stage, humans explain causes in terms of abstract, “speculative” ideas like nature, natural rights, social contracts, or “self-evident” truths (human nature causes society to take specific forms). This was the basis of Comte's critique of the Enlightenment philosophers, whose ideas about natural rights and freedoms had led to the French Revolution, but also, in his opinion, to the chaos of its aftermath. In his view, the “negative” or metaphysical knowledge of the philosophers was based on dogmatic ideas that could not be proven empirically, nor reconciled when they were in contradiction. This lead to inevitable conflict and moral anarchy. Finally, in the positive stage, humans explain causes in terms of positivist, scientific observations and laws. That is, law-like relationships between empirically observable variables predict empirically observable outcomes (e.g., if this, then that). Comte believed this would be the final stage of human social evolution, because positivist science could empirically determine how society should be best organized. Science could reconcile the division between political factions of order and progress by eliminating the basis for moral and intellectual anarchy. The application of positive philosophy would lead to the unification of society and of the sciences (Comte, 1830/1975). Karl Marx offered an alternate model for understanding the evolution of types of society. Marx argued that the evolution of societies from primitive to advanced was not a product of the way people thought, as Comte proposed, but a product of the power struggles in each epoch between different social classes over control of property. The key variable in his analysis was the different modes of production or "material bases" that characterized different forms of society: from hunting and gathering, to agriculture, to industrial production. This historical materialist approach to understanding society explains both social change and the development of human ideas in terms of underlying changes in the mode of production. In other words, the type of society and its level of economic and technical development is determined principally by how a people produces the material goods needed to meet its needs. A society's world view, including the concepts of causality described by Comte, followed from the way of thinking involved in the society's mode of production. On this basis, Marx categorized the historical types of society into primitive communism, agrarian/slave societies, feudalism, and capitalism. Primitive communists, for example, are hunter gatherers like the Haida, whose social institutions and world view develop in sync with their hunting and gathering relationship to the environment and its resources. They are defined by their hunter-gatherer mode of production, in which the necessities of life are shared equally or distributed through potlatch. Marx went on to argue that the historical transformations from one type of society to the next are generated by the society's capacity to generate economic surpluses, and the conflicts and tensions that develop when one class monopolizes economic power or property: land owners over agricultural workers, slave owners over slaves, feudal lords over serfs, or capitalists over labourers. These class dynamics are inherently unstable and eventually lead to revolutionary transformations from one mode of production to the next. To simplify Comte's and Marx's schemas, we might examine how different types of society are structured around their relationship to nature. Sociologist Gerhard Lenski (1924–2015) defined societies in terms of their technological sophistication. With each advance in technology, the relationship between humans and nature is altered. Societies with rudimentary technology are at the mercy of the fluctuations of their environment, while societies with industrial technology have more control over their environment, and thus develop different cultural and social features. On the other hand, societies with rudimentary technology have relatively little impact on their environment, while industrial societies transform it radically. The changes in the relationship between humans and their environment exceed the differences in technology to encompass all aspects of social life, including its mental life (Comte) and material life (Marx). Distinctions based on the changing nature of this relationship enable sociologists to describe societies along a spectrum: from the foraging societies that characterized the first 300,000 years of homo sapiens existence to the contemporary postnatural, anthropocene societies in which human activity has had a substantial impact on the global ecosystem.

Preindustrial Societies

Before the Industrial Revolution (1760–1840) and widespread use of machines, societies were small, rural, and dependent largely on local resources. Economic production was limited to the amount of labour a human being could provide, and there were few specialized occupations. Production was (mostly) for immediate consumption, although evidence of trade between groups also dates back to the earliest archaeological records. The very first occupation was that of hunter-gatherer.

Hunter-Gatherer Societies

[caption id="attachment_599" align="aligncenter" width="432"] Figure 4.4 The Blackfoot or Siksika were traditionally nomadic hunter-gatherers who moved camp frequently during the summer months to follow the buffalo herds. (Image courtesy of Library and Archives Canada/ Wikimedia Commons.) Public Domain[/caption] Of the various types of preindustrial societies, Hunter-gatherer societies demonstrate the strongest dependence on the environment. As the basic structure of all human society until about 10,000–12,000 years ago, these groups were based around kinship or tribal affiliations. Hunter-gatherers relied on their surroundings for survival — they hunted wild animals and foraged for uncultivated plants for food. They survived on what nature provided and immediately consumed what they obtained — they produced no surpluses. When resources became scarce, the group moved to a new area to find sustenance, meaning they were nomadic. The plains Indians of North America moved frequently to follow their main source of food. Some groups, like the Haida, lived off abundant, non-depleting resources, like fish, which enabled them to establish permanent villages where they could dwell for long periods of the year before dispersing to summer camps. (See "Making Connections: Big Picture, People of the Far Northwest" below). Most of the caloric intake of hunters and gatherers came from foraging for edible plants, fruits, nuts, berries, and roots. The largely meat-based diet of the Inuit is a notable exception. Richard Lee (1978) estimated that approximately 65% of the hunter-gatherer diet came from plant sources, which had implications for the gender egalitarianism of these societies. With the earliest economic division of labour being between male hunters and women gatherers, the fact that women accounted for the largest portion of the food consumed by the community ensured the importance of their status within the group. On the other hand, early reports of missionaries among the Algonquins of the north shore of Lake Superior observed women with their noses cut off and small parts of their scalp removed as punishment for adultery, suggesting that (at least among some groups) female subordination was common. Male Algonquins often had seven or eight wives (Kenton, 1954). As a result of their unique relationship and dependence on the environment for sustenance, the ideal type or model that characterized hunter-gatherer societies includes several common features (Diamond, 1974):

The distribution of economic surplus is organized on a communalistic, shared basis, in which there is little private property, work is cooperative, and gift giving is extensive. The use of resources was governed by the practice of usufruct, the distribution of resources according to need (Bookchin, 1982).
Power is dispersed, either shared equally within the community, or shifting between individual members based on individual skills and talents.
Social control over members of society is exercised through shared customs and sentiment, rather than through the development of formal law or institutions of law enforcement.
Society is organized on the basis of kinship and kinship ties, so there are few, if any, social functions or activities separate from family life.
There is little separation between the spheres of intimate, private life and public life. Everything is a matter of collective concern.
The life of the community is all "personal" and emotionally charged. There is little division of labour so there is no social isolation.
Art, story telling, ethics, religious ritual and spirituality are all fused together in daily life and experience. They provide a common means of expressing imagination, inspiration, anxiety, need, and purpose.

One interesting aspect of hunter-gatherer societies that runs counter to modern prejudices about "primitive" society, is how they developed mechanisms to prevent their evolution into more "advanced" sedentary, agricultural types of society. For example, in the "headman" structure, the authority of the headman or "titular chief" rests entirely on the ongoing support and confidence of community members, rather than permanent institutional structures. This is a mechanism that actively wards off the formation of permanent, institutionalized power (Clastres, 1987). The headman's main role is as a diplomatic peacemaker and dispute settler, and he held sway only so long as he maintained the confidence of the tribe. Beyond a headman's personal prestige, fairness in judgement and verbal ability, there was no social apparatus to enable a permanent institutional power or force to emerge. Similarly, the Pacific Northwest peoples' practice of the potlatch, in which goods, food, and other material wealth were regularly given away to neighbouring bands, provided a means of redistributing wealth and preventing permanent inequality from developing. Evidence also shows that even when hunter-gatherers lived in close proximity with agriculturalists they were not motivated to adopt the agricultural mode of production, because the diet of early agricultural societies was significantly poorer in nutrition (Stavrianos, 1990; Diamond, 1999). Recent evidence from archaeological sites in the British Isles suggests, for example, that early British hunter-gatherers traded for wheat with continental agriculturalists 2,000 years before agricultural economies were adopted in ancient Britain (Smith et al., 2015; Larson, 2015). They had close contact with agriculturalists, but were not inclined to adopt their sedentary societal forms, presumably because there was nothing appealing about them. These societies were common until several hundred years ago, but today only a few hundred remain, such as the Indigenous Australian tribes sometimes referred to as “Aborigines,” or the Bambuti, a group of pygmy hunter-gatherers residing in the Democratic Republic of Congo. Still, in 2014, members of the Amazonian Mashco-Piro clan emerged out of their voluntary isolation at the border of Peru and Brasil to make "first contact" with the Brazilian government’s Indigenous people’s authority (Funai) to seek protection from suspected drug-traffickers (Collins, 2014). Hunter-gatherer groups largely disappeared under the impact of colonization and European diseases, but it is estimated that another 75 uncontacted tribes still inhabit the Amazonian rainforest.

Making Connections: Big Picture

People of the Far Northwest

[caption id="attachment_754" align="aligncenter" width="800"] Figure 4.5 The Salish Sea (as Georgia Strait is now widely known) was an ecologically and culturally rich zone occupied by related but unallied peoples. (Image courtesy of Noahedits/Wikimedia Commons.) CC BY-SA 4.0[/caption] The Pacific Northwest region was utterly separate from the plains and other cultural zones. Its peoples were many and they shared several cultural features that were unique to the region. By the 1400s there were at least five distinct language groups on the West Coast, including Tlingit, Haida, Tsimshian, Wakashan, and Salishan, all of which divide into many more dialects. However, these differences (and there are many others) are overshadowed by cultural similarities across the region. An abundance of food from the sea meant that coastal populations enjoyed comparatively high fertility rates and life expectancy. Population densities were, as a consequence, among the highest in the Americas. The people of the Pacific Northwest do not share the agricultural traditions that existed east of the Rockies, nor did they influence Plains and other cultures. There was, however, a long and important relationship of trade and culture between the coastal and interior peoples. In some respects it is appropriate to consider the mainland cultures as inlet-and-river societies. The Salish-speaking peoples of the Straight of Georgia (Salish Sea) share many features with the Interior Salish (Okanagan, Secwepemc, Nlaka’pamux, Stl’atl’imx), though they are not as closely bound as the peoples of the Skeena and Stikine Valleys (which include the Tsimshian, the Gitxsan, and the Nisga’a). Running north of the Interior Salish nations through the Cariboo Plateau, and flanked on the west by the Coast Mountain Range, are societies associated with the Athabascan language group. Some of these peoples took on cultural habits and practices more typically associated with the Pacific Northwest coastal traditions than with the northern Athabascan peoples who cover a swath of territory from Alaska to northern Manitoba. In what is now British Columbia, the Tsilhqot’in, the Dakelh, Wet’suwet’en, and Sekani were part of an expansive, southward-bound population that sent offshoots into the Nicola Valley and deep into the southwest of what is now the United States. Most coastal and interior groups lived in large, permanent towns in the winter, and these villages reflected local political structures. Society in Pacific Northwest groups was generally highly stratified and included, in many instances, an elite, a commoner class, and a slave class. The Kwakwaka’wakw, whose domain extended in pre-contact times from the northern tip of Vancouver Island south along its east coast to Quadra Island and possibly farther, assembled kin groups (numayms) as part of a system of social rank in which all groups were ranked in relation to others. Additionally, each kin group “owned” names or positions that were also ranked. An individual could hold more than one name; some names were inherited and others were acquired through marriage. In this way, an individual could acquire rank through kin associations, although kin groups themselves had ascribed ranks. Movement in and out of slavery was even possible. The fact that slavery existed points to the competition that existed between coastal rivals. The Haida, Tsimshian, Haisla, Nuxalk, Heiltsuk, Wuikinuxv (Oowekeeno), Kwakwaka’wakw, Pentlatch/K’ómoks, and Nuu-chah-nulth regularly raided one another and their Stó:lō neighbours. Many winter towns were in some way fortified, and indeed, small stone defensive sniper blinds can still be discerned in the Fraser Canyon. The large number of oral traditions that arise from this era regularly reference conflict and the severe loss of personnel. Natural disasters are also part of the oral tradition: they tell of massive and apocalyptic floods as well as volcanic explosions and other seismic (and tidal) events that had tremendous impacts on local populations. The practice of potlatch (a public feast held to mark important community events, deaths, ascensions, etc.) is a further commonality. It involved giving away property and thus redistributing wealth as a means for the host to maintain, reinforce, and even advance through the complex hierarchical structure. In receiving property at a potlatch, an attendee was committing to act as a witness to the legitimacy of the event being celebrated. The size of potlatching varied radically and would evolve along new lines in the post-contact period, but the outlines and protocols of this cultural trademark were well-elaborated centuries before the contact moment. Potlatching was universal among the coastal peoples and could also be found among more inland, upriver societies as well. Horticulture — the domestication of some plants — was another important source of food. West Coast peoples and the nations of the Columbia Plateau (which covers much of southern inland British Columbia), like many eastern groups, applied controlled burning to eliminate underbrush and open up landscape to berry patches and meadows of camas plants that were gathered for their potato-like roots. This required somewhat less labour than farming (although harvesting root plants is never light work), and it functioned within a strategy of seasonal camps. Communities moved from one food crop location to another for preparation and then, later, harvest. A great deal of the land seized upon by early European settlers in the Pacific Northwest included these berry patches and meadows. These were attractive sites because they were cleared of huge trees and consisted of mostly open and well-drained pasture. Europeans would see these spaces as pastoral, natural, and available, rather than anthropogenic (human-made) landscapes — the product of centuries of horticultural experimentation. "People of the Far Northwest" excerpted from John Belshaw, 2015, Canadian History: Pre-Confederation, (Vancouver: BCCampus). Used under Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International Licence.

Horticultural and Pastoral Societies

[caption id="attachment_601" align="alignleft" width="300"] Figure 4.6 Teocinte (top) is the undomesticated ancestor of modern corn (bottom). Teocintes were the natural source of one of the most important food crops cultivated by the horticultural societies of Mesoamerica. (Image courtesy of John Doebley/Wikimedia Commons.) CC BY 3.0[/caption] Around 10,200 BCE, another type of society developed in ancient Anatolia, (now part of Turkey), based on the newly developed capacity for people to grow and cultivate plants. Previously, the depletion of a region’s crops or water supply forced hunter-gatherer societies to relocate in search of food sources. Horticultural societies formed in areas where rainfall and other conditions provided fertile soils to grow stable crops with simple hand tools. Their increasing degree of control over nature decreased their dependence on shifting environmental conditions for survival. They no longer had to abandon their location to follow resources and found permanent settlements. The new horticultural technology created more stability and dependability, produced more material goods, and provided the basis for the first revolution in human survival: the neolithic revolution. Changing conditions and adaptations also led some societies to rely on the domestication of animals where circumstances permitted. Roughly 8,000 BCE, human societies began to recognize their ability to tame and breed animals. Pastoral societies rely on the domestication of animals as a resource for survival. Unlike earlier hunter-gatherers who depended entirely on existing resources to stay alive, pastoral groups were able to breed livestock for food, clothing, and transportation, creating a surplus of goods. Herding, or pastoral, societies remained nomadic because they were forced to follow their animals to fresh feeding grounds. With the emergence of horticultural and pastoral societies during the neolithic revolution, stable agricultural surpluses began to be generated, population densities increased, specialized occupations developed, and societies commenced sustained trading with other local groups. Feuding and warfare also grew with the accumulation of wealth. One of the key inventions of the neolithic revolution therefore was structured social inequality: the development of a class structure based on the appropriation of surpluses. A social class can be defined as a group that has a distinct relationship to the means of production. In neolithic societies, based on horticulture or animal husbandry as their means of production, control of land or livestock became the first form of private property that enabled one relatively small group to take the surpluses, while another much larger group produced them. For the first time in history, societies were divided between producing classes and owning classes. Moreover, as control of land was the source of power in neolithic societies, ways of organizing and defending it became a more central preoccupation. The development of permanent administrative and military structures, taxation, as well as the formation of specialized priestly classes to spiritually unite society originated on the basis of the horticultural and pastoral relationship to nature.

Agricultural Societies

[caption id="attachment_602" align="alignright" width="300"] Figure 4.7 Roman collared slaves depicted in a marble relief from Smyrna (modern Turkey) in 200 CE. (Image courtesy of Jun/ Ashmolean Museum in Oxford, 2010/ Flickr.) CC BY-SA 2.0 [/caption] While pastoral and horticultural societies used small, temporary tools, such as digging sticks or hoes, agricultural societies relied on permanent tools for survival. Around 3,000 BCE, an explosion of new technology known as the agricultural revolution made farming possible — and profitable. Farmers learned to rotate the types of crops grown on their fields and reuse waste products, such as fertilizer, which led to better harvests and bigger surpluses of food. New tools for digging and harvesting were made of metal, making them more effective and longer lasting. Human settlements grew into towns and cities, and particularly bountiful regions became centres of trade and commerce. This era in which some classes of people had the time and comfort to engage in more contemplative and thoughtful activities, such as music, poetry, and philosophy, became referred to as the “dawn of civilization” by some because of the development of leisure and arts. Craftspeople were able to support themselves through the production of creative, decorative, or thought-provoking aesthetic objects and writings. As agricultural techniques made the production of surpluses possible, social classes and power structures became further entrenched. Kinship ties became secondary to other forms of social allegiance and power. Those with the power to appropriate the surpluses were able to dominate society on a wider scale than ever before. Classes of nobility and religious elites developed. As cities expanded, ownership and protection of resources became an ever-pressing concern, and the militarization of society became more prominent. Difference in social standing between men and women, already initiated in neolithic societies, became more pronounced and institutionalized. Slavery — the ownership and control of humans as property — was also institutionalized as a large scale source of labour. In the agricultural empires of Greece and Rome, slavery was the dominant form of class exploitation. However, as slaves were largely acquired through military acquisition, ancient slavery as an institution was inherently unstable and inefficient.

Making Connections: Sociological Concepts

The Dialectic of Culture, the Monuments of Easter Island and the Cult of Progress

[caption id="attachment_603" align="alignleft" width="300"] Figure 4.8 A group of Moais on Easter Island. (Image courtesy of Alberto Beaudroit/ Wikimedia Commons.) CC BY-SA 4.0[/caption] The mystery of the monuments of moai on Easter Island speaks to a key puzzle in the analysis of society and societal change. This mystery has to do with the way that cultural attitudes and beliefs can become rigid and inflexible, sometimes to the degree that they become independent of the material reality they are intended to interpret or give meaning to. Cultural beliefs can take on a life of their own, regardless of whether they have relevance to the survival of a people. The idea of a dialectic of culture refers to the way in which the creation of culture — beliefs, practices, ways of life, technologies, and material artifacts, etc. — is both constrained by environmental limits, and is a means to go beyond these natural limits, to adapt and modify the environment to suit human purposes and needs. This dialectic provides a model for understanding how societies evolve and change, but also reveals the precarious nature of the human/environment relationship. The anthropologist Ronald Wright (2004) described this phenomenon with regard to the history of the Indigenous people of Easter Island in the South Pacific. The archaeological record shows that Easter Island, or Rapa Nui, once had a lush, richly soiled, and densely treed ecosystem that sustained a population of approximately 10,000 people. However, by the time the Dutch arrived in the early 18th century, the ecosystem of the island was barren, and only 2,000 poorly nourished inhabitants lived there. At the same time, approximately 1,000 massive, 30-foot high monuments, or “moai,” the height of 3-story buildings, were there — one for every 10 inhabitants at the height of the island’s population. The origins of the moai struck European observers as mysterious, because the means of their construction had long vanished. Commentators as late as the 1970s claimed these must have been the work of some vanished ancient civilization, or even visitors from outer space (e.g., von Daniken, 1969). However, as archeologists discovered, the monuments were erected through concerted human labour to honour the ancestors of rival island clans when the islands were more populated and forested. As the rivalry between clans became more intense around the time of the European Middle Ages, the stone images became increasingly extravagant. Each generation built larger and larger moai by using up valuable resources, especially timber. By 1400, the island was treeless. As Wright (2004) puts it, the compulsion of the statue cults to build more and larger moai to honour the ancestors was an “ideological pathology,” a fixed cultural idea that so defied practical sense that it undermined the ability of a people to survive. Wright makes the analogy between the statue cults of Easter Island and the contemporary North American "cult of progress” in which an increasing exploitation of resources and accumulation of wealth are valued in themselves. As a modern version of ideological pathology, the cult of progress has no regard for social and environmental sustainability. He cites Bahn and Flenley:

[The islanders] carried out for us the experiment of permitting unrestricted population growth, profligate use of resources, destruction of the environment, and boundless confidence in their religion to take care of the future. The result was an ecological disaster leading to a population crash. Do we have to repeat the experiment on a grand scale? Is the human personality always the same as that of the person who felled the last tree? (Wright, 2004, p. 63)

To understand this dynamic, it is important to attend to the dialectic of culture. As we saw in Chapter 3. Culture, culture is the means a society uses to make sense of the world. It responds to changes in the mode of production or economy of a society. As new types of production are created, the relationship to the world is modified, and new cultural understandings emerge. People begin to see the world in a different way because they are interacting with it in a different way. These understandings are of course influenced by the corresponding relations of power in society, which determine whose perspectives on the world become “truths” and whose do not. In this dialectical model, it is important to point out that changes in the mode of production do not determine or cause cultural beliefs in some sort of mechanical relationship, just as the invention of the piano did not cause Mozart’s piano concertos to be written. As Marx puts it:

Mankind always sets itself only such tasks as it can solve; since, looking at the matter more closely, it will always be found that the task itself arises only when the material conditions for its solution already exist or are at least in the process of formation” (Marx, 1977/1859).

To this, we might add that the “tasks” or cultural possibilities set by the material conditions of a society can be taken up in many different ways, or not at all. On the other hand, as Wright’s examples show, cultural beliefs, practices, and tasks can become rigid and unresponsive to material reality, unhinged from the ability of the environment or the economy to sustain them. Therefore, it is appropriate to view culture as being in a fluid and dialectical relationship with the mode of production. One does not cause the other in a deterministic manner; rather, both provide the limits or parameters within which the other develops. If a culturally driven process exceeds the capacity of material reality to sustain it, the culture is in danger of no longer being viable.

Feudal Societies

In Europe, the 9th century gave rise to feudal societies. Feudal societies were still agriculturally based, but organized according to a strict hierarchical system of power founded on land ownership, military protection, and duties or mutual obligations between the different classes. Feudalism is usually used in a restricted sense by historians to describe the societies of post-Roman Europe, from roughly the 9th to the 15th centuries (the "middle ages"), although these societies bear striking resemblance to the hierarchical, agricultural-based societies of Japan, China, and pre-contact America (e.g., Aztec, Inca) of the same period. [caption id="attachment_690" align="aligncenter" width="400"] Figure 4.9 Tapestry from the 1070s in which King Harold swears an oath to become the vassal of Duke William of Normandy. (Photo courtesy of Myrabella/Wikimedia Commons.) Public Domain[/caption] In Europe the class system of feudalism was organized around the parceling out of manors or estates by the aristocracy to vassals and knights in return for their military service. The nobility, known as lords, rewarded knights or vassals by granting them pieces of land. In return for the resources that the land provided, vassals promised to fight for their lords. These individual pieces of land, known as fiefdoms, were cultivated by the lower class of serfs. Serfs were not slaves, in that they were at least nominally free men and women, but they produced agricultural surpluses for lords primarily through forced agricultural service. In return for maintaining and working the land, serfs were guaranteed a place to live and military protection from outside enemies. They were able to produce food and goods for their own consumption on private land allotments, or on common allotments shared by the community. Power in feudal society was handed down through family lines, with serf families serving lords for generations and generations. In later forms of feudalism, the forced labour of the serfs was gradually replaced by a system of rents and taxation. Serfs worked their own plots of land, but gave their lords a portion of what they produced. Gradually payment in the form of goods and agricultural surplus was replaced by payment in the form of money. This prompted the development of markets in which the exchange of goods through bartering was replaced by the exchange of goods for money. This was the origin of the money economy. In bartering, the buyer and the seller have to need each other's goods. In a market economy, goods are exchanged into a common medium of value — money — which can then be exchanged for goods of any nature. Markets therefore enabled goods and services to be bought and sold on a much larger scale and in a much more systematic and efficient way. Money also enabled land to be bought and sold instead of handed down through hereditary right. Money could be accumulated and financial debts could be incurred. Ultimately, the social and economic system of feudalism was surpassed by the rise of capitalism and the technological advances of the industrial era, because money allowed economic transactions to be conceived and conducted in an entirely new way. In particular, the demise of feudalism was initiated by the increasing need to intensify labour and improve productivity, as markets became more competitive and the economy less dependent on agriculture.

Industrial Societies

[caption id="attachment_605" align="alignleft" width="235"] Figure 4.10 Wrapping bars of soap at the Colgate-Palmolive Canada plant, Toronto, 1919. (Image courtesy of the Toronto Public Library/Wikimedia Commons.) Public Domain[/caption] In the 18th century, Europe experienced a dramatic rise in technological invention, ushering in an era known as the Industrial Revolution. What made this period remarkable was the number of new inventions that influenced people’s daily lives. Within a generation, tasks that had until this point required months of labour became achievable in a matter of days. Before the Industrial Revolution, work was largely person- or animal-based, relying on human workers or horses to power mills and drive pumps. In 1782, James Watt and Matthew Boulton created a steam engine that could do the work of 12 horses by itself. Steam power began appearing everywhere. Instead of paying artisans to painstakingly spin wool and weave it into cloth, people turned to textile mills that produced fabric quickly at a better price, and often with better quality. Rather than planting and harvesting fields by hand, farmers were able to purchase mechanical seeders and threshing machines that caused agricultural productivity to soar. Products such as paper and glass became available to the average person, and the quality and accessibility of education and health care rise dramatically. Gas lights allowed increased visibility in the dark, and towns and cities developed a nightlife. One of the results of increased wealth, productivity, and technology was the rise of urban centres. Serfs and peasants, expelled from their ancestral lands, flocked to cities in search of factory jobs, and the populations of cities became increasingly diverse. The new generation became less preoccupied with maintaining family land and traditions, and more focused on survival in the precarious new wage labour market. Some were successful in acquiring wealth and achieving upward mobility for themselves and their family. Others lived in devastating poverty and squalor. The class system of feudalism had been rigid, and resources for all but the highest nobility and clergy were scarce. Under capitalism, social mobility (both upward and downward) became possible. [caption id="attachment_691" align="alignright" width="250"] Figure 4.11 George Stephen, one of the Montreal consortium who financed and built the Canadian Pacific Railway, grew up the son of a carpenter in Scotland. He was titled 1st Baron Mount Stephen in 1891. The Canadian Pacific Railway was a risky financial venture but as Canada’s first transcontinental railroad, it played a fundamental role in the settlement and development of the West. (Photo courtesy of McCord Museum, File no. I-14179.1/ Wikimedia Commons.) Public Domain[/caption] It was during the 18th and 19th centuries of the Industrial Revolution that sociology was born. Life was changing quickly, and the long-established traditions of the agricultural eras did not apply to life in the larger cities. Masses of people moved to new environments, and often faced horrendous conditions of filth, overcrowding, and poverty. As we noted in Chapter 1. An Introduction to Sociology, sociology was born in the 19th century in response to the unprecedented scale of the social problems of modern society. It was during this time that power moved from the hands of the aristocracy and “old money” to the new class of rising bourgeoisie, who were able to amass fortunes in their lifetimes. In Canada, a new cadre of financiers and industrialists like Donald Smith (1st Baron Strathcona and Mount Royal) and George Stephen (1st Baron Mount Stephen) became the new power players, using their influence in business to control aspects of government. Eventually, concerns about the exploitation of workers led to the formation of labour unions and laws that set mandatory conditions for employees. Although the introduction of new "postindustrial" technologies (like computers) at the end of the 20th century ended the industrial age, much of our social structure and social ideas — such as the nuclear family, left-right political divisions, and time standardization — have a basis in industrial society.

Postindustrial Societies

[caption id="attachment_108" align="alignleft" width="300"] Figure 4.12 The ubiquitous e-work place of the 21st century. (Image courtesy of Charlie Styr/Flickr.) CC BY-NC-ND 2.0[/caption] Information societies, sometimes known as postindustrial or digital societies, are a recent development. Unlike industrial societies that are rooted in the production of material goods (resources, automobiles, chemicals, electrical goods, steel, etc.), information societies are based on the production of information, knowledge, and services. Companies, regions, and countries depend more and more on knowledge, information, and information processing technology as sources of productivity and competitiveness (Castells, 2010). Lash and Urry (1994) describe this as a shift to the production of ephemeral "signs" as opposed to durable "things." The products of information societies are abstract and mobile, rather than tangible and stable. Of principle importance are informational products with cognitive content (such as scientific research and development, biotechnologies, financial products, marketing surveillance, software apps and social media platforms), and media, image, and design products with aesthetic content (such as advertising, fashion, pop music, cinema, leisure, and digital streaming). An increasing component of the value of commodities comes from branding and lifestyle marketing, which advertisers and marketers use to attach images and meaning to goods. Digital technology is the steam engine of information societies, and high tech, e-commerce, and social media companies such as Apple, Microsoft, Facebook (Meta), Google (Alphabet Inc.), and Amazon are its version of railroad and steel manufacturing corporations. The new core of post-industrial society is clustered around financial services (such as banking and insurance), global information and communications services, as well as other services like transportation, airlines, tourism, and leisure. All of these depend in a fundamental way on the revolution in informational and communication technologies. [caption id="attachment_1285" align="aligncenter" width="1024"] Figure 4.13 Mobile phone technology links digital districts in cities in Nigeria, Benin, Tanzania, Brazil and China to the global information society. (Image courtesy of Emo de Medeiros/Wikimedia Commons.) CC BY-SA 4.0[/caption] Since the economy of information societies is driven by knowledge and not material goods, power lies with those in control of creating, storing, and distributing information. The core occupations of a postindustrial society are likely to be sellers of informational services — designers, software programmers, or business consultants, for example — instead of producers of goods. Social classes are divided by access to education, since without technical and communication skills, people in an information society lack the means for success. The digital divide refers to the gap between those able to access and make effective use of information technology and those who cannot (Menzies, 1996). In Canada, this disproportionately marginalizes racialized groups, and especially Indigenous communities (Bredin, 2001). The COVID-19 pandemic and shift to accessing work, education, and services from home illustrated stark divides between access to broadband between rural and urban areas. In 2021, 87% of all households in Canada had access to broadband with sufficient bandwidth, but only 46% of rural households had access (CRTC, 2021). Information and knowledge based societies tend to privilege reflexive forms of subject and subjectivity (Giddens, 1991). The freedom-oriented countercultural movements of the late 1960s and early 1970s, including the civil rights movement, the feminist movement, and the environmental movement, instigated a shift to reflexive subjectivity. Tradition, established social roles, or modern institutions no longer confined people's self-identity. Rather, people began to take an increasingly critical and reflexive distance with respect to these institutions. Knowledge, self-reflection, and self-awareness provide individuals with the opportunity to disembed themselves from prescribed roles and construct their own identities. In the knowledge economy, work tasks often require the ability to reflect on and recreate work materials, rather than simply follow the structured work patterns of the industrial labour process. Workers must self-reflect and self-monitor their work process independently of direct supervision. Similarly, in information societies, a reflexively individualized public tends to question "what they are told" by authorities, science and expert systems, and increasingly seek to monitor and organize their own individual life-narratives (Lash and Urry, 1994). Globally, information and communication structures are transforming national economies and societies. For the first time, a truly global society can be said to have emerged. On the basis of information technologies, the dominant economic activities that link societies, such as financial markets, currency exchanges, business services, technological development, and media communication, operate as a single unit in real time on a planetary scale (Castells, 2010). However, the distribution of this economic activity is uneven. Information and communication networks cover the entire globe, connecting valuable production, markets, and workers, but exclude large sections of the global population who are unskilled, unprofitable, and "structurally irrelevant." Castells (2010) describes the characteristic form of organization in this global structure as the network enterprise. The network enterprise model links autonomous agents (companies, segments of companies, producers and suppliers, etc.), which are often geographically disperse, and organizes them temporarily for specific projects or tasks. Once the task is completed the network dissolves or reforms to begin a new project. Through the network enterprise, hubs of economic activity or "global cities" like Vancouver, Tokyo, and Hong Kong, or Toronto, San Jose, and Osaka, might be more closely linked to each other than to their surrounding hinterlands. Thus, for Castells (2004), the postindustrial information society is also a network society: "a society whose social structure is made up of networks powered by micro-electronics-based information and communications technologies."

Postnatural Society: The Anthropocene

[caption id="attachment_109" align="alignright" width="300"] Figure 4.14 Advances in micro-biochemistry make it possible to manipulate the body at the molecular level. (Image courtesy of Sanofi Pasteur/Flickr.) CC BY-NC-ND 2.0[/caption] Recent scientific and technological developments transform our relationship to nature to such a degree that it is possible to talk about a new postnatural society. Advances in computing, genetics, nano-technology, and quantum mechanics create the conditions for society in which the limits imposed by nature are overcome by technological interventions at the molecular level of life and matter. Donna Haraway (1991) describes the new "cyborg" reality that becomes possible when the capacities of the body and mind are enhanced by various prosthetic devices like artificial organs or body parts. When these artificial prosthetics do not simply replace defective anatomy but improve upon it, one can argue that the conditions of life have become postnatural. In his science fiction novel Holy Fire (1996), Bruce Sterling extrapolates from recent developments in medical knowledge to imagine a future epoch of posthumanity; i.e., a period in which the mortality that defined the human condition for millennia has effectively been eliminated through the technologies of life preservation. Under these conditions, humans transcend the human condition and become posthuman. Through genetic engineering, scientists have been able to create new life forms since the early 1970s. This research is fueled by the prospect of using genetic technologies to solve problems, like disease and aging, at the level of the DNA molecule that contains the "blueprint" of life. Food crops can be designed that are pest-resistant, drought-resistant, or more productive. These technologies are therefore theoretically capable of solving environmentally imposed restrictions on our collective ability to feed the hungry. Similarly, nanotechnologies, which allow the physical properties of materials to be engineered at the atomic and subatomic level, pose the possibility of an infinitely manipulable universe. The futurologist Ray Kurzweil (2009) suggests that on the basis of nanotechnology "we’ll be able to create just about anything we need in the physical world from information files with very inexpensive input materials." Others caution that the complexity of risks posed by the introduction of these molecular technologies into the environment makes their use decidedly dangerous and their consequences incalculable. This is a very postnatural society dilemma — one that would not have occurred to people as a realistic problem in the earlier types of society described above. What are the effects of postnatural technologies on the structure and forms of social life and society? At present, these technologies are extremely capital-intensive to develop, which suggests that they will have implications for social inequality — both within societies and globally. Wealthy nations and wealthy individuals will be the most likely beneficiaries. Moreover, as the development of postnatural technologies do not impact the basic structures of capitalism, for the forseeable future decisions on which avenues of research are to be pursued will be decided solely by private corporations on the basis of profitable returns. Many competing questions concerning the global risks of the technologies and the ethics of their implementation are secondary to the profit motives of the corporations that own the knowledge. In terms of the emergent life technologies like genetic engineering or micro-biochemical research, Nikolas Rose (2007) suggests that we are already experiencing five distinct lines of social transformation:

The "molecularization" of our perspective on the human body, or life in general, implies that we now visualize the body and intervene in its processes at the molecular level. We are "no longer constrained by the normativity of a given order.” From growing skin in a petri dish to the repurposing of viruses, the body can be reconstructed in new, as yet unknown forms because of the pliability of life at the molecular level.
The technologies shift our attention to the optimization of the body's capacities rather than simply curing illness. It becomes possible to address our risk and susceptibility to future illnesses or aging processes, just as it becomes feasible to enhance the body's existing capacities (e.g., strength, cognitive ability, beauty, etc.).
The relationship between bodies and political life changes to create new forms of biological citizenship or biosociality. We increasingly construct our identities according to the specific genetic markers that define us, (e.g., "we are the people with Leber's Amaurosis"), and on this basis advocate for policy changes, accommodations, resources, and research funding, etc.
The complexity of the knowledge in this field increasingly forces us to submit ourselves to the authority of a group of new somatic specialists and medical authorities, from neurologists to genetics counselors.
As the flows of capital investment in biotechnology and biomedicine shift towards the creation of a new “bioeconomy,” the fundamental processes of life are turned into potential sources of profit and "biovalue."

Some have described the postnatural period that we are currently living in as the Anthropocene. The anthropocene is defined as the geological epoch following the Pleistocene and Holocene in which human activities significantly impact and transform the global ecosystem (Crutzen and Stoermer, 2000). Climate change is the primary example of anthropocenic effect, but it includes a number of other well-known examples, from soil erosion and species extinction to the acidification of the oceans. Of course this impact began at least as early as the 19th century with the effects on the environment caused by the Industrial Revolution. Arguably, however, it is the recently established knowledge and scientific evidence of these effects which constitutes the current era self-consciously as the anthropocene. In the anthropocene we become aware of the global nature of the catastrophic risks that human activities pose to the environment. It is also this knowledge that enables the possibility of institutional, economic, and political change to address these issues. Current developments like the use of cap and trade or carbon pricing to factor in the cost the environmental impact into economic calculations, the shift to "green" technologies like solar and wind power, or even curbside recycling, have both global implications and direct repercussions for the organization of daily life.

Media Attributions

Figure 4.3 Masai 17 by Abir Anwar, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY 2.0 licence.
Figure 4.4 Blackfoot Indians (unknown date - before 1923) from Library and Archives Canada, via Wikimedia Commons, is in the public domain.
Figure 4.5 Distribution of Coast Salish languages in the early 19th century by Noahedits is licenced under CC BY-SA 4.0 via Wikimedia Commons.
Figure 4.6 Maize-teosinte by John Doebley, via Wikimedia Commons, is used under a CC BY 3.0 licence.
Figure 4.7 Roman Collared Slaves Marble relief, Smyrna (Izmir, Turkey), AD 200, from the Collection of the Ashmolean Museum in Oxford, England, uploaded by Jun, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY-SA 2.0 licence.
Figure 4.8 Isla de Pascua - 628 .- by Alberto Beaudroit, via Wikimedia Commons, is used under a CC BY-SA 4.0 licence.
Figure 4.9 Bayeux Tapestry - Scene 23 , by Myrabella, via Wikipedia (Ukraine), is in the public domain.
Figure 4.10 Colgate-Palmolive Canada 1919 by Pringle & Booth, Toronto (available from the Toronto Public Library), via Wikimedia Commons, is in the public domain.
Figure 4.11 George Stephen, 1965 by William Notman, via Wikimedia Commons, is in the public domain. (Image is available from the McCord Museum under the access number I-14179.1)
Figure 4.12 The Desk by Charlie Styr, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY-NC-ND 2.0 licence.
Figure 4.13 Handroid City by Nolwennlaureg/ Emo de Medeiros, via Wikimedia Commons, is used under a CC BY-SA 4.0 licence.
Figure 4.14 Dengue virus infection by Vaccines at Sanofi Pasteur, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY-NC-ND 2.0 licence.

4.2. Theoretical Perspectives on the Formation of Modern Society

hfriedman — Wed, 09 Aug 2023 22:34:36 +0000

[caption id="attachment_112" align="aligncenter" width="400"] Figure 4.15 Image of the T. Eaton Co. department store in Toronto, Canada from the back cover of the 1901 Eaton's catalogue. (Photo courtesy of Wikimedia Commons.) Public Domain[/caption] While many sociologists have contributed to research on society and social interaction, three thinkers provide the basis of the modern understanding of society. Émile Durkheim, Karl Marx, and Max Weber developed different theoretical approaches to help understand the development of capitalist society and modernity. Chapter 3. Culture discusses how the members of a society come to share common norms and values: a way of life or culture. In the following discussion of modern society, Durkheim, Marx and Weber provide an analytical focus on another foundational sociological concept: social structure. In Chapter 1. An Introduction to Sociology, social structures are defined as general patterns of social behaviour and organization that persist through time. Durkheim's analysis of the growing division of labour, Marx's analysis of the economic structures of capitalism (private property, class, markets), and Weber's analysis of the rationalized structures of modern organization reveal the emergence of uniquely modern societal structures. While the aspect of modern structure that Durkheim, Marx, and Weber emphasize differs, their common approach is to stress the impact of social structure on culture and ways of life rather than the other way around. This remains a key element of sociological explanation today.

Émile Durkheim and Functionalism

Émile Durkheim's (1858–1917) key focus in studying modern society was to understand the conditions under which social and moral cohesion could be reestablished. He observed that European societies of the 19th century had undergone an unprecedented and fractious period of social change that threatened to dissolve society altogether. In his book The Division of Labour in Society (1960/1893), Durkheim argued that as modern societies grew more populated, more complex, and more difficult to regulate, the underlying basis of solidarity or unity within the social order needed to evolve. His primary concern was that the social glue that held society together was failing, and that the divisions between people were becoming more conflictual and unmanageable. Therefore Durkheim developed his school of sociology to explain the principles of cohesiveness of societies — their forms of social solidarity — and how they change and survive over time. He thereby addressed one of the fundamental sociological questions: Why do societies hold together rather than fall apart? Two central components of social solidarity in traditional, premodern societies were a common collective conscience: the communal beliefs, morals, and attitudes of a society shared by all; and high levels of social integration: the number and strength of ties that people have to their social groups. These societies were held together because most people performed similar tasks and shared values, language, and symbols. There was a low division of labour, and a common religious system of social beliefs. Society was held together on the basis of what Durkheim called mechanical solidarity: a minimal division of labour and a shared collective consciousness with harsh punishment for deviation from the norms. Such societies permitted a low degree of individual autonomy. Essentially there was no distinction between the individual conscience and the collective conscience. Societies with mechanical solidarity act in a mechanical fashion; things are done mostly because they have always been done that way. If anyone violated the collective conscience embodied in laws and taboos, punishment was swift and retributive. This type of thinking was common in preindustrial societies where strong bonds of kinship and a low division of labour created shared morals and values among people, such as among the feudal serfs. When people do the same type of work, Durkheim argued, they tend to think and act alike. Modern societies, according to Durkheim, were more complex. They were larger and impersonal. Collective consciousness was increasingly weak in individuals, and the ties of social integration that bound individuals to others were increasingly few. Modern societies were characterized by an increasing diversity of experience and an increasing division of people into different occupations and specializations. They shared less and less commonalities that could bind them together. However, as Durkheim observed, their ability to carry out their specific functions depended upon others being able to carry out theirs. Modern society was increasingly held together on the basis of a complex division of labour or what he called organic solidarity: a complex system of interrelated parts, working together to maintain stability. It was organic in the sense of the system of organs that make up an organism (Durkheim, 1893/1960). According to Durkheim's theory, as individual roles in the division of labour become more specialized and unique, and people increasingly have less in common with one another, they also become increasingly interdependent on one another. Even though there is an increased level of individual autonomy — the development of unique personalities and the opportunity to pursue individualized interests — society has a tendency to cohere because everyone depends on everyone else. The academic relies on the mechanic for the specialized skills required to fix their car, the mechanic sends their children to university to learn from the academic, and both rely on the baker to provide them with bread for their morning toast. Each member of society relies on the others, even if they do not share a common collective conscience. In premodern societies, the structures like religious practice that produce shared consciousness and harsh retribution for transgressions function to maintain the solidarity of society as a whole; whereas in modern societies, the occupational structure and its complex division of labour functions to maintain solidarity through the creation of mutual interdependence. While the transition from mechanical to organic solidarity is, in the long run, advantageous for a society, Durkheim noted that it creates periods of crisis, chaos, and “normlessness.” One of the outcomes of the transition is social anomie. Anomie — literally, “without norms” — is a situation in which society no longer has the support of a firm collective consciousness. There are no clear norms or shared values to guide and regulate behaviour. People are uncertain what the rules are. Anomie was associated with the rise of industrial society, which removed ties to the land and shared labour; the rise of individualism, which removed limits on what individuals could desire; and the rise of secularism, which removed supernatural beliefs, rituals, or symbolic foci, and traditional modes of moral regulation. During times of war or rapid economic development, the normative basis of society was also challenged. People isolated in their specialized tasks tend to become alienated from one another and from a sense of collective conscience and duty. However, Durkheim felt that as societies reach an advanced stage of organic solidarity, they avoid anomie by redeveloping a set of shared norms based on social diversity and interdependence. Harsh collective retributions for transgressions are replaced by individual contractual relationships and forms of restorative justice, for example. According to Durkheim, once a society achieves organic solidarity, it has finished its development.

Karl Marx and Critical Sociology

For Marx, the creation of modern society was tied to the emergence of capitalism as a global economic system. In the mid-19th century, as industrialization was expanding, Karl Marx (1818–1883) observed that the conditions of labour became more and more exploitative. The large manufacturers of steel were particularly ruthless, and their facilities became popularly dubbed “satanic mills” based on a poem by William Blake. Marx’s colleague and friend, Frederick Engels (1820–1895) wrote The Condition of the Working-Class in England in 1844, which described in detail the horrid conditions.

Such is the Old Town of Manchester, and on re-reading my description, I am forced to admit that instead of being exaggerated, it is far from black enough to convey a true impression of the filth, ruin, and uninhabitableness, the defiance of all considerations of cleanliness, ventilation, and health which characterise the construction of this single district, containing at least twenty to thirty thousand inhabitants. And such a district exists in the heart of the second city of England, the first manufacturing city of the world (1892).

[caption id="attachment_69" align="aligncenter" width="222"] Figure 4.16 Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels analyzed differences in social power between “have” and “have-not” groups. (Photo courtesy of Wikimedia Commons.) Public Domain[/caption]

[caption id="attachment_70" align="aligncenter" width="255"] Figure 4.17 Friedrich Engels. (Photo courtesy of George Lester/Wikimedia Commons.) Public Domain[/caption]

Add to Engels' description above the long hours, the use of child labour, and exposure to extreme conditions of heat, cold, and toxic chemicals, and it is no wonder that Marx (1867/1995) referred to capital as “dead labour, that, vampire-like, only lives by sucking living labour, and lives the more, the more labour it sucks.” As described at the beginning of the chapter, Marx's explanation of the exploitative nature of industrial society draws on a more comprehensive theory of the development of human societies from the earliest hunter-gatherers to the modern era: historical materialism. For Marx, the underlying structure of societies and the forces of historical change were defined by the relationship between the base and superstructure of societies. In this architecture-like model, society’s economic structure forms its foundation or base, on which the culture and other social institutions rest, forming its superstructure. For Marx, it is the base — the economic mode of production — that shapes what a society’s culture, law, political system, family form, and, most importantly, what its typical form of struggle or conflict will be like. Each type of society — hunter-gatherer, pastoral, agrarian, feudal, capitalist — could be characterized as the total way of life that forms around different economic bases. [caption id="attachment_68" align="aligncenter" width="400"] Figure 4.18 Karl Marx asserted that all elements of a society’s structure depend on its economic structure. (Courtesy of OpenStax CNX.) CC BY 4.0[/caption] In his dialectical model of history, Marx saw economic conflict in society as the primary means of change. The base of each type of society in history — its economic mode of production — had its own characteristic form of economic struggle. This was because a mode of production is essentially two things: the means of production of a society — anything that is used in production to satisfy needs and maintain existence (e.g., land, animals, crop production, technology, factories, etc.) — and the relations of production of a society — the division of society into economic classes (the social roles allotted to individuals by virtue of their position in a system of production). Marx observed historically that in each epoch or type of society since the early "primitive communist" foraging societies, one class of persons has owned or controlled the means of production and another class has produced the goods typical of that society. This is a power relationship based on who controls the surpluses of production and who is compelled to produce them. Different epochs are characterized by different forms of ownership and different class structures: hunter-gatherer (classless/common ownership), agricultural (citizens/slaves), feudal (lords/peasants), and capitalism (capitalists/“free” labourers). These relations of production have been characterized by relations of domination since the emergence of property ownership (i.e., control over the surpluses produced by labourers) in the early Agrarian societies. Throughout history, societies have been divided into classes with opposed or contradictory interests. These “class antagonisms,” as Marx called them, periodically lead to periods of social revolution in which it becomes possible for one type of society to replace another. The most recent revolutionary transformation resulted in the end of feudalism. A new revolutionary class emerged from among the freemen, small property owners, and middle-class burghers of the medieval period to challenge and overthrow the privilege and power of the feudal aristocracy. The members of the bourgeoisie or capitalist class were revolutionary in the sense that they represented a radical change and redistribution of power in European society. Their power was based on the private ownership of industrial property and finances (i.e., capital), which they sought to protect from the power of the aristocracy through the struggle for property rights, notably in the English Civil War (1642–1651) and the French Revolution (1789–1799). The development of capitalism inaugurated a period of world transformation and incessant change through the destruction of the previous feudal class structure, the dispossession of peasants from their feudal estates, the ruthless competition for markets, the introduction of new industrial technologies, and the globalization of economic activity. As Marx and Engels (1848/1977) put it in The Communist Manifesto:

The bourgeoisie, wherever it has got the upper hand, has put an end to all feudal, patriarchal, idyllic relations. It has pitilessly torn asunder the motley feudal ties that bound man to his “natural superiors,” and has left remaining no other nexus between man and man than naked self-interest, than callous “cash payment.” It has drowned the most heavenly ecstasies of religious fervour, of chivalrous enthusiasm, of philistine sentimentalism, in the icy water of egotistical calculation… . The bourgeoisie cannot exist without constantly revolutionising the instruments of production, and thereby the relations of production, and with them the whole relations of society.

However, the rise of the bourgeoisie and the development of capitalism also brought into existence the class of “free” wage labourers, or the proletariat. The proletariat were made up largely of guild workers and serfs who were freed or expelled from their indentured labour in feudal guild and agricultural production, and migrated to the emerging cities where industrial production was centred. They were “free” labour in the sense that they were no longer bound to feudal lords or guildmasters. The new labour relationship was based on a contract. However, as Marx pointed out, this meant in effect that free labour was labour that workers could sell as a commodity to whomever they wanted, but if they did not sell their labour they would starve. The capitalist had no obligations to provide them with security, livelihood, or a place to live as the feudal lords had done for their serfs. The source of a new class antagonism developed based on the contradiction of fundamental interests between the bourgeois owners and the wage labourers: where the owners sought to reduce the wages of labourers as far as possible to reduce the costs of production and remain competitive, the workers sought to retain a living wage that could provide for a family and secure living conditions. The outcome, in Marx and Engel’s words, was that “society as a whole is more and more splitting up into two great hostile camps, into two great classes directly facing each other — Bourgeoisie and Proletariat” (1848/1977).

Making Connections: Sociological Concepts

Marx and the Theory of Alienation

[caption id="attachment_114" align="aligncenter" width="300"] Figure 4.19 Assembly of notebook hard drives in Seagate's "clean room," Wuxi China. (Photo courtesy of Robert Scoble/Flickr.) CC BY 2.0[/caption] For Marx, what we do defines who we are. What it is to be “human” is defined by the capacity we have as a species to creatively transform the world in which we live to meet our needs for survival. Humanity at its core is homo faber (the human as creator). In historical terms, in spite of the persistent nature of one class dominating another, the element of humanity as creator existed. There was at least some connection between the worker and the product, augmented by the natural conditions of seasons and the rising and setting of the sun, such as we see in an agricultural society. But with the bourgeois revolution and the rise of industry and capitalism, workers now worked for wages alone. The essential elements of creativity and self-affirmation in the largely unregulated use of their labour was replaced by compulsion in industrial settings. The relationship of workers to their efforts was no longer based on human creativity, but purely on satisfying animal needs. As Marx put it, the worker “only feels himself freely active in his animal functions of eating, drinking, and procreating, at most also in his dwelling and dress, and feels himself an animal in his human functions” (1932/1977). Marx described the economic conditions of production under capitalism in terms of alienation. Alienation refers to the condition in which the individual is isolated and divorced from their society, work, or the sense of self and common humanity. Marx defined four specific types of alienation that arose with the development of wage labour under capitalism. Alienation from the product of one’s labour. An industrial worker does not have the opportunity to relate to the product they are labouring on. The worker produces commodities, but at the end of the day the commodities not only belong to the capitalist, but serve to enrich the capitalist at the worker’s expense. In Marx’s language, the worker relates to the product of their labour “as an alien object that has power over him [or her]” (1932/1977). Workers do not care if they are making watches or cars; they care only that their jobs exist. Workers may not even know or care what products they are contributing to. A worker on a Ford assembly line may spend all day installing windows on car doors without ever seeing the rest of the car. A cannery worker can spend a lifetime cleaning fish without ever knowing what product they are used for. Alienation from the process of one’s labour. Workers do not control the conditions of their jobs because they do not own the means of production. If someone is hired to work in a fast food restaurant, that person is expected to make the food exactly the way they are taught. All ingredients must be combined in a particular order and in a particular quantity; there is no room for creativity or change. An employee at Burger King cannot decide to change the spices used in the beef patty in the same way that an employee on a Ford assembly line cannot decide to place a car’s headlights in a different position. Everything is decided by the owners who then dictate orders to the workers. The workers relate to their own labour as an activity that they do not control and that does not belong to them. Alienation from others. Workers compete, rather than cooperate. Employees vie for raises, time slots, bonuses, and job security. Different industries and different geographical regions compete against each other for investment and jobs. Even when a worker clocks out at night and goes home, the competition does not end. As Marx commented in The Communist Manifesto, “No sooner is the exploitation of the labourer by the manufacturer, so far at an end, that he receives his wages in cash, than he is set upon by the other portion of the bourgeoisie, the landlord, the shopkeeper, the pawnbroker” (1848/1977). Alienation from one’s humanity. A final outcome of industrialization is a loss of connectivity between a worker and what makes humans truly human. Humanity is defined for Marx by “conscious life-activity,” but under conditions of wage labour this is taken not as an end in itself — only a means of satisfying the most base, animal-like needs. The “species being” (i.e., conscious creative activity that defines the human species) is only confirmed when individuals can create and produce freely, not simply when they work to reproduce their biological existence and satisfy immediate needs like animals. Taken as a whole, then, alienation in modern society means that individuals have no control over their lives. There is nothing that ties workers to their occupations. Instead of being able to take pride in an identity such as being a watchmaker, automobile builder, or chef, a person is simply a cog in the machine. Even in feudal societies, people had more control over the manner of their labour and when or how it was carried out. But why, then, does the modern working class not rise up and rebel? In response to this problem, Marx developed the concept of false consciousness. False consciousness is a condition in which the beliefs, self-understanding, or ideology of a person conceal or mask the truth of their social conditions and of their own best interests. In fact, it is the ideology of the dominant class (here, the bourgeoisie capitalists) that is imposed upon the proletariat. Ideas such as the virtues of competition over cooperation, of hard work being its own reward, of "the individual" as master of their own destinies, fortunes or ruins, etc. clearly benefit the owners of industry because they conceal the class nature of power. Therefore, to the degree that workers live in a state of false consciousness, they are less likely to question their subordinate place in society or assume responsibility for addressing social inequality. Like other elements of the superstructure, “consciousness,” is a product of the underlying economic base. But Marx proposed that the workers’ false consciousness would eventually be replaced with class consciousness — the awareness of their actual material and political interests as members of a unified class. Inequality, exploitation, and precarious employment, etc. would become impossible to ignore because they were not random or accidental. They were structured into the economic system itself. In The Communist Manifesto, Marx and Engels wrote,

The weapons with which the bourgeoisie felled feudalism to the ground are now turned against the bourgeoisie itself. But not only has the bourgeoisie forged the weapons that bring death to itself; it has also called into existence the men who are to wield those weapons — the modern working class — the proletarians (1848/1977).

Capitalism developed the industrial means by which the problems of economic scarcity could be resolved and, at the same time, intensified the conditions of exploitation due to competition for markets and profits. Thus emerged the conditions for a successful working class revolution. Instead of existing as an unconscious “class in itself,” the proletariat would become conscious of itself as a “class for itself” and act collectively to produce social change (Marx and Engels, 1848/1977). Instead of just being an inert strata of society, the class could become an advocate for radical social change. Only once society entered this state of political consciousness would it be ready for a social revolution. Indeed, Marx predicted that the collapse of capitalism would be its ultimate outcome.

To summarize, for Marx, the development of capitalism in the 18th and 19th centuries was utterly revolutionary and unprecedented in the scope and scale of the societal transformation it brought about. In his analysis, capitalism is defined by a unique set of features that distinguish it from previous modes of production like feudalism or agrarianism:

The means of production (i.e., productive property or capital) are privately owned and controlled.
Capitalists purchase labour power from workers for a wage or salary.
The goal of production is to profit from selling commodities in a competitive-free market.
Profit from the sale of commodities is appropriated by the owners of capital. Part of this profit is reinvested as capital in the business enterprise to expand its profitability.
The competitive accumulation of capital and profit leads to capitalism’s dynamic qualities: constant expansion of markets, globalization of investment, growth and centralization of capital, boom and bust cycles, economic crises, class conflict, etc.

These features are structural, meaning that they are built-into, and reinforced by, the institutional organization of the economy. They are structures, or persistent patterns of social relationship that exist, in a sense, independently of individuals’ personal or voluntary choices and motives. As structures, they can be said to define the rules or internal logic that underlie the surface or observable characteristics of a capitalist society: its political, social, economic, and ideological formations. Some isolated cases may exist where some of these features do not apply, but they define the overall system that has come to govern the contemporary global economy. Marx's analysis of the transition from feudalism to capitalism is historical and materialist because it focuses on the changes in the economic mode of production to explain the transformation of the social order. The expansion of the use of money, the development of commodity markets, the introduction of rents, the accumulation and investment of capital, the creation of new technologies of production, and the early stages of the manufactory system, etc. led to the formation of a new class structure (the bourgeoisie and the proletariat), a new political structure (the democratic nation state), and a new ideological structure (science, human rights, individualism, rationalization, the belief in progress, etc.). The unprecedented transformations that created the modern era — urbanization, colonization, population growth, resource exploitation, social and geographical mobility, etc. — originated in the transformation of the mode of production from feudalism to capitalism. “Only the capitalist production of commodities revolutionizes … the entire economic structure of society in a manner eclipsing all previous epochs” (Marx, 1878). In the space of a couple of hundred years, human life on the planet was irremediably and radically altered. As Marx and Engels put it, capitalism had “create[d] a world after its own image” (1848/1977).

Max Weber and Interpretive Sociology

Like the other social thinkers discussed here, Max Weber (1864–1920) was concerned with the important changes taking place in Western society with the advent of capitalism. Arguably, the primary focus of Weber’s entire sociological oeuvre was to determine how and why Western civilization and capitalism developed, and where and when they developed. Why was the West the West? Why did the capitalist system develop in Europe and not elsewhere? Like Marx and Durkheim, he feared that capitalist industrialization would have negative effects on individuals but his analysis differed from theirs in significant respects. Key to the answer to his questions was the concept of rationalization (see Chapter 3. Culture). If other societies had failed to develop modern capitalist enterprise, modern science, and contemporary, efficient organizational structures, it was because in various ways they had impeded the development of rationalization. Weber’s question was: what are the consequences of instrumental rationality for everyday life, for the social order, and for the spiritual fate of humanity? Unlike Durkheim's functionalist emphasis on the sources of social solidarity and Marx's critical emphasis on the materialist basis of class conflict, Weber's interpretive perspective on modern society emphasizes the development of a rationalized world view, which he referred to as the disenchantment of the world. “Principally there are no mysterious incalculable forces that come into play, but rather one can, in principle, master all things by calculation” (Weber, 1919/1969). In other words, the processes of rationalization and disenchantment refer principally to the mode in which modern individuals and institutions interpret or analyze the world and the problems that confront them. As discussed in Chapter 3. Culture, rationalization refers to the general tendency in modern society for all institutions and most areas of life to be transformed by the application of rational principles of efficiency and calculation. It overcomes forms of magical thinking and replaces them with cold, objective calculations based on principles of technical efficiency. Older styles of social organization, based on traditional principles of religion, morality, or custom, cannot compete with the efficiency of rational styles of organization and are gradually replaced or destroyed. [caption id="attachment_695" align="alignright" width="400"] Figure 4.20 Charlie Chaplin in Modern Times (1936). Has technology made this type of labour more or less alienating? (Photo courtesy of Insomnia Cured Here/ Flickr.) CC BY SA 2.0[/caption] To Weber, capitalism itself became possible through the processes of rationalization. The emergence of capitalism in the West required the prior invention of rational, calculable procedures like double-entry bookkeeping, free labour contracts, free market exchange, and predictable application of law so that economic activity could operate as a form of rational enterprise. Unlike Marx who defined capitalism in terms of power relationships and the ownership of private property, Weber defined it in terms of its rational processes. For Weber, capitalism is a form of continuous, calculated economic action in which every element is examined with respect to the logic of investment and return. As opposed to previous types of economic action in which wealth was acquired by force and spent on luxuries, capitalism rested “on the expectation of profit by the utilization of opportunities for exchange, that is, on (formally) peaceful chances for profit." This implied a continual rationalization of commercial procedures in terms of the logic of capital accumulation. "Where capitalist acquisition is rationally pursued, the corresponding action is adjusted to calculations in terms of capital" (Weber, 1904/1958). Weber's analysis of rationalization did not exclusively focus on the conditions for the rise of capitalism, however. Capitalism's "rational" reorganization of economic activity was only one aspect of the broader process of rationalization and disenchantment. Modern science, law, music, art, bureaucracy, politics, and even spiritual life could only have become possible, according to Weber, through the systematic development of precise calculations and planning, technical procedures, and the dominance of "quantitative reckoning." He felt that other non-Western societies, however highly advanced and sophisticated, had impeded these developments by either missing some crucial element of rationality or by holding on to non-rational organizational principles or elements of magical thinking. For example, Babylonian astronomy lacked mathematical foundations, Indian geometry lacked rational proofs, Mandarin bureaucracy remained tied to Confucian traditionalism, and the Indian caste system lacked the common "brotherhood" necessary for modern citizenship. Weber argued however that although the process of rationalization leads to efficiency and effective, calculated decision making, it is in the end an irrational system. The emphasis on rationality and efficiency ultimately has negative effects when taken to its conclusion. In modern societies, this is seen when rigid routines and strict adherence to performance-related goals lead to a mechanized work environment and a focus on efficiency for its own sake. To the degree that rational efficiency begins to undermine the substantial human values it was designed to serve (i.e., the creation of the good life, ethical values, the integrity of human relationships, the enjoyment of beauty and relaxation), rationalization becomes irrational. An illustration of the extreme conditions of rationality can be found in Charlie Chaplin’s classic film Modern Times (1936) (Figure 4.20). Chaplin’s character works on an assembly line twisting bolts into place over and over again. The work is paced by the unceasing rotation of the conveyor belt and the technical efficiency of the division of labour. When he has to stop to swat a fly on his nose all the tasks down the line from him are thrown into disarray. He performs his routine task repetitively to the point where he cannot stop his bolt tightening motions even after the whistle blows for lunch. Today we even have a recognized medical condition that results from such routinized tasks, known as “repetitive stress syndrome.” [caption id="attachment_2329" align="alignleft" width="366"] Figure 4.21 Cubicles are used to maximize individual work space in an office. Such structures may be rational, but they are also isolating and dehumanizing. (Photo courtesy of Tim Patterson/Flickr.) CC BY 2.0[/caption] For Weber, the culmination of industrialization and rationalization results in the conundrum of what he referred to as the iron cage. In the iron cage the individual is trapped by the systems of efficiency that were designed to enhance the well-being of humanity. People are trapped in a cage, or literally a "steel housing" (stahlhartes Gehäuse), of efficiently organized processes because rational forms of organization and life management have become indispensable. People must continuously hurry and be efficient because there is no time to "waste." Weber argued that even if there was a social revolution of the type that Marx envisioned, the bureaucratic and rational organizational structures would remain. Even Marx's communist society would have to be efficient. There appears to be no alternative. The modern economic order “is now bound to the technical and economic conditions of machine production which today determine the lives of all individuals who are born into this mechanism, not only those directly concerned with economic acquisition, with irresistible force” (Weber, 1904/1958).

Making Connections: Sociological Concepts

Max Weber and the Protestant Work Ethic

[caption id="attachment_616" align="aligncenter" width="281"] Figure 4.22 Puritan soap flakes. (Image courtesy of Paul Townsend/Twitter.) CC BY-NC-SA 2.0[/caption] If Marx’s analysis is central to the sociological understanding of the structures that emerged with the rise of capitalism, Max Weber is a central figure in the sociological understanding of the effects of capitalism on modern subjectivity: How has people's basic sense of who they are and what they might aspire to been defined by the culture and belief system of capitalism? The key work here is Weber’s Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (1905/1958) in which he lays out the characteristics of the modern ethos of work. Why do people feel compelled to work so hard? An ethic or ethos refers to a way of life or a way of conducting oneself in life. For Weber, the Protestant work ethic was at the core of the modern ethos. It prescribes a mode of self-conduct in which discipline, work, accumulation of wealth, self-restraint, postponement of enjoyment, and sobriety are the focus of an individual life. In Weber’s analysis, the ethic was indebted to the religious beliefs and practices of certain Protestant sects like the Lutherans, Calvinists, and Baptists who emerged with the Protestant Reformation (1517–1648). The Protestant theologian Richard Baxter proclaimed that the individual was “called” to their occupation by God, and therefore, they had a duty to “work hard in their calling.” “He who will not work shall not eat” (Baxter, as cited in Weber, 1958). This ethic subsequently worked its way into many of the famous dictums popularized by the American Benjamin Franklin, like “time is money” and "a penny saved is two pence dear" (i.e., "a penny saved is a penny earned"). In Weber’s estimation, the Protestant ethic was fundamentally important to the emergence of capitalism, and a basic answer to the question of how and why it could emerge in Europe but not elsewhere. Throughout the period of feudalism and the domination of the Catholic Church, an ethic of poverty and non-materialist values was central to the subjectivity and world view of the Christian population. From the earliest desert monks and followers of St. Anthony to the great Vatican orders of the Franciscans and Dominicans, the image of Jesus was of a son of God who renounced wealth, possessions, and the material world. “It is easier for a camel to go through the eye of a needle, than for a rich man to enter into the kingdom of God” (ESV, 2001, Mark 10:25). People are, of course, well aware of the hypocrisy with which these beliefs were often practiced, but even in these cases, wealth was regarded in a different manner prior to the modern era. One worked only as much as was required. As Thomas Aquinas put it “labour [is] only necessary … for the maintenance of individual and community. Where this end is achieved, the precept ceases to have any meaning” (Aquinas, as cited in Weber, 1958). Wealth was not “put to work” in the form of a gradual return on investments as it is under capitalism. How was this medieval belief system reversed? How did capitalism become possible? The key for Weber was the Protestant sects’ doctrines of predestination, the idea of the personal calling, and the individual’s direct, unmediated relationship to God. In the practice of the Protestant sects, no intermediary or priest interpreted God’s will or granted absolution. God’s will was essentially unknown. The individual could only be recognized as one of the predestined “elect” — one of the saved — through outward signs of grace: through the continuous display of moral self-discipline and, significantly, through the accumulation of earthly rewards that tangibly demonstrated God’s favour. In the absence of any way to know with certainty whether one was destined for salvation, the accumulation of wealth and material success became a sign of spiritual grace rather than a sign of sinful, earthly concerns. For the individual, material success assuaged the existential anxiety concerning the salvation of their soul. For the community, material success conferred status. Weber argues that gradually the practice of working hard in one’s calling lost its religious focus, and the ethic of “sober bourgeois capitalism” (Weber, 1905/1958) became grounded in work discipline alone: work and self-improvement for their own sake. This discipline produces the rational, predictable, reliable, and industrious personality type ideally suited for the capitalist economy. For Weber, the consequence of this, however, is that the modern individual feels compelled to work hard and to live a highly methodical, efficient, and disciplined life to demonstrate their self-worth to themselves as much as anyone. The original goal of all this activity — namely religious salvation — no longer existed. It is a highly rational conduct of life in terms of how one lives, but is simultaneously irrational in terms of why one lives. Weber calls this conundrum of modernity the iron cage. Life in modern society is ordered on the basis of efficiency, rationality, and predictability, and other inefficient or traditional modes of organization are eliminated. Once people are locked into the “technical and economic conditions of machine production” it is difficult to get out or to imagine another way of living, despite the fact that one is renouncing all of the qualities that make life worth living, such as spending time with friends and family, enjoying the pleasures of a sensual and aesthetic life, and/or finding a deeper meaning or purpose of existence. As Weber pessimistically concluded, people might be obliged to remain in this iron cage “until the last ton of fossilized coal is burnt” (Weber, 1958/1905).

Her-story: The History of Gender Inequality

Missing in the classical theoretical accounts of modernity is an explanation of how the developments of modern society, industrialization, and capitalism have affected women differently from men. Despite the differences in Durkheim’s, Marx’s, and Weber’s main themes of analysis, they are equally androcentric to the degree that they cannot account for why women’s experience of modern society is structured differently from men’s, or why the implications of modernity are different for women than they are for men. They tell his-story but neglect her-story.

Recall from Chapter 3. Culture, androcentrism is a perspective in which male concerns, male attitudes, and male practices are presented as “normal” or define what is significant and valued in a culture. Women’s experiences, activities, and contributions to society and history are ignored, devalued, or marginalized.

For most of human history, men and women held more or less equal status in society. In hunter-gatherer societies gender inequality was minimal as these societies did not sustain institutionalized power differences. They were based on cooperation, sharing, and mutual support. There was often a gendered division of labour in that men are most frequently the hunters and women the gatherers and child care providers (although this division is not necessarily strict), but as women’s gathering accounted for up to 80% of the food, their economic power in the society was assured. Where headmen lead tribal life, their leadership is informal, based on influence rather than institutional power (Endicott, 1999). In prehistoric Europe from 7000 to 3500 BCE, archaeological evidence indicates that religious life was in fact focused on female deities and fertility, while family kinship was traced through matrilineal (female) descent (Lerner, 1986). [caption id="attachment_696" align="aligncenter" width="300"] Figure 4.23 The Venus of Willendorf discovered in Willendorf, Austria, is thought to be 25,000 years old. It is widely assumed to be a fertility goddess and indicative of the central role of women in Paleolithic society. (Photo courtesy of Matthias Kabel, Wikimedia Commons.) CC BY SA 3.0[/caption] It was not until about 6,000 years ago that gender inequality emerged. With the transition to early agrarian and pastoral types of societies, food surpluses created the conditions for class divisions and power structures to develop. Property and resources passed from collective ownership to family ownership with a corresponding shift in the development of the monogamous, patriarchal (rule by the father) family structure. Women and children also became the property of the patriarch of the family. The invasions of old Europe by the Semites to the south, and the Kurgans to the northeast, led to the imposition of male-dominated hierarchical social structures and the worship of male warrior gods. As agricultural societies developed, so did the practice of slavery. Lerner (1986) argues that the first slaves were women and children. The development of modern, industrial society has been a two-edged sword in terms of the status of women in society. Marx’s collaborator Friedrich Engels (1820–1895) argued in The Origin of the Family, Private Property, and the State (1884/1972) that the historical development of the male-dominated monogamous family originated with the development of private property. The family became the means through which property was inherited through the male line. This also led to the separation of a private domestic sphere and a public social sphere. “Household management lost its public character. It no longer concerned society. It became a private service; the wife became the head servant, excluded from all participation in social production” (Engels, 1884/1972). Under the system of capitalist wage labour, women were doubly exploited. When they worked outside the home as wage labourers they were exploited in the workplace, often as cheaper labour than men. When they worked within the home, they were exploited as the unpaid source of labour needed to reproduce the capitalist workforce. The role of the proletarian housewife was tantamount to “open or concealed domestic slavery” as she had no independent source of income herself (Engels, 1884/1972). Early Canadian law, for example, was based on the idea that the wife’s labour belonged to the husband. This was the case even up to the famous divorce case of Irene Murdoch in 1973, who had worked the family farm in the Turner Valley, Alberta, side by side with her husband for 25 years. When she claimed 50% of the farm assets in the divorce, the judge ruled that the farm belonged to her husband, and she was awarded only $200 a month for a lifetime of work (Murdoch v. Murdoch, 1973; CBC, 2001). On the other hand, feminists note that gender inequality was more pronounced and permanent in the feudal and agrarian societies that proceeded capitalism. Women were more or less owned as property, and were kept ignorant and isolated within the domestic sphere. These conditions still exist in the world today. The World Economic Forum Global Gender Gap Report (2014) shows that in a significant number of countries women are severely restricted with respect to economic participation, educational attainment, political empowerment, and basic health outcomes. Yemen, Pakistan, Chad, Syria, and Mali were the five worst countries in the world in terms of women's inequality.

Yemen is the world’s worst country for women in 2014, according to the WEF. In addition to being one of the worst countries in women’s economic participation and opportunity, Yemen received some of the world’s worst scores in relative educational attainment and political participation for females. Just half of women in the country could read, versus 83% of men. Further, women accounted for just 9% of ministerial positions and for none of the positions in parliament. Child marriage is a huge problem in Yemen. According to Human Rights Watch, as of 2006, 52% of Yemeni girls were married before they reached 18, and 14% were married before they reached 15 years of age (Hess, 2014).

With the rise of capitalism, Engels noted that there was an improvement in women’s status when they began to work outside the home. Writers like Mary Wollstonecraft (1759–1797) in her Vindication of the Rights of Women (1792/1997) were also able to see, in the discourses of rights and freedoms of the bourgeois revolutions and the Enlightenment, a general “promise” of universal emancipation that could be extended to include the rights of women. The focus of the Vindication of the Rights of Women was on the right of women to have an education, which would put them on the same footing as men with regard to the knowledge and rationality required for “enlightened” political participation and skilled work outside the home. Whereas property rights, the role of wage labour, and the law of modern society continued to be a source for gender inequality, the principles of universal rights became a powerful resource for women to use in order to press their claims for equality. As the World Economic Forum (2014) study reports, "good progress has been made over the last years on gender equality, and in some cases, in a relatively short time." Between 2006 and 2014, the gender gap in the measures of economic participation, education, political power, and health narrowed for 95% of the 111 countries surveyed. In the top five countries in the world for women's equality — Iceland, Finland, Norway, Sweden, and Denmark — the global gender gap index had closed to 80% or better. Canada was 19th with a global gender gap index of 75%.

Media Attributions

Figure 4.15 Bird's eye view of the store and factories of the T. Eaton Co. Limited Toronto Canada, from T. Eaton Co. Ltd. (Eaton's catalogue 1901, back image), via Wikimedia Commons, is in the public domain.
Figure 4.16 Marx 1882, from Marxists.org, via Wikimedia Commons, is in the public domain.
Figure 4.17 Engels 1856 by George Lester, Manchester photographer, via Wikimedia Commons, is in the public domain.
Figure 4.18 Figure 4.6 in Theoretical Perspectives on Society from OpenStax CNX, is used under a CC BY 4.0 licence. (Download for free at http://cnx.org/contents/02040312-72c8-441e-a685-20e9333f3e1d@3.49)
Figure 4.19 Seagate's clean room by Robert Scoble, via Flickr, is used under CC BY 2.0 licence.
Figure 4.20 Charlie Chaplin by Insomnia Cured Here, via Flickr, is used under CC BY SA 2.0 licence.
Figure 4.21 I Love Cubicles by Tim Patterson, via Flickr, is used under CC BY 2.0 licence.
Figure 4.22 Puritan soap packet by Paul Townsend, via Flickr, is used under CC BY-NC-SA 2.0 licence.
Figure 4.23 Venus of Willendorf by Matthias Kabel, via Wikimedia Commons, is used under CC BY SA 3.0 licence.

4.3. Living in Contemporary Society

hfriedman — Wed, 09 Aug 2023 22:35:37 +0000

The reason why Durkheim, Marx and Weber are still read by sociologists is that they provided key insights into the formation of modern society that remain relevant today. Nevertheless, life in modern society is subject to constant change. How can Durkheim's, Marx's, and Weber's analyses be updated to describe the key features of 21st century life?

Updating Durkheim: Postmodern Society and Neo-Tribalism

Durkheim predicted that there would be periods of anomie — normlessness, or a lack of common norms — as the small, isolated societies of mechanical solidarity were replaced by modern mass societies of organic solidarity. In the absence of a collective conscience and shared rituals, the complex division of labour in society would lead it to become increasingly divergent, heterogeneous and atomized. However, this anomie would be short-lived and temporary as the complex division of labour of organic societies stabilized. Eventually societies would emerge as cohesive, self-regulating systems of interdependent components and a new basis of social solidarity and social equilibrium would be established. In the late 20th century, Jean Francois Lyotard (1924–1998), observing that the model of a unified, functionally cohesive society no longer described the way people actually connected with each other, suggested that Durkheim was right about anomie and the fragmentation of society but wrong about the nature of the social bond that was emerging (Lyotard, 1980). Rather than society operating as a cohesive interdependent whole, societies were discontinuous and institutions operated "in patches." He described this tendency as postmodern. Postmodern society had to be conceived as social heterogeneity without social solidarity. [caption id="attachment_1302" align="alignright" width="300"] Figure 4.24 The Burning Man festival held annually in Black Rock City, a temporary city built in northwestern Nevada. This event has many qualities of neo-tribalism, focused on a brief, intense gathering of a disperse community to celebrate artistic creation, self-expression, and self-reliance. (Image courtesy of Julia Wold/Flickr.) CC BY-NC-SA 2.0 [/caption] New forms of social bond emerge in this context. While the division of labour into occupational specializations produces interdependence, such as the complex chains of social relationship in global supply chains, there is a parallel division of identities which produces fragmentation. In line with Durkheim's analysis of premodern tribal affiliations, Maffesoli (1996) describes the formation of contemporary neo-tribes, groups of people bound together in communities of feeling who gather at particular times and places for specific reasons and then disband. These are communities of feeling in the sense that, instead of being based on ideologies or traditional sources of identity like class, locality, religion, occupation, education, or ethnicity, etc., otherwise geographically or socially disperse people come together in a bounded, usually public, space for a discrete time period to express emotional energies. They create a temporary haven based on shared feeling, ambience, sensibility, taste, or atmosphere. However, rather than forming a new, permanent basis of social solidarity, neo-tribal gatherings — "huge rallies, crowds of all kinds, collective trances, fusion through sport, ecstasy through music, religious or cultural effervescences" (Maffesoli, 2004) — represent only episodic, if intense, social attachments. They satisfy a desire for belonging, but only temporarily or as needed. On the other hand, the contemporary experience of siloization through social media — the process by which groups become isolated in communication "silos" in ways that hinder their communication and cooperation with others — indicates the way in which social identities become fragmented, and societies themselves no longer share common universes of meaning or definitions of reality. The algorithms and social networking functions of social media platforms like Facebook enable the spread of conspiracy theories and alternate realities by creating "echo chambers" and conditions of confirmation bias that create strong in-group identities unhinged from outside input (Theocharis et al., 2021). Part of Lyotard's (1984) analysis of the postmodern condition is people's "incredulity toward meta-narratives" as noted in Chapter 3. Culture. People become disaffected with modernity's big unifying (meta) stories of social progress through scientific knowledge, enlightened morality, social emancipation, national destiny, etc. These present an image of modern society as having a historical direction, a systematicity and universality. Bauman (1991) argues instead that "the postmodern condition is a site of constant mobility and change, but no clear direction of development." He suggests Durkheim's anomie is a permanent condition of contemporary life. But rather than the breakdown of society into an aggregate of isolated individuals each pursuing their narrow self interest, as the term anomie sometimes suggests, the underlying desire of people to be together leads to the creation of new subcultures, communities of feeling and sources of identification and self-construction.

Updating Marx: Neoliberalism and the Post-Fordist Economy

One of the key arguments that sociologists draw from Marx's analysis is to show that capitalism is not simply an economic system but a social system. The dynamics of capitalism are not a set of obscure economic concerns to be relegated to the business section of the newspaper, but the architecture that underlies the newspaper’s front page headlines; in fact, every headline in the paper. At the time when Marx was developing his analysis, capitalism was still a relatively new economic system, an economic system characterized by private or corporate ownership of goods and the means to produce them. It was also a system that was inherently unstable and prone to crisis, yet increasingly global in its reach. Today capitalism has left no place on earth and no aspect of daily life untouched. As a social system, one of the main characteristics of capitalism is incessant change, which is why the culture of capitalism is often referred to as modernity. The cultural life of capitalist society can be described as a series of successive “presents,” each of which defines what is modern, new, or fashionable for a brief time before fading away into obscurity like the 78 rpm record, the 8-track tape, the CD, and even the DVD. As Marx and Engels put it, “Constant revolutionizing of production, uninterrupted disturbance of all social conditions, everlasting uncertainty, and agitation distinguish the bourgeois epoch from all earlier ones. All fast-frozen relations … are swept away, all new ones become antiquated before they can ossify. All that is solid melts into air…” (1977/1848). From the ghost towns that dot the Canadian landscape to the expectation of having a lifetime career, every element of social life under capitalism has a limited duration. Many of the aspects of social life that have been changing over the late 20th and early 21st centuries have been due to a change in the mode of regulation of capitalism (Lipietz, 1987). The mode of regulation refers to the ensemble of policies, rules, patterns of conduct, organizational forms, and institutions which stabilize capitalist accumulation of profits. Marx's analysis can be updated to examine how the growth in inequality and the housing crisis, for example, are products of a shift in governmental policy from a welfare state model of redistribution of resources to a neoliberal model of free market distribution of resources (see Chapter 9. Social Inequality in Canada). This transition does not take place in a vacuum. Just as global capitalism is an economic system characterized by constant change, so too is the relationship between global capitalism and national modes of regulation and state policy. Throughout the 19th and first half of the 20th century, the role of the state in the wealthy countries of the global north was typically limited to providing the legal mechanisms and enforcement to protect private property. Industrial capitalism itself was for the most part regulated solely by free market competition until stock market crash of 1929 and the Great Depression of the 1930s. It was recognized that the capacity for producing commodities had far exceeded the ability of people earning low wages to buy them (Harvey, 1989). [caption id="attachment_373" align="alignright" width="300"] Figure 4.25 Today, the jobs of these assembly-line workers are increasingly being eliminated as new technology are introduced. (Photo courtesy of John Lloyd/Flickr.) CC BY 2.0[/caption] The economic model of Fordism, adopted in the wealthy Northern countries, offered a solution to the crisis by creating a system of intensive mass production (maximum use of machinery and minute divisions of labour), cheap standardized products, high wages, and mass consumption. This system required a disciplined work force and labour peace, however, because labour disruptions became increasingly costly. This is one reason why states began to take a different role in the economy. The Post-World War II labour-management compromise or “accord” involved the recognition and institutionalization of labour unions, the mediation of the state in capital/labour disputes, the use of taxes and Keynesian economic policy to address economic recessions, and the gradual roll out of social safety net provisions. This set of policies collectively became known as the welfare state. In a high wage/high consumption economy, the ability of individuals to continue to consume even when misfortune struck was paramount, so unemployment insurance, pensions, health care, and disability provisions were important components of the new accord. The accord also reaffirmed the rights of private property or capital to introduce new technology, to reorganize production as they saw fit, and to invest wherever they pleased. Therefore, it was not a system of economic democracy or socialism. Nevertheless, the claims of full employment, continued prosperity, and the creation of a “just society” appeared plausible within the confines of the capitalist economic system of the global North. [caption id="attachment_713" align="alignleft" width="225"] Figure 4.26 Pierre Trudeau (shown here in a photo from 1975) was elected leader of the Liberal Party at the 1968 convention, where he stated, “Canada must be a just society” (Image courtesy of Wikimedia Commons.) CC0 1.0[/caption] When Fordism and the welfare state system began to break down due to declining corporate productivity and profitability in the late 1960s and early 1970s, the relationship between the state and the economy started to change again. A new economic regime based on flexible accumulation began to emerge (Harvey, 1989). Flexible accumulation refers to the abandonment of large scale mass production to lean production and just-in-time inventory delivery systems which reduce times within the production system as well as response times from suppliers to customers. It replaced the focus on full-time, high wage, often unionized employment with full benefits to a system reliant on precarious employment, based on subcontracting, temporary contracts, outsourcing, and involuntary part-time work. With the globalization of production, workers in the Fordist economies of the 1st World also found themselves competing with low wage workers in the 3rd World. This lead to more flexibility for employers but a decline in job security, benefits, and real wages for the majority of workers. Flexible accumulation also changed the model of mass production for mass markets by shifting to small batch production of consumer goods for niche markets. Niche market consumption replaced the one-size-fits-all model of consumer product in Fordism. Describing the production of Model-T cars, Henry Ford was quoted as saying "Any customer can have a car painted any colour that he wants, so long as it is black." Instead of mass market products, with niche market consumption specialized products are increasingly tailored for specific market segments, product innovation accelerates and turn-over times for products decrease, and manufacturing becomes more responsive to quick-changing trends and fashions mobilized through the devices of focused advertising and marketing. In step with the development of the post-Fordist economy of lean production, precarious employment, and niche market consumption, the state began to withdraw from its guarantee of providing universal social services and social security. Neoliberalism is the term used to define the new rationality of government, which abandons the interventionist model of the welfare state to emphasize the use of “free market” mechanisms to regulate society. As a global system, neoliberalism also involved the creation of free trade agreements and international organizations (like the G7, the World Trade Organization, the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund) that imposed open “free” markets across national borders, the deregulation of trade and investment, and the privatization of public goods and services. Since the 1970s, capital accumulation has taken place less and less in the context of national economies, and more in the context of international flows of capital investment and disinvestment in an increasingly integrated world market. The globalization of investment and production means that capital is increasingly able to shift production around the world to where labour costs are cheapest and profit greatest. Thus, neoliberalism is a mode of regulation or set of policies in which the state reduces its role in providing public services, regulating industry, redistributing wealth, and protecting “the commons” — i.e., the collective resources that exist for everyone to share (the environment, public infrastructure, public spaces, community facilities, airwaves, etc.). These policies are promoted by advocates as ways of addressing the "inefficiency of big government,” the “burden on the taxpayer,” the "need to cut red tape,” and the “culture of entitlement and welfare dependency.” In the place of “big” government, the virtues of the competitive marketplace are extolled. The market is said to promote more efficiency, lower costs, pragmatic decision making, non-favouritism, and a disciplined work ethic, etc. Of course the facts often tell a different story. For example, government-funded health care in Canada costs far less per person than private health care in the United States (OECD, 2015). A country like Norway, which has a much higher rate of taxation than Canada, also has much lower unemployment, lower income inequality, lower inflation, better public services, a higher standard of living — and yet nevertheless has a globally competitive corporate sector with substantial state ownership and control, especially in the areas of oil and gas production which is 80% owned by the Norwegian state (Campbell, 2013). The policies of deregulation that caused the financial crisis of 2008, led even Alan Greenspan (b. 1926), the neoliberal economist and former Chairman of the United States Federal Reserve, to acknowledge that the model of free market “rationality” was flawed (CBC News, 2013). Since the financial crisis was a product of Greenspan’s tenure at the Federal Reserve, and a result of the neoliberal policy of tax cuts and market deregulation that he advocated, his acknowledgment of the failure of free market rationality is significant.

Updating Weber: Algorithmic Rationality, Digital Capitalism, and Technopopulism

Weber described rationalization as a key process in the formation of modern societies. Rationalization meant that every aspect of social organization was subject to calculation, technical innovation and ways of increasing efficiency. In the development of the information society, discussed earlier in the chapter, these processes have intensified. A premium is placed on 'smart,' innovative and responsive solutions to problems, aided by swift, decisive, and well-informed decision-making. But in many respects, as Weber proposed at the beginning of the 20th century, efficient systems and technologies meant to liberate humans end up creating new iron cages. Humans themselves become resources and tools within the systems they created. One key site of 21st century rationalization has been the introduction of algorithms and artificial intelligence into decision making processes from social media search functions to financial transactions. Algorithms are sets of instructions used to solve a problem or perform a task (Milner and Traub, 2021).

They are used to aggregate data from different sources to build an increasingly detailed picture of personal habits and preferences, which companies feed into predictive tools that model future outcomes and produce categorizations, scores, and rankings. Big data is used not only to sell targeted advertising, but also to make an increasing array of high-stakes automated decisions around employment, investment, lending, and pricing in the private sphere and consequential government decisions in areas including criminal justice, education, and access to public benefits (Milner and Traub, 2021).

Advocates of algorithmic rationality present it as faster, technically superior, and more impartial than human decision making, in the same way Weber described the rationalized organization model of bureaucracy. For example, Johnson et al. (2013) described the transition to automated decision making in high frequency stock trading after 2006. This creates a new digital environment for trading in which algorithmic agents and automated cognition can make massive numbers of decisions more quickly than humans can comprehend. An investment analyst is quoted as saying "11% of all 2014 observable orders in the Canadian marketplace lasted less than one millisecond" (Peters, 2017). [caption id="attachment_1316" align="aligncenter" width="560"] Figure 4.27 Images of a robotic future are common in science fiction. To what degree do algorithms and "deep learning" technologies allow human behaviour to become predictable and programmable? (Image courtesy of Cristian Eslava/Flickr. ) CC BY-SA 2.0[/caption] However, as critics point out, the algorithmic decisions can only be as good as the input data they draw on and the assumptions made in the coding. Johnson et al. (2013) correlated the use of millisecond-scale stock market decision making with the financial collapse of 2008. In other applications such as credit assessments, insurance, policing, and public services delivery, algorithms are used in actuarial reasoning. Actuarialism is the use of historical data about social groups to calculate risk assessments about unknown individuals. What is new in this is the application of computing power to the huge quantitity of behavioral trace data collected from things users do on their "smart" devices (phones, fitbits, smart appliances, etc.). Choices people make on social media and digital services, such as clicking on links or "like," and information collected about people by devices in the environment are captured, accumulated and analysed to build profiles of people's behaviour. However, the key premise of actuarial decision-making is “the belief that patterns observed in the past provide useful information about activities and events that may take place in the future” (Gandy, 2016, cited in Burrell and Fourcade, 2021). Due to the unevenness of data collection and a context of historical social inequalities, even the most impartial automatic decision making to assess the credit, medical, or criminal risk of a particular individual threatens to become a self-fulfilling prophecy, reproducing existing inequalities of treatment by institutions. Algorithmic reason is one component of a broader array of issues posed by intensified processes of rationalization in the 21st century. Surveillance capitalism is based on surveilling, extracting, and commodifying the exchange of digital information over data networks including intimate personal details. Zuboff (2019) argues that the goal of surveillance capitalism is to extract behavioural detail from people's use of free services like Google and Facebook to create predictions that effectively anticipate future behaviour. These can be used to automate behaviour by providing the knowledge to engineer the parameters or context around a particular activity or choice and direct change toward a desired outcome. Similarly, data colonialism is the transformation of social life through apps, software platforms, and smart objects into the raw material of data as a new stage in the centuries long colonial process of seizing territory and extracting resources. All of social life around the globe is potentially disposessed from its "owners" and datified through the daily processes and interactions that use or require digital technologies (Couldry and Mejias, 2019). Finally, technopopulism represents a potentially new form of post-democratic political reconfiguration in which populist movements abandon "unresponsive" democratic procedures to unite "the people" against elites and common enemies. Governance is taken over by "problem-solving" technical elites who dispense with the perceived technical incompetence and social divisions of parliamentary democracy (Bickerton and Accetti, 2021). Indications of this model can be seen in the "New Labour" governments in the UK, the Macron government in France, the Five Star Movement in Italy and Donald Trump's attempts to use business strategies — "the art of the deal" — in domestic conflicts and international diplomacy in the U.S.

Media Attributions

Figure 4.24 Burning Man 2013 by Julia Wolf, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY-NC-SA 2.0 licence.
Figure 4.25 Lloyd Hartnett assembly line in 1957 by John Lloyd, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY 2.0 licence.
Figure 4.26 Pierre Trudeau 1975 by Rob Mieremet at Photo collection Anefo, National Archive/ Nationaal Archief, via Wikimedia Commons, is used under a CC0 1.0 public domain dedication licence.
Figure 4.27 Sex Life of Robots | Michael Sullivan by Cristian Eslava, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY-SA 2.0 licence.

Chapter 4 Resources and Activities

hfriedman — Wed, 09 Aug 2023 22:38:26 +0000

Key Terms

actuarialism: The use of historical data about social groups to calculate risk assessments about unknown individuals.algorithm: A set of instructions used to solve a problem or perform a task. alienation: The condition in which an individual is isolated from their society, work, sense of self, and/or common humanity. anomie: A situation of uncertain norms and regulations in which society no longer has the support of a firm collective consciousness. anthropocene: The geological epoch defined by the impact of human activities on the global ecosystem. base and superstructure: A historical materialist model of society in which the economic structure forms the base of a society, which shapes its culture and other social institutions, or superstructure. bourgeoisie: The owners of the means of production in a society. class consciousness: Awareness of one’s class position and interests. collective conscience: The communal beliefs, morals, and attitudes of a society. community of feeling: A collectivity based on shared emotional bonds, ambience, feeling, sensibility, or atmoshere. data colonialism: The transformation of social life into the raw material of data as a new stage of global colonization. dialectics: A type of analysis that proposes that social contradiction, opposition, and struggle in society drive processes of social change and transformation. dialectic of culture: The way in which the creation of culture is both constrained by limits given by the environment, and a means to go beyond these natural limits. digital divide: The gap between those who are able to access and make effective use of information technology and those who cannot. disenchantment of the world: The replacement of magical thinking by technological rationality and calculation. division of labour: The division of people into different occupations and specializations. ethos: A way of life or a way of conducting oneself in life. false consciousness: When a person’s beliefs and ideology are in conflict with their best interests. feudal societies: Agricultural societies that operate on a strict hierarchical system of power based around land ownership, protection, and mutual obligations. flexible accumulation: A model of capital accumulation based on lean production, precarious employment, and niche market consumption. Fordism: A model of capital accumulation based on mass production, cheap standardized products, high wages, and mass consumption. global city: A city which has become a central node in a global economic network. historical materialism: An approach to understanding society that explains social change, human ideas, and social organization in terms of underlying changes in the economic (or material) structure of society. horticultural societies: Societies based around the cultivation of plants. hunter-gatherer societies: Societies that depend on hunting wild animals and gathering uncultivated plants for survival. industrial societies: Societies characterized by a reliance on mechanized labour to create material goods. information societies: Societies based on the production of nonmaterial goods and services. iron cage: A situation in which an individual is trapped by the rational and efficient processes of social institutions. law of three stages: The three stages of evolution that societies develop through: theological, metaphysical, and positive. lean production: Systems of production which reduce the time required to manufacture goods as well as response times from suppliers to customers. means of production: Anything that is used in economic production in a society to produce goods, satisfy needs and maintain existence (e.g., land, animals, crop production, technology, factories, etc.). mechanical solidarity: Social solidarity or cohesion through a shared collective consciousness with harsh punishment for deviation from the norms. metaphysical stage: A stage of social evolution in which people explain events in terms of abstract or speculative ideas. mode of regulation: The ensemble of policies, rules, patterns of conduct, organizational forms and institutions which stabilize capitalist accumulation. neoliberalism (neoliberal model): A set of policies in which the state reduces its role in providing public services, regulating industry, redistributing wealth, and protecting the commons while advocating the use of free market mechanisms to regulate society. neolithic revolution: The economic transition to sedentary, agriculture based societies beginning approximately 10,200 years. neo-tribes: Groups of people bound together in communities of feeling who gather at particular times and places for specific reasons and then disband. network enterprise: A linkage of autonomous companies, or segments of companies, often geographically disperse, organized temporarily for specific projects or tasks and characteristic of global information societies. network society: A society whose social structure is made up of networks organized through digital information and communications technologies. niche market consumption: A consumption model based on small batch production of specialized goods tailored for specific market segments or "niches." organic solidarity: Social solidarity or cohesion through a complex division of labour, mutual interdependence, and restitutive law. pastoral societies: Societies based around the domestication of animals. post-industrial societies: See information societies. postmodern society: A form of society characterized by irreducible social heterogeneity, contingent social relationships, and ephemeral organizational structures. precarious employment: Insecure employment based on subcontracting, temporary contracts, outsourcing and involuntary part-time work. proletariat: The wage labourers in capitalist society. Protestant work ethic: The duty to work hard in one’s calling. rationalization: The general tendency in modern society for all institutions and most areas of life to be transformed by the application of rationality and efficiency. reflexive subjectivity: A practice of self-awareness, self-reflection, and self-monitoring in which people distance themselves from traditions and institutional roles to construct their own identities. relations of production: The division of society into economic classes (the social roles allotted to individuals by virtue of their position in an economic system of production). siloization: The process by which groups become isolated in ways that hinder their communication and cooperation with others. social class: A group defined by a distinct relationship to the means of production. social integration: How strongly a person is connected to their social group. social structure: General patterns of social behaviour and organization that persist through time. surveillance capitalism: A form of capitalism based on surveilling, extracting, and commodifying digital information about people. technopopulism: A political configuration that combines populist politics with governance by problem-solving technical elites. theological stage: A stage of social evolution in which people explain events with respect to the will of God or gods. welfare state: A system of social security whereby the government intervenes in the economy to redistribute resources and protect the health and well-being of its citizens.

Section Summary

4.1 Types of Societies Societies are classified according to their social development and use of technology. A society's technology provides a useful way to characterize the evolving nature of the relationship between humans and the natural world. For most of human history, people lived in preindustrial societies characterized by limited technology and low production of goods. After the Industrial Revolution, many societies based their economies around mechanized labour, leading to unprecedented levels of exploitation of natural resources, greater surpluses, and a class system based on the accumulation of privately owned capital. At the turn of the new millennium, a new type of society emerged. This postindustrial, or information, society is built on digital technology and nonmaterial goods. Postnatural societies are based on technologies that are capable of overcoming the limits imposed by nature. 4.2 Theoretical Perspectives on the Formation of Modern Society Émile Durkheim believed that as societies advance, they make the transition from mechanical to organic solidarity. For Karl Marx, societal transformation occurs as a consequence of class conflict. With the rise of capitalism, workers become alienated from themselves and others in society. Sociologist Max Weber noted that the rationalization of society leads to a focus on efficiency in social organization that gradually marginalizes or eliminates other sources of value. Feminists note that the androcentric point of view of the classical theorists does not provide an adequate account of the difference in the way the genders experience modern society. 4.3 Living in Contemporary Society The insights of the classical sociologists into the macro-level social processes that structure society can be updated to analyze the experiences common to living in the 21st century. Durkheim's concepts of the increasing division of labour and anomie provide insight into the heterogeneity and fluidity of postmodern societies. Marx's analysis of the dynamics of capitalism provide insight into the conditions of contemporary precarious employment and global neoliberalism. Weber's theory of rationalization can be extended to describe the effects of algorithms on contemporary life.

Questions

Quiz: Society and Modern Life

4.1 Types of Societies

Which of the following societies is an example of a pastoral society?
1. Society A, who live in small tribes and base their economy on the production and trade of textiles.
2. Society B, a small community of farmers who have lived on their family’s land for centuries.
3. Society C, a wandering group of nomads who specialize in breeding and training horses.
4. Society D, an extended family of warriors who serve a single noble family.
Which of the following occupations is a core activity in an information society?
1. Software engineer
2. Sales clerk
3. Librarian
4. Stock broker
Which of the following societies were the first to have permanent settlements?
1. Industrial
2. Hunter-gatherer
3. Horticultural
4. Feudal

4.2 Theoretical Perspectives on Society

Organic solidarity is most likely to exist in which of the following types of societies?
1. Hunter-gatherer
2. Industrial
3. Horticultural
4. Feudal
According to Marx, the own the means of production in a society.
1. proletariat
2. vassals
3. bourgeoisie
4. petit-bourgeoisie
Which of the following best depicts Marx’s concept of alienation from the process of one’s labour?
1. A supermarket cashier always scans store coupons before company coupons because she was taught to do it that way.
2. A businessman feels that he deserves a raise, but is nervous to ask his manager for one; instead, he comforts himself with the idea that hard work is its own reward.
3. An associate professor is afraid that she won’t be given tenure and starts spreading rumours about one of her associates to make herself look better.
4. A construction worker is laid off and takes a job at a fast food restaurant temporarily, although he has never had an interest in preparing food before.
The Protestant work ethic is based on the concept of predestination, which states that .
1. Performing good deeds in life is the only way to secure a spot in Heaven.
2. Salvation is only achievable through obedience to God.
3. No person can be saved before they accept Jesus Christ as their saviour.
4. God has already chosen those who will be saved and those who will be damned.
The concept of the iron cage was popularized by which of the following sociological thinkers?
1. Max Weber
2. Karl Marx
3. Émile Durkheim
4. Friedrich Engels
Émile Durkheim’s ideas about society can best be described as .
1. Functionalist.
2. Critical sociology.
3. Symbolic interactionist.
4. Postmodernist.

4.3 Living in Contemporary Society

Postmodern society describes Durkheim's concept of the division of labour without .
1. Anomie.
2. Solidarity.
3. Tears.
4. Industrialization.
Flexible accumulation describes Marx's concept of capitalism without .
1. Capitalists.
2. Labour.
3. National borders.
4. Niche marketing.
The use of algorithms describes Weber's concept of rationalization without .
1. Digital technology.
2. Humans.
3. Technopopulists.
4. Impersonal rules.

[Quiz answers at end of chapter]

Short Answer

4.1 Types of Societies

How can the difference in the way societies relate to the environment be used to describe the different types of societies that have existed in world history?
Is Gerhard Lenski right in classifying societies based on technological advances? What other criteria might be appropriate, based on what you have read?

4.2 Theoretical Perspectives on Society

How might Durkheim, Marx, and Weber be used to explain a current social event such as the COVID-19 pandemic. Do their theories hold up under modern scrutiny? Are their theories necessarily androcentric?
What are some reasons why people choose or are compelled to participate in social activities beyond their immediate milieu or family? Are these sufficient to explain why societies hold together rather than fall apart?
Think of the ways workers are alienated from the product and process of their jobs. How can these concepts be applied to students and their educations?
People often say they feel better after working hard on a project or at their work than they do if they have too much time on their hands. Is this because of the Protestant Work Ethic? Are there other reasons? What motivates people to work hard today?

4.3 Living in Contemporary Society

How do the concepts of postmodern society, neo-tribalism, and siloization update Durkheim's analysis of modern society? Can you find examples of the impact of each on everyday life?
How do the concepts of flexible accumulation and neoliberalism update Marx's analysis of capitalism? Can you find examples of the impact of each on everyday life?
How do the concepts of algorithmic reason and actuarialism update Weber's analysis of rationalization? Can you find examples of the impact of each on everyday life?

Further Research

4.1 Types of Societies The Maasai are a modern pastoral society with an economy largely structured around herds of cattle. Read more about the Maasai people and see pictures of their daily lives. On the theme of the global networks of information society: Filmed in Nigeria, Benin, Tanzania, Brazil, and China, Handroid City, by artist Emo de Medeiros, is a facinationg visual documentary which investigates how mobile phone technology choreographs contemporary life. The film is a series of close-ups of human hands using, fixing, or selling mobile phones, déambulations in “digital districts,” as well as drone shots pointing at the homogenization of urban space triggered by technological capitalism. 4.2 Theoretical Perspectives on Society One of the most influential pieces of writing in modern history was Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels’ The Communist Manifesto. Visit this OpenStax site to read the original document that spurred revolutions around the world. 4.3 Living in Contemporary Society Nick Couldry argues that the datafication of society not only brings about another iteration of capitalism, but also a new form of colonialism. The emergence of a new data colonialism, based on the appropriation of human life through data, will pave the way for a new capitalism. See his 2019 lecture: In a nutshell: Nick Couldry on Data colonialism.

References

4.0 Introduction to Society and Social Interaction

Bringhurst, R. (2011). A Story as Sharp as a Knife: Masterworks of the Classical Haida Mythtellers. Douglas & McIntyre.

4.1 Types of Societies Belshaw, J. (2015). Canadian History: Pre-Confederation. (Victoria: BCcampus)

Bickerton, C. & C. Accetti. (2021). Technopopulism: The new logic of democratic politics. Oxford University Press.

Bookchin, M. (1982). The ecology of freedom: The emergence and dissolution of hierarchy. Cheshire Books.

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Castells, M. (2004). The Power of identity: The information age: Economy, society and culture, Volume II. Blackwell.

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4.2 Theoretical Perspectives on Society

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4.3 Living in Contemporary Society

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Solutions to Quiz: Society and Modern Life

1 C, | 2 A, | 3 C, | 4 B, | 5 C, | 6 A, | 7 D, | 8 A, | 9 A | 10 B | 11 C | 12 B | [Return to quiz]

5.1. Theories of Self Development

hfriedman — Thu, 10 Aug 2023 20:17:26 +0000

Danielle's case underlines an important point that sociologists make about socialization, namely that the human self does not emerge "naturally" as a process driven by biological mechanisms. What is a self? What does it mean to have a self? The self refers to a person’s distinct sense of identity. It is who a person is for themselves and who they are for others. It has consistency and continuity through time, and an internal coherence that distinguishes people as unique persons. However, there is always something precarious and incomplete about the self. Selves change through the different stages of life. Sometimes they do not measure up to the ideals people hold for themselves or others, and sometimes they can be wounded by people's interactions with others or thrown into crisis. As Zygmunt Bauman (2004) puts it, one's distinct sense of identity is a projection or a "postulated self," a "horizon towards which I strive and by which I assess, censure and correct my moves." It is not only what a person has done in their lives, but how they imagine themselves to be. Clearly, the self does not develop in the absence of socialization. For sociologists, the self is a social product. The American sociologist George Herbert Mead is often seen as the founder of the school of symbolic interactionism in sociology, although he referred to himself as a social behaviourist. His conceptualization of the self has been very influential. Mead (1934) defines the emergence of the self as a thoroughly social process: “The self, as that which can be an object to itself, is essentially a social structure, and it arises in social experience." In what sense is the self a "social structure"? The key quality of the self that Mead is concerned with is its ability to be reflexive or self-aware (i.e., to be an “object” to oneself). One can think about oneself, or feel how one is feeling. This key quality of the self can only arise in a social context through social interactions with others. In Charles Horton Cooley’s (1902) concept of the “looking glass self,” others, and their attitudes towards the self, are like mirrors in which the self is able to see itself and formulate an idea of who they are. Without others, or without society, the self could not exist: “[I]t is impossible to conceive of a self arising outside of social experience” (Mead, 1934, p. 293). [caption id="attachment_122" align="alignright" width="300"] Figure 5.3 "What iss he, my preciouss?” Gollum in J.R.R. Tolkien's The Hobbit lived in isolation under the Misty Mountains for 500 years. To the extent that he had a coherent self, it was because he still had a robust and ongoing internalized conversation with the ring of power, his “precious.” (Image courtesy of Brenda Clarke/Flickr.) CC BY-NC-ND 2.0[/caption] Even when the self is alone for extended periods of time (hermits, prisoners in isolation, etc.), an internal conversation goes on that would not be possible if the individual had not been socialized already. The examples of feral children like Victor of Aveyron or children like Danielle who have been raised under conditions of extreme social deprivation attest to the difficulties these individuals confront when trying to develop this reflexive quality of humanity. They often cannot use language, form intimate relationships, or play games. Socialization is not simply the process through which people learn the norms and rules of a society; it is also the process by which people become aware of themselves as they interact with others. It is the process through which people are able to become people in the first place. The necessity for early social contact was demonstrated by the research of Harry and Margaret Harlow. From 1957–1963, the Harlows conducted a series of experiments studying how rhesus monkeys, who behave a lot like people, are affected by isolation as babies. They studied monkeys raised under two types of “substitute” mothering circumstances: a mesh and wire sculpture, or a soft terry cloth “mother.” The monkeys systematically preferred the company of a soft, terry cloth substitute mother (closely resembling a rhesus monkey) that was unable to feed them, to a mesh and wire mother that provided sustenance via a feeding tube. This demonstrated that while food was important, social comfort was of greater value (Harlow & Harlow, 1962; Harlow, 1971). Later experiments testing more severe isolation revealed that such deprivation of social contact led to significant developmental and social challenges later in life. [caption id="attachment_528" align="aligncenter" width="311"] Figure 5.4 Harry and Margaret Harlows' experiments showed rhesus monkey babies, like humans, need to be raised with social contact for healthy development. (Photo courtesy of Harry Harlow/Wikimedia Commons.) Public Domain[/caption]

Theories of Self Development

When a person is born, they have a genetic makeup and biological traits. However, who they are as human beings develops through social interaction. Many scholars, in both psychology and sociology, have described the process of self development as a means of understanding how that “self” becomes socialized through progressive stages.

Sigmund Freud

[caption id="attachment_124" align="alignleft" width="213"] Figure 5.5 The Austrian Sigmund Freud was the founder of psychoanalysis. (Photo courtesy of Max Max Halberstadt/ Wikimedia Commons.) Public Domain[/caption] Psychoanalyst Sigmund Freud (1856–1939) was one of the most influential modern scientists to put forth a theory about how people develop a sense of self. He believed personality and sexual development were closely linked, and divided the maturation process into universal psychosexual stages: oral, anal, phallic, latency, and genital. Each stage involves the child's discovery and passage through the bodily pleasures linked to breastfeeding, toilet training, and sexual awareness (Freud, 1905). Key to Freud’s approach to child development was his emphasis on tracing the formations of desire and pleasure in a child’s life. The child is at the centre of a tricky negotiation between internal, pleasure-oriented drives for gratification or wish fulfillment (the pleasure principle) and external, social demands that the child repress those drives to conform to the rules and regulations of civilization (the reality principle). Failure to resolve the traumatic tensions and impasses of childhood psychosexual development causes emotional and psychological consequences throughout adulthood. For example, according to Freud, the failure of a child to properly engage in or disengage from a specific stage of development results in predictable outcomes later in life in the form of neuroses, fixations, and psychological distress. An adult with an oral fixation may indulge in overeating or binge drinking. An anal fixation may produce a neat freak (hence the term “anal retentive”), while a person stuck in the phallic stage may be promiscuous or emotionally immature. Psychologist Erik Erikson (1902–1994) created a theory of personality development based on the work of Freud. However, Erikson (1963) was more interested in the social and cultural dimensions of Freud’s child development schema. Following Freud, he noted that each stage of psychosexual child development was associated with the formation of basic emotional structures in adulthood. The outcome of the oral stage will determine whether someone is trustful or distrustful as an adult; the outcome of the anal stage, whether they will be confident and generous or ashamed and doubtful; the outcome of the genital stage, whether they will be full of initiative or guilt. Erikson retained Freud’s idea that the stages of child development were universal, but he believed that different cultures handled them differently. Child-raising techniques varied in line with the dominant social formation of their societies. So, for example, the tradition in the communally-based Sioux First Nation was not to wean infants but to breastfeed until the infant lost interest. This tradition created trust between the infant and their mother, and eventually trust between the child and the tribal group as a whole. On the other hand, modern industrial societies practice early weaning of children, which leads to a more distrustful character structure. Children develop a possessive disposition toward objects that carries with them through to adulthood. The result of early weaning is that the child is eager to get things and grab hold of things in lieu of the experience of generosity and comfort in being held. Societies like the Sioux, in which individuals rely heavily on each other and on the group to survive in a hostile environment, will handle child training in a different manner and with different outcomes than societies based on individualism, competition, self-reliance, and self-control (Erikson, 1963).

Making Connections: Sociological Concepts

Sociology or Psychology: What’s the Difference?

[caption id="attachment_624" align="aligncenter" width="294"] Figure 5.6 Social Psychology (SP): The overlap between sociological social psychology (SSP) and psychological social psychology (PSP). (Image courtesy of lucidish/ Wikimedia Commons.) CC BY-SA 3.0 [Image Description][/caption]If sociologists and psychologists are both interested in people and their behaviour, how are these two disciplines different? What do they agree on, and where do their ideas diverge? The answers are complicated, but the distinction is important to scholars in both fields.While both disciplines are interested in human behaviour, psychologists are focused on how the mind influences that behaviour, while sociologists study the role of society in shaping both behaviour and the mind. Psychologists are interested in people’s mental development and how their minds process their world and influence their actions. Sociologists are more likely to focus on how different aspects of social life structure an individual’s relationship with the world. Another way to think of the difference is that psychologists tend to look inward at qualities of individuals' internal life (mental health, emotional processes, cognitive processing), while sociologists tend to look outward to qualities of individuals' social context (social institutions, cultural norms, interactions with others) to understand human behaviour.As described in Chapter 1. An Introduction to Sociology, Émile Durkheim (1958–1917) was one of the first to emphasize this distinction in sociological research, when he attributed differences in suicide rates among people to social causes (degree of social integration) rather than to psychological causes (psychopathology, mental health) (Durkheim, 1897). This same approach applies today. For example, a sociologist studying how a couple gets to the point of their first kiss on a date might focus the research on cultural norms of dating, social patterns of romantic activity in history, or the influence of social background on romantic partner selection. How is this process different for seniors than for teens, for example? A psychologist would more likely be interested in the person’s romantic history, psychological type, or the mental processing of erotic desire.The point that sociologists like Durkheim would make is that an analysis of individuals at the psychological level cannot adequately account for social variability of behaviours. The difference in suicide rates of Catholics and Protestants, or the difference in dating scripts across cultures or historical periods, can not be explained at the level of individual psychology. Sometimes sociology and psychology can combine in interesting ways, however. Christopher Lasch’s The Culture of Narcissism (1979) argued that the neurotic personality was a product of an earlier Protestant ethic style of competitive capitalism; whereas, late postindustrial consumer capitalism is conducive to narcissistic personality structures (the “me” society). Theodore Adorno and his colleagues described the features of an authoritarian personality that was susceptible to the appeals of fascistic political formations (Adorno et al., 1950). More recently the "dark triad" personality traits — narcissism (entitled self-importance), Machiavellianism (strategic exploitation and deceit), and psychopathy (callousness and cynicism) — have been shown to predict white nationalist ("alt-right") political beliefs and behaviours (Moss & O'Connor, 2020).

Charles Horton Cooley

[caption id="attachment_126" align="alignright" width="300"] Figure 5.7 Do contemporary social media like Facebook present a new forum for the "looking glass self"? (Image courtesy of Joelle L/Flickr.) CC BY 2.0 [Image Description][/caption]One of the pioneering contributors to sociological perspectives on self-development was the American sociologist Charles Horton Cooley (1864–1929). Cooley asserted that people’s self understanding is constructed, in part, by their perception of how others view them — a process termed “the looking glass self” (Cooley, 1902).According to Cooley, people base their self-image on what they think other people see. People imagine or project how they must appear to others, then react to this speculation. They don certain clothes, prepare their hair in a particular manner, wear makeup, use cologne, and the like — all with the notion that their presentation of themselves is going to affect how others perceive them. They anticipate a certain reaction, and, if lucky, they get the one they desire and feel good about it.Cooley believed that the sense of self is not based on an internal source of individuality therefore. Rather, people imagine how they look to others, draw conclusions based on others' reactions, and then develop their personal sense of self. In other words, other people’s reactions are like a mirror in which the self is reflected. People live a mirror image of themselves. As he put it, “The imaginations people have of one another are the solid facts of society” (Cooley, 1902).The self or “self idea” is thoroughly social. It is not an expression of the internal essence of the individual, or of the individual's unique psychology which emerges as the individual matures. It is based on how people imagine they appear to others. It is not how the self actually appear to others but the self's projection of what others think or feel towards it. This projection defines how people feel about themselves and who they feel themselves to be. The development of a self, therefore, involves three elements in Cooley’s analysis: “the imagination of our appearance to the other person; the imagination of his judgement of that appearance, and some sort of self-feeling, such as pride or mortification” (Cooley, 1902).

George Herbert Mead

[caption id="attachment_130" align="alignleft" width="202"] Figure 5.8 George Herbert Mead, along with Cooley, is considered the founder of the symbolic interactionist tradition in sociology. (Photo courtesy of Moffett Studio/University of Chicago Library, Special Collections Research Center/Store Norske Leksikon) Public Domain[/caption] Later, George Herbert Mead (1863–1931) advanced a more detailed sociological approach to the self. He agreed that the self, as a person’s distinct identity, is only developed through social interaction. As noted above, he argued that the defining component of the self is its capacity for self reflection, its capacity to be “an object to itself” (Mead, 1934). Somebody locks their keys in the car and thinks, "What a dummy I am!" Or, somebody thinks to themselves, "I'm tired but I'm going make myself stay up and finish this assignment before I go to bed."Addressing oneself in this manner are examples of "being an object to oneself." Mead broke the self-reflective self down into two components or “phases:” the “I” and the “me.” The “me” represents the part of the self in which one recognizes the “organized sets of attitudes” of others toward the self. It is who the self is in others' eyes: a social role, a “personality,” or a public persona. The “I,” on the other hand, represents the part of the self that acts on its own initiative or responds to the organized attitudes and expectations of others. It is the novel, spontaneous, unpredictable part of the self: the part of the self that embodies the possibility of change or undetermined action. The self is always caught up in a social process in which it flips back and forth between two distinguishable phases: the I and the me, the reflexive self and the self as social 'object.' In acting, the self oscillates between its own individual responses to various social situations and the attitudes of the community. This flipping back and forth is the condition of the human ability to be social. It is not an ability that humans are born with (Mead, 1934). The case of Danielle, for example, illustrates what happens when social interaction is absent from early experience: She had no ability to see herself as others would see her. From Mead’s point of view, she had no “self.” Without others, or without society, the reflexive self cannot exist. As Mead put it, “[I]t is impossible to conceive of a self arising outside of social experience” (Mead, 1934). How does one get from being a newborn to being a human with a “self”? In Mead's theory of childhood development, the child develops through stages in which the child's increasing ability to play social roles attests to their increasing solidification of a social sense of self. It is interesting here to contrast Mead's sociological model of child development, which emphasizes the progressive ability to grasp and participate in social interaction, with psychological models, like Swiss psychologist Jean Piaget's, which emphasize stages of psychological or cognitive capacity. For Mead, learning how to play social roles — the set of behaviours expected of a person who occupies a particular social status or position in society — requires learning how to put oneself in the place of another, to see through another's eyes. At one point in their life, a child simply cannot play a game like baseball; they do not “get it” because they cannot insert themselves into the complex role of the player. They cannot see themselves from the point of view of all the other players on the field or figure out their place within a rule bound sequence of activities. At another point in their life, a child becomes able to learn how to play. Mead developed a specifically sociological theory of the path of development that all people go through by focusing on the developing capacity to put oneself in the place of another, or role play: the four stages of child socialization.

Four Stages of Child Socialization

During the preparatory stage, children are only capable of imitation: They have no ability to imagine how others see things. They copy the actions of people with whom they regularly interact, such as their mothers and fathers. A child’s baby talk is a reflection of its inability to make an object of themselves. The separation of I and me does not yet exist in an organized manner to enable the child to relate to themselves. This is followed by the play stage, during which children begin to imitate and take on roles that another person might have. Thus, children might try on a parent’s point of view by acting out “grownup” behaviour, like playing dress up and acting out the mom role, or talking on a toy cell phone the way they see their father do.

He plays that he is, for instance, offering himself something, and he buys it; he gives a letter to himself and takes it away; he addresses himself as a parent, as a teacher; he arrests himself as a policeman.... The child says something in one character and responds in another character, and then his responding in another character is a stimulus to himself in the first character, and so the conversation goes on (Mead, 1934).

However, children are still not able to take on roles in a consistent and coherent manner. Role play is very fluid and transitory in this stage, and children flip in and out of roles easily. They "pass[..] from one role to another just as a whim takes [them]" (Mead, 1934). During the game stage, children learn to consider several specific roles at the same time and how those roles interact with each other. They learn to understand interactions involving different people with a variety of purposes. They understand that role play in each situation involves responding to other people's cues and following a consistent set of rules and expectations. For example, a child at this stage is likely to be aware of how their own behaviour in a restaurant is linked to, and constrained by, the different responsibilities of the other people there: someone seats them, another takes their order, someone else cooks the food, another person clears away dirty dishes, other diners (mostly) mind their own business, mom or dad pays the bill, etc. A smooth dining experience depends on the "good behaviour" of everyone playing their role. [caption id="attachment_2046" align="alignleft" width="300"] Figure 5.9 In the game of baseball each player "must know what everyone else is going to do in order to carry out his [or her] own play" (Mead, 1934). (Image courtesy of Jay Kleeman/ Flickr.) CC BY-NC-ND 2.0[/caption]

Mead uses the example of a baseball game. "If we contrast play [i.e., the play stage] with the situation in an organized game, we note the essential difference that the child who plays in a game must be ready to take the attitude of everyone else involved in that game, and that these different roles must have a definite relationship to each other" (Mead, 1934). At one point in learning to play baseball, children do not understand that when they hit the ball they need to run, or that after their turn someone else gets a turn to bat. In order for baseball to work, the players not only have to know what the rules of the game are, and what their specific role in the game is (batter, catcher, first base, etc.), but know simultaneously the role of every other player on the field. They have to see the game from the perspective of others. "What he does is controlled by his being everyone else on that team, at least in so far as those attitudes affect his own particular response" (Mead, 1934). The players have to be able to anticipate the actions of others and adjust or orient their behaviour accordingly. Role play in games like baseball involves the understanding that ones own role is tied to the roles of several people simultaneously and that these roles are governed by fixed, or at least mutually recognized, rules and expectations. Finally, children develop, understand, and learn the idea of the generalized other, the common behavioural expectations of general society. The generalized other is no one in particular, but a composite of "society's" perspective. By this stage of development, an individual is able to internalize how they are viewed, not simply from the perspective of several particular others (like in a baseball game), but from the perspective of the generalized other or “organized community.” What would "the community" think if I did this or that? Being able to guide one’s actions according to the attitudes of the generalized other provides the basis of having a stable “self” in the sociological sense. “[O]nly in so far as he takes the attitudes of the organized social group to which he belongs toward the organized, cooperative social activity or set of such activities in which that group as such is engaged, does he develop a complete self” (Mead, 1934). This capacity to see the self through the eyes of the generalized other defines the conditions of thinking, of language use, and of society itself as the organization of complex co-operative processes and activities.

It is in the form of the generalized other that the social process influences the behavior of the individuals involved in it and carrying it on, that is, that the community exercises control over the conduct of its individual members; for it is in this form that the social process or community enters as a determining factor into the individual's thinking. In abstract thought the individual takes the attitude of the generalized other toward himself, without reference to its expression in any particular other individuals; and in concrete thought he takes that attitude in so far as it is expressed in the attitudes toward his behavior of those other individuals with whom he is involved in the given social situation or act. But only by taking the attitude of the generalized other toward himself, in one or another of these ways, can he think at all; for only thus can thinking — or the internalized conversation of gestures which constitutes thinking — occur. And only through the taking by individuals of the attitude or attitudes of the generalized other toward themselves is the existence of a universe of discourse, as that system of common or social meanings which thinking presupposes at its context, rendered possible (Mead, 1934).

Kohlberg’s Theory of Moral Development and Gilligan's Theory of Gender Differences

Moral development is an important part of the socialization process. The term refers to the way people learn what society considers to be “good” and “bad,” which is important for a smoothly functioning society. Moral development prevents people from acting on unchecked urges, instead considering what is right for society and good for others. Lawrence Kohlberg (1927–1987) was interested in how people learn to decide what is right and what is wrong. To understand this topic, he developed a theory of moral development that includes three levels: preconventional, conventional, and postconventional. In the preconventional stage, young children, who lack a higher level of cognitive ability, experience the world around them only through their senses. It is not until the teen years that the conventional stage develops, when youngsters become increasingly aware of others’ feelings and take those into consideration when determining what is good and bad. The final stage, called postconventional, is when people begin to think of morality in abstract terms, such as North Americans believing that everyone has equal rights and freedoms. At this stage, people also recognize that legality and morality do not always match up evenly (Kohlberg, 1981). When hundreds of thousands of Egyptians turned out in 2011 to protest government autocracy, they were using postconventional morality. They understood that although their government was legal, it was not morally correct. Carol Gilligan (b. 1936), recognized that Kohlberg’s theory might show gender bias since his research was conducted only on male subjects. Would female study subjects have responded differently? Would a female social scientist notice different patterns when analyzing the research? To answer the first question, she set out to study differences between how boys and girls developed morality. Gilligan’s research demonstrated that boys and girls do, in fact, have different understandings of morality. Boys tend to have a justice perspective, placing emphasis on rules, laws, and individual rights. They learn to morally view the world in terms of categorization and separation. Girls, on the other hand, have a care and responsibility perspective; they are concerned with responsibilities to others and consider people’s reasons behind behaviour that seems morally wrong. They learn to morally view the world in terms of connectedness. Gilligan also recognized that Kohlberg’s theory rested on the assumption that the justice perspective was the right, or better, perspective. Gilligan, in contrast, theorized that neither perspective was “better”: The two norms of justice served different purposes. Ultimately, she explained that boys are socialized for a work environment where rules make operations run smoothly, while girls are socialized for a home environment where flexibility and empathy allow for harmony in caretaking and nurturing (Gilligan, 1982, 1990).

The Socialization of Gender

[caption id="attachment_129" align="alignleft" width="300"] Figure 5.10 Royal Style Cinderella Disney Princess. (Image courtesy of Mike Mozart/Flickr.) CC BY 2.0[/caption] How do girls and boys learn different gender roles? Gender differences in the ways boys and girls play and interact develop from a very early age, sometimes despite the efforts of parents to raise them in a gender neutral way. Little boys seem inevitably to enjoy running around playing with guns and projectiles, while little girls like to study the effects of different costumes on toy dolls. Peggy Orenstein (2012) describes how her two-year-old daughter happily wore her engineer outfit and took her Thomas the Tank Engine lunchbox to the first day of preschool. It only took one little boy to say to her that “girls don't like trains!” for her to ditch Thomas and move on to more gender “appropriate” concerns like princesses. If gender preferences are not inborn or biologically hard-wired, how do sociologists explain them? As the Thomas the Tank Engine example suggests, doing gender — performing tasks based upon the gender assigned by society — is learned through interaction with others in much the same way that Mead and Cooley described for socialization in general. Children learn how to do gender through direct feedback from others, particularly when they are censured for violating gender norms. Gender is in this sense a social performance and an accomplishment rather than an innate trait (West and Zimmerman, 1987). If a child successfully performs an activity like a boy or a girl "should," they are accepted or rewarded, but if they fail, they are often corrected or get disapproving feedback. Doing gender therefore takes place through the child's developing awareness of self through their interaction with others. In the Freudian model of gender development, children become aware of their own genitals, and spontaneously generate erotic fantasies and speculations whose resolution leads them to identify with their mother or father. Whereas in the sociological model, it is adults’ awareness of, and gendered interpretation of the meaning of, a child’s genitals that leads to gender labeling and reinforcement of gender roles. West and Zimmerman (1987) emphasize that doing gender, whether as children or adults, involves ongoing, routinized work to present a credible and accepted performance. This is an interactive process that could be discredited if not performed well or unambiguously. Successful displays of endurance, strength, and competitive spirit in sport provide a typical demonstration of masculinity. In contrast, successful displays of courtesy, modesty, and empathy in hosting social gatherings provide a typical demonstration of femininity. It is through these performances that concepts of gender difference are solidified and made to seem like the natural expression of underlying biological differences. Through their repetition, they "cast particular pursuits as expressions of masculine and feminine 'natures'" (West and Zimmerman, 1987). Learning gender is therefore not so much about being socialized into fixed gender roles established by society. It is learning how to generate or perform acceptable gender performances in different social situations. A child who learns to do gender therefore learns how to successfully display gender. Cahill (1986) observes that one of the first key social distinctions young children recognize and wish to demonstrate to parents or others is to distinguish themselves from "babies" who are unable to control themselves and require close supervision. But being told to "stop being a baby" subtly reinforces a distinction between two social identities that are routinely available to them: the discredited identity of "being a baby" on one hand or the approved identity of being either a "big boy" or "big girl" on the other.

Subsequently, little boys appropriate the gender ideal of "efficaciousness," that is, being able to affect the physical and social environment through the exercise of physical strength or appropriate skills. In contrast, little girls learn to value "appearance," that is, managing themselves as ornamental objects. Both classes of children learn that the recognition and use of sex categorization in interaction are not optional, but mandatory (West and Zimmerman, 1987).

It is not until they recognize that the social expectations of the "generalized other" are often divided and variable that children can go back and undo how they have learned to do gender. Nevertheless, as West and Zimmerman emphasize, this undoing often requires making explanations to others to account for differences in gender performance. Children are often acutely aware of the situations in which such explanations will "go over" and the situations in which they will not. From a very early age, children develop a gender schema, a rudimentary image of gender differences, that enables them to make decisions about appropriate styles of play and behaviour (Fagot & Leinbach, 1989). By the time children enter kindergarten, they are able to “readily differentiate between masculine and feminine roles” while having a “firm understanding of the types of behaviour ‘deemed appropriate’ for males and females” (Crisp & Hiller, 2011). As they integrate their sense of self into this developing schema, they gradually adopt consistent and stable gender roles. Consistency and stability do not mean that the learned gender roles are permanent, however, as would be suggested by a biological or hard-wired model of gender. Physical expressions of gender, such as “throwing like a girl,” can be transformed into a new stable gender schema when the little girl joins a softball league. Fagot and Leinbach's (1986, 1989) research into the development of gender schemata showed that very young children, averaging about two years old, could not correctly classify photographs of adults and children by their gender; whereas, slightly older children, averaging 2.5 years old, could. They concluded that the younger children had not yet developed a gender schema. They also observed that older children who could correctly classify the photos by gender demonstrated gender specific play; they tended to choose same-gender play groups and girls were less aggressive in their play. The older children were integrating their sense of self into their gender schema and behaving accordingly. Similarly, when they studied children at home, they found that children at age 1.5 years could not assign gender to photographs correctly and did not engage in gender-typed play. However, by age 2.25 years about half of the children could classify the photos and were engaging in gender-specific play. These “early labellers” were distinguished from those who could not classify photos by the way their parents interacted with them. Parents of early adopters were more likely to use differential reinforcement in the form of positive and negative responses to gender-typed toy play. It is interesting, with respect to the difference between the Freudian and sociological models of gender socialization, that the gender schemata of young children develops with respect to external cultural signs of gender, rather than biological markers of genital differences. Sandra Bem (1989) showed young children photos of either a naked child or a child dressed in boys or girls clothing. The younger children had difficulty classifying the naked photos, but could classify the clothed photos. They did not have an understanding of biological sex constancy — i.e., the ability to determine sex based on anatomy regardless of gender signs — but used cultural signs of gender like clothing or hairstyle to determine gender. Moreover, it was the gender schema, not the recognition of anatomical differences, that first determined their choice of gender-typed toys and gender-typed play groups. Bem (1989) suggested that “children who can label the sexes but do not understand anatomical stability are not yet confident that they will always remain in one gender group.”

Making Connections: Sociology in the Real World

What a Pretty Little Lady!

[caption id="attachment_133" align="alignleft" width="300"] Figure 5.11 Peggy Orenstein on "princess culture:" "Within a month [of starting preschool], Daisy threw a tantrum when I tried to wrestle her into pants. As if by osmosis she had learned the names and gown colors of every Disney Princess — I didn't even know what a Disney Princess was. She gazed longingly into the tulle-draped windows of the local toy stores and for her third birthday begged for a "real princess dress with matching plastic high heels" (Orenstein, 2012). (Image courtesy of Dave Jacquin/Flickr.) CC BY-ND 2.0[/caption]

“What a cute dress!” “I like the ribbons in your hair.” “Wow, you look so pretty today.” According to Lisa Bloom, author of Think: Straight Talk for Women to Stay Smart in a Dumbed Down World, most people use pleasantries like these when they first meet little girls.“So what?” one might ask. Bloom (2011) asserts that people are too focused on the appearance of young girls, and as a result North American society is socializing them to believe that how they look is of vital importance.

Bloom may be on to something. How often does one tell a little boy how attractive his outfit is, how nice looking his shoes are, or how handsome he looks today? To support her assertions, Bloom cites, as one example, that about 50% of girls ages three to six worry about being fat (Bloom, 2011). She is talking about kindergarteners who are concerned about their body image. Sociologists are acutely interested in this type of gender socialization, where societal expectations of how boys and girls should be — how they should behave, what toys and colours they should like, and how important their attire is — are reinforced. One solution to this type of gender socialization is being experimented with at the Egalia preschool in Sweden, where children develop in a genderless environment. All of the children at Egalia are referred to with neutral terms like “friend” or a gender-neutral pronoun “hen” instead of he or she. Books are chosen that avoid traditional gender roles and gendered characters. Traditional toys are present, but consciously set up side by side so that children can play with whatever toy they want to eliminate any reinforcement of gender expectations. Egalia strives to eliminate any reinforcement of gender expectations by teachers as well as children (Haney, 2011). Research on Sweden’s gender neutral pre-schools shows that children were more likely than their traditionally educated peers to be interested in playing with unfamiliar other-gender children, and were less likely to use gender stereotypes. They were no less likely to automatically encode other’s genders, however (Schutt’s et al., 2017). It is difficult to know what impact gender neutral education might have in a society that remains gendered outside of school. Bloom suggests people start with simple steps. For example, when introduced to a young girl, ask about her favourite book or what she likes. In short, engage her mind, not her outward appearance (Bloom, 2011).

Image Descriptions

Figure 5.6 long description: Psychology and sociology have some overlap. Sociological Social Psychology (SSP) emphasizes a subject's location in social order, their socialized roles, and historical social context. Psychological Social Psychology (PSP) emphasizes a subject's mental processes, dispositions, experiences, and immediate social situation. [Return to Figure 5.6].

Figure 5.7 long description: A girl wears a sweater and jeans and looks into a mirror. The mirror represents Facebook and shows her reflection wearing a long, professional dress. [Return to Figure 5.7].

Media Attributions

Figure 5.3 Gollum by Brenda Clarke, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY-NC-ND 2.0 licence.
Figure 5.4 Natural of Love Typical response to cloth mother surrogate in fear test by Harry Harlow, via Wikimedia Commons, is in the public domain.
Figure 5.5 Sigmund Freud, by Max Halberstadt (cropped) by Max Halberstadt, via Wikimedia Commons, is in the public domain.
Figure 5.6 Social-psychology-division by lucidish, via Wikimedia Commons, is used under a CC BY-SA 3.0 licence. (Based on copyright claims.)
Figure 5.7 Facebook: Self-constructed digital identity and academic performance by Joelle L. via Flickr, is used under a CC BY 2.0 licence.
Figure 5.8 George Herbert Mead from Moffett Studio/University of Chicago Library, Special Collections Research Center, via Store Norske Leksikon (Large Norwegian Encyclopedia), is in the public domain.
Figure 5.9 Play at first? by Jay Kleeman, via Flickr is used under a CC BY-NC-ND 2.0 licence.
Figure 5.10 Disney Princess Target Feb 28, 2014 by Mike Mozart, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY 2.0 licence.
Figure 5.11 DSC_8149.JPG by Dave Jacquin, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY-ND 2.0 licence.

5.2. Why Socialization Matters

hfriedman — Thu, 10 Aug 2023 20:17:45 +0000

Socialization is critical both to individuals and to the societies in which they live. It illustrates how completely intertwined human beings and their social worlds are. First, it is through teaching culture to new members that a society perpetuates itself. If new generations of a society do not learn its way of life, it ceases to exist. Whatever is distinctive about a culture must be transmitted to those who join it, in order for a society to survive. For Canadian culture to continue, for example, children in Canada must learn about cultural values related to democracy: They have to learn the norms of voting, as well as how to use material objects such as a ballot. Of course, some would argue that it is just as important in Canadian culture for the younger generation to learn the etiquette of eating in a restaurant or the rituals of tailgate parties after baseball games. In fact, there are many ideas and objects that Canadians teach children in hopes of keeping the society’s way of life going through another generation. [caption id="attachment_79" align="alignleft" width="400"] Figure 5.12 Socialization teaches us our society’s expectations for dining out. The manners and customs of different cultures (When can you use your hands to eat? How should you compliment the cook? Who is the “head” of the table?) are learned through socialization. (Photo courtesy of Niyam Bhushan/Flickr.) CC BY 2.0[/caption] Socialization is just as essential to individuals. Social interaction provides the means by which people gradually become able to see themselves through the eyes of others, learning who they are and how they fit into the world around them. In addition, to function successfully in society, people must learn the basics of their culture, everything from how to dress themselves to what is suitable attire for a specific occasion; from when to sleep to what to sleep on; and from what is considered appropriate to eat for dinner to how to use the stove to prepare it. Most importantly, people have to learn language — whether it is the dominant language or a minority language, whether it is verbal or through signs — in order to communicate and to think. As discussed earlier with the case of Danielle, without socialization, an individual would literally have no self. An individual would be unable to function socially.

Nature versus Nurture

Some experts assert that who people are is the result of nurture — the relationships and caring that surround them. Others argue that who people are is based on genetics. According to this belief, a person's temperaments, interests, and talents are set before birth. From this perspective, then, who people are depends on nature. [caption id="attachment_80" align="alignright" width="250"] Figure 5.13 Identical twins may look alike, but their differences can give us clues to the effects of socialization. (Image by John Everett Millais (1829-1896), Fitzwilliam Museum PD.36-2005/ Wikimedia Commons.) Public Domain[/caption] One way researchers attempt to prove the impact of nature is by studying twins. Some studies followed identical twins (i.e., monozygotic twins) who were raised separately. The pairs shared the same genetics, but in some cases were socialized in different ways. Instances of this type of situation are rare, but studying the degree to which identical twins raised apart are the same or different can give researchers insight into how temperaments, preferences, and abilities are shaped by our genetic makeup versus our social environment. For example, in 1968, twin girls born to a mentally ill mother were put up for adoption. However, they were also separated from each other and raised in different households. The parents, and certainly the babies, did not realize they were one of five pairs of twins who were made subjects of a scientific study (Flam, 2007). In 2003, the two women, by then age 35 years, were reunited. Elyse Schein and Paula Bernstein sat together in awe, feeling like they were looking into a mirror. Not only did they look alike, but they behaved alike, using the same hand gestures and facial expressions (Spratling, 2007). Studies like this point to the genetic roots of temperament and behaviour. The Minnesota Study of Twins Raised Apart (MISTRA) included 81 identical (or monozygotic) twin pairs and 56 fraternal (or dizygotic) twin pairs who were raised apart (Segal, 2017). One study based on this data set compared twins using 11 personality scales. It showed that the median correlations of the test results were 0.49 for identical twins raised apart versus 0.51 for identical twins raised together, whereas the correlations for fraternal twins raised apart and together were 0.21 and 0.23 respectively. This seems to show the strong impact of shared genes, as the identical twins raised apart were much more similar than fraternal twins raised together. Another study based on the data set compared IQ tests of identical twins raised apart and discovered that the measures correlated on average 0.73, suggesting that 73% of the difference in general intelligence measured by the tests was genetically influenced. On the other hand, parents of identical twins start noticing behavioural differences from a very young age.

It is not as hard to tell my sons apart now, but we often recognize them more based on personality differences than looks. One is adventurous, daring — the first to nosedive off a sofa, the first to fall down stairs. He also crawled, stood, cruised, and walked first. He hollers and cries when we leave the room. Our other boy is an observer. He can be laser-focused, able to spend 30 minutes trying to click together a buckle as his brother marches around with his chest puffed, in need of constant movement and entertainment (Hayasaki, 2018).

Studies of identical twins also have difficulty accounting for divergences in the development of inherited diseases. In the case of schizophrenia, epidemiological studies show that there is a strong biological component to the disease. The closer one's familial connection to someone with the condition, the more likely one will develop it. However, even if an identical twin develops schizophrenia the other twin is less than 50 per cent likely to develop it themselves (Carey, 2012). Why is it not 100 per cent likely? What occurs to produce the divergence between genetically identical twins? One explanation combines sociology and genetics. This is the field of epigenetics, the study of social or environmental impacts on the expression of genes (Segal et al., 2017). Cellular variations in gene expression between identical twins can lead to large differences in health, personality, and even physical appearance. For example, the impact of astronaut Scott Kelly's stay on the International Space Station meant that 7 per cent of his genes changed their expression, even months after his return to earth, although his genes themselves remained the same as his identical twin Mark (also an astronaut). With epigenetics, gene activity reacts in response to environmental stimuli at a cellular level. In other words, environment and lifestyle influence how genes are expressed. Though genetics and hormones play an important role in individual human characteristics, biological explanations of social behaviour have serious deficiencies from a sociological point of view, especially when they are used to try to explain complex aspects of human social life like homosexuality, male aggressiveness, female spatial skills, and the like. As noted in Chapter 3. Culture, the logic of biological explanation usually involves three components: the identification of a supposedly universal quality or trait of human behaviour, an attribution of a genetic source of the behavioural trait, and an evolutionary fitness argument why this behaviour makes it more likely that the genes that code for it will be passed successfully to descendents. The conclusion of this reasoning is that this behaviour or quality is hard-wired or difficult to change (Lewontin, 1991). However, an argument, for example that males are naturally aggressive because of their hormonal structure or other biological mechanisms, does not take into account the huge variations in the meaning or practice of aggression between cultures, nor the huge variations in what counts as aggressive in different situations — let alone the fact that many men are not aggressive by any definition, and that men and women both have “male” hormones like testosterone. More interesting for the sociologist in this example is that men who are not aggressive often get called "sissies." This indicates that male aggression has to do more with a normative structure within male culture than with a genetic or hormonal structure that explains aggressive behaviour. Sociology’s larger concern is the effect that society has on human behaviour, the nurture side of the nature versus nurture debate. To what degree are processes of identification and “self-fulfilling prophecy” at work in the lives of the twins Elyse Schein and Paula Bernstein? Despite growing up apart, do they share common racial, class, or religious characteristics? Aside from the environmental or epigenetic factors that lead to the divergence of twins with regard to schizophrenia, what happens to the social standing and social relationships of a person when the condition develops? What happens to people who are living with schizophrenia in different societies? How does the social role of a person living with schizophrenia integrate them into a society (or not)? Whatever the role of genes or biology in people's lives, genes are never expressed in a vacuum. Environmental influence always matters.

Making Connections: Case Study

The Life of Chris Langan, the Smartest Man You’ve Never Heard Of

[caption id="attachment_632" align="alignleft" width="300"] Figure 5.14 Christopher Michael Langan (left), stands with a relative during the 1950's, in San Francisco, CA. (Photo courtesy of Darien Long/ Wikimedia Commons.) CC BY 2.0[/caption] Bouncer. Firefighter. Factory worker. Cowboy. Chris Langan (b. 1952) has spent the majority of his adult life just getting by with jobs like these. He has no college degree, few resources, and a past filled with much disappointment. Chris Langan also has an IQ of over 195, nearly 100 points higher than the average person (Brabham, 2001). So why didn’t Chris become a neurosurgeon, professor, or aeronautical engineer? According to Macolm Gladwell in his book Outliers: The Story of Success (2008), Chris didn’t possess the set of social skills necessary to succeed on such a high level — skills that aren’t innate, but learned. Gladwell (2008) looked to a recent study conducted by sociologist Annette Lareau in which she closely shadowed 12 families from various economic backgrounds and examined their parenting techniques. Parents from lower-income families followed a strategy of “accomplishment of natural growth,” which is to say they let their children develop on their own with a large amount of independence; parents from higher-income families, however, “actively fostered and accessed a child’s talents, opinions, and skills” (Gladwell, 2008). These parents were more likely to engage in analytical conversation, encourage active questioning of the establishment, and foster development of negotiation skills. The parents were also able to introduce their children to a wider range of activities, from sports to music to accelerated academic programs. When one middle class child was denied entry to a gifted and talented program, the mother petitioned the school and arranged additional testing until her daughter was admitted. Lower-income parents, however, were more likely to unquestioningly obey authorities such as school boards. Their children were not being socialized to comfortably confront the system and speak up. What does this have to do with Chris Langan, deemed by some as the smartest man in the world (Brabham, 2001)? Chris was born in severe poverty, and he was moved across the country with an abusive and alcoholic stepfather. Chris’s genius went greatly unnoticed. After accepting a full scholarship to Reed College, his funding was revoked after his mother failed to fill out necessary paperwork. Unable to successfully make his case to the administration, Chris, who had received straight A’s the previous semester, was given F’s on his transcript and forced to drop out. After enrolling in Montana State University, an administrator’s refusal to rearrange his class schedule left him unable to find the means necessary to travel the 16 miles to attend classes. What Chris has in brilliance, he lacks in practical intelligence, or what psychologist Robert Sternberg defines as “knowing what to say to whom, knowing when to say it, and knowing how to say it for maximum effect” (Sternberg et al., 2000). Such knowledge was never part of his socialization. Chris gave up on school and began working an array of blue-collar jobs, pursuing his intellectual interests on the side. Though he’s recently garnered attention from work on his “Cognitive Theoretic Model of the Universe,” he remains weary and resistant of the educational system. As Gladwell (2008) concluded, “He’d had to make his way alone, and no one — not rock stars, not professional athletes, not software billionaires, and not even geniuses —ever makes it alone.”

Individual and Society

How do sociologists explain both the conformity of behaviour in society and the existence of individual uniqueness? The concept of socialization raises a classic problem of sociological analysis: the problem of individual agency. As described in Chapter 1. An Introduction to Sociology, individual agency is the capacity of individuals to act and make decisions independently. However socialization is about conformity: learning how to conform to social expectations and norms. How is it possible for there to be individual differences, individual choice, or individuality at all if human development is about assuming socially-defined roles? How can an individual have agency, the ability to choose and act independently of external constraints? Erving Goffman described this paradox in Asylums: Essays on the social situation of mental patients and other inmates (1961). As discussed at the end of this chapter, in a total institution, like an asylum, a prison, or an Indian residential school, individuals are typically stripped of anything that identifies them as individuals and then resocialized to conform to rigid expectations of appearance and behaviour. There is very little space provided for unique individuality. Yet, as Goffman (1961) puts it, there is a dynamic that pits the status, the need to belong, and stable "sense of being a person" against a more intimate, individual "sense of selfhood":

it is . . . against something that the self can emerge . . . . Without something to belong to, we have no stable self, and yet total commitment and attachment to any social unit implies a kind of selflessness. Our sense of being a person can come from being drawn into a wider social unit; our sense of selfhood can arise through the little ways in which we resist the pull. Our status is backed by the solid buildings of the world, while our sense of personal identity often resides in the cracks (Goffman, 1961).

Since Western society places such value on individuality, in being oneself or in resisting peer pressure and other pressures to conform, the question of where society ends and where the individual begins often is foremost in the minds of students of sociology. Numerous debates in the discipline focus on this question. However, from the point of view emphasized in this chapter, it is a false question. As noted previously, for Mead the individual “agent” is already a “social structure.” No separation exists between the individual and society; the individual is thoroughly social from the inside out and vice versa.

[caption id="attachment_2087" align="aligncenter" width="500"] Figure 5.15 If socialization implies conformity, how do sociologists explain individual uniqueness? (Image courtesy of PxHere.) CC0 1.0[/caption]

Mead addressed the question of agency at the level of the relationship between the “I” and the “me” as two “phases” that flip back and forth in the life of the self. The “me” is the part of the self in which one recognizes and assumes the expectations or “organized sets of attitudes” of others: one's social roles, one's designations, one's personalities (as they appear to others), and so on. On the basis of the “me” people know what is expected of them in a social situation and what the consequences of following or breaking a norm will be. The “I” represents the part of the self which acts or responds to the organized attitudes of others. It is the unpredictable part of the self. It has the capacity to step outside of social role and expectations. As part of the self, it embodies the principles of novelty, spontaneity, freedom, initiative (and the possibility of change) in social action. Even the individual can never be sure in advance how they will act in a situation, nor be certain of the outcome of their actions. “Exactly how we will act never gets into experience until after the action takes place” (Mead, 1934). Both phases are thoroughly social — the individual only ever experiences themself “indirectly” from the standpoint of others — but without the two phases "there could be no conscious responsibility, and there would be nothing novel in experience” (Mead, 1934). In a similar manner, sociologists argue that individuals vary because the social environments to which they adapt vary. The socialization process occurs in different social environments — i.e., environments made up of the responses of others — each of which impose distinctive and unique requirements. In one family, children are permitted unlimited access to TV and video games; in another, there are no TV or video games, for example. Even within the same family, children's upbringing varies. When they are growing up, children adapt and develop different strategies of play and recreation. Their parents and others respond to the child's choices, either by reinforcing them or encouraging different choices. They are older, younger, or middle siblings with different responsibilities and roles within the family. Along a whole range of social environmental differences and responses, support and resistance, children gradually develop stable and consistent orientations to the world, each to some degree unique because each is formed from a vantage point unique to the place in society the child occupies. Individual variation and individual agency are possible because society itself varies in each social situation. Indeed, the configuration of society itself differs according to each individual’s contribution to each social situation.

Structural Functionalism, Critical Sociology, and Symbolic Interactionism

Sociologists all recognize the importance of socialization for healthy individual and societal development. But how do scholars working in the theoretical paradigms of structural functionalism, critical sociology, and symbolic interactionism approach this topic? Structural functionalists would say that socialization is an essential function in society, both because it trains members to operate successfully within it and because it perpetuates culture by transmitting it to new generations. Individuals learn and assume different social roles as they age because different responsibilities and tasks are expected of them. These roles come with relatively fixed norms and social expectations attached, which allow for predictable interactions between people. Nevertheless, how the individual lives and balances their roles is subject to variation. There can also be role conflict when the expectations or functions of different roles conflict. During the COVID-19 pandemic for example, working remotely from home often involved a careful negotiation between meeting an employer's expectations while also being available as a parent for children unable to go to school. A critical sociologist might argue that socialization reproduces inequality from generation to generation by conveying different expectations and norms to those with different social characteristics. For example, individuals are socialized with different expectations about their place in society according to their gender, social class, and race. As in the life of Chris Langan, this creates different and unequal opportunities and, therefore, socialization is a process that can perpetuate and naturalize power relationships in society. A symbolic interactionist studying socialization is concerned with face-to-face exchanges and symbolic communication. For example, dressing baby boys in blue and baby girls in pink is one small way that messages are conveyed about differences in gender roles. The idea that "the self is a social structure" encapsulates the symbolic interactionist position. Even that which seems most "one's own" — one's private thoughts, self-feelings, bodily experiences, agency — is a product of social messages that continually mirror the self back to the self. For the symbolic interactionist, though, how these messages are formulated and how they are interpreted are always situational, always renewed, and defined by the specific interactions in which the communication occurs. The identity of the self is not fixed, it is an ongoing process.

Media Attributions

Figure 5.12 FullCircle by Niyam Bhushan, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY 2.0 licence.
Figure 5.13 John Everett Millais (1829-1896) - The Twins, Kate and Grace Hoare - PD.36-2005 - Fitzwilliam Museum, by John Everetty Millais/ Fizwilliam Museum, ID 125024, via Wikimedia Commons, is in the public domain.
Figure 5.14 Christopher Langan Young, from Darien Long, via Wikimedia Commons, is used under a CC BY 2.0 licence.
Figure 5.15 [figures, holzfigur, pinocchio, males, arts crafts, wood carving...] from PxHere is used under a CC0 Universal Public Domain Dedication licence.

5.3. Agents of Socialization

hfriedman — Thu, 10 Aug 2023 20:18:04 +0000

Socialization helps people learn to function successfully in their social worlds. How does the process of socialization occur? How do people learn to use the objects of their society’s material culture? How do they come to adopt the beliefs, values, and norms that represent its nonmaterial culture? This learning takes place through interaction with various agents of socialization, like peer groups and families, plus both formal and informal social institutions.

Social Group Agents

Families, and later peer groups, often provide the first experiences of socialization. They communicate expectations and reinforce norms. People first learn to use the tangible objects of material culture in these settings, as well as being introduced to the beliefs and values of society.

Family

Family is the first agent of socialization. Mothers and fathers, siblings and grandparents, plus members of an extended family all teach a child what they need to know. For example, they show the child how to use objects (such as clothes, computers, eating utensils, books, bikes); how to relate to others (some as “family,” others as “friends,” still others as “strangers” or “teachers” or “neighbours”); and how the world works (what is “real” and what is “imagined”). It is important to keep in mind, however, that families do not socialize children in a vacuum. Many social factors impact how a family raises its children. For example, students can use sociological imagination to recognize that individual behaviours are affected by the historical period in which they take place. Sixty years ago, it would not have been considered especially strict for a father to hit his son with a wooden stick or a belt if the child misbehaved, but today that same action might be considered child abuse. Sociologists recognize that race, social class, religion, and other societal factors play an important role in socialization. For example, poor families usually emphasize obedience and conformity when raising their children, while wealthy families emphasize judgment and creativity (National Opinion Research Center, 2008). This may be because working-class parents have less education and more repetitive-task jobs for which the ability to follow rules and to conform helps. Wealthy parents tend to have better education and often work in managerial positions or in careers that require creative problem solving, so they teach their children behaviours that would be beneficial in these positions. This means that children are effectively socialized and raised to take the types of jobs that their parents already have, thus reproducing the class system (Kohn, 1977). Likewise, children are socialized to abide by gender norms, perceptions of race, and class-related behaviours. In Sweden, for instance, stay-at-home fathers are an accepted part of the social landscape. A government policy provides subsidized time off work — 68 weeks for families with newborns at 80 per cent of regular earnings — with the option of 52 of those weeks of paid leave being shared between both mothers and fathers, and eight weeks each in addition allocated for the father and the mother. This encourages fathers to spend at least eight weeks at home with their newborns (Marshall, 2008). As one stay-at-home dad said, being home to take care of his baby son “is a real fatherly thing to do. I think that’s very masculine” (Associated Press, 2011). Overall, 90 per cent of Swedish men participate in the paid leave program. In Canada on the other hand, outside of Quebec, parents can share 40 weeks of paid parental leave at 55% of their regular earnings (or 69 weeks at 33% of their regular earnings). Across Canada (including Quebec), between 2012 and 2017, 88% of mothers took maternity leave compared with 42% of fathers (Statistics Canada, 2021). In Quebec, where in addition to 32 weeks of shared parental leave, men also receive five weeks of paid leave, the participation rate of men is 93% (compared to 24% of fathers outside of Quebec). In Canada overall, the participation of men in paid parental leave increased from 34% from 2001–2006 to 42% in 2006. This does not include fathers who take sick leave, annual vacation leave, or benefits from an employer program to stay home with newborns, which is more common outside of Quebec. Researchers note that a father’s involvement in child raising has a positive effect on the parents’ relationship, the father’s personal growth, and the social, emotional, physical, and cognitive development of children (Marshall, 2008). How will this effect differ in Sweden and Canada as a result of the different nature of their paternal leave policies? [caption id="attachment_2331" align="aligncenter" width="400"] Figure 5.16 The socialized roles of dads and moms vary by society. (Photo courtesy of Nate Grigg/Flickr.) CC BY 2.0[/caption]

Peer Groups

A peer group is made up of people who are not necessarily friends but who are similar in age and social status and who share interests. Peer group socialization begins in the earliest years, such as when kids on a playground teach younger children the norms about taking turns, the rules of a game, or how to shoot a basket. Peer groups provide childrens’ first major socialization experience outside the realm of their families. Randall Collins' (2004) model of interaction rituals and emotional-entrainment describes the powerful socializing effect of early childhood interactions with peers. Interactions with other children while at play or in other situations gives the child a sense of the social order and their place within it outside the direct control of parents. An interaction ritual is defined as an interaction where individuals come together physically in a bounded situation, (i.e., in which it is clear who is participating and who is not), to participate in a mutual focus of attention that creates a shared emotional experience. At a micro-sociological level interaction rituals are mechanisms where socialization into group life occurs and gets reinforced. Collins describes four outcomes of the socialization process in interaction rituals:

Group solidarity: a feeling of membership;
Emotional energy...in the individual: a feeling of confidence, elation, strength, enthusiasm, and initiative in taking action;
Symbols that represent the group: emblems or other representations (visual icons, words, gestures) that members feel are associated with themselves collectively.... Persons pumped up with feelings of group solidarity treat symbols with great respect and defend them against the disrespect of outsiders, and even more, of renegade insiders.
Feelings of morality: the sense of rightness in adhering to the group, respecting its symbols, and defending both against transgressors. Along with this goes the sense of moral evil or impropriety in violating the group's solidarity and its symbolic representations (Collins, 2004).

Children's play is an example of an interaction ritual. In play, children bring their attention to a common focus — an "emblem" such as a game, a toy, a ball, etc. — and become aware of, and mutually attuned to, each other's attention to the object of interest. At a physical level they become rhythmically coordinated in a repetition of actions. At an emotional level they also become emotionally entrained or fixed on the common focus. They conform to each other's emotions, which gradually build up and become increasingly intense through the self-reinforcing feedback mechanisms of play — the minor successes, failures, victories, betrayals, provisional agreements, etc. that make up the back and forth of events. Play is therefore an intense process of socialization and conformity into the norms and feelings of the group. At the same time, playing with peers is a high-stakes game where children are socialized into relations of status, power and in/out groups; again, independently of their position within the family group. Through the flows of emotional energy in play some children become the center of attention and reap the emotional awards of confidence, respect, and prestige, which they can carry into other activities, whereas other children find themselves relegated to supporting roles or sidelined, where their access to the rewards and emotional energy of play is diminished. Some children cast as victims or excluded from play can be emotionally suppressed by play. Daycare centers and play groups can become enclosed "status goldfish bowls" where children divide themselves into cliques: "little groups of bullies and their scapegoats, popular play leaders and their followers, fearful or self-sufficient isolates" (Collins, 2004). [caption id="attachment_1346" align="alignleft" width="300"] Figure 5.17 "When peer group relationships are positive, it is reasonable to assume that the school environment is a supportive and potentially enjoyable one. Children who are accepted by their peers tend to have a more safe school environment, while those who have been rejected by their peers are at a greater risk of targeted harassment and bullying" (Robson, 2019). (Image courtesy of Udo Herzog/Flickr.)[/caption] As children grow into teenagers, this process continues. Peer groups are important to adolescents in a new way, as they begin to develop an identity separate from their parents and exert independence. This is often a period of parental-child conflict and rebellion as parental values come into conflict with those of youth peer groups. Peer groups provide their own opportunities for socialization since kids usually engage in different types of activities with their peers than they do with their families. They are especially influential, therefore, with respect to preferences in music, style, clothing, etc., sharing common social activities, and learning to engage in romantic relationships. With peers, adolescents experiment with new experiences outside the control of parents: sexual relationships, drug and alcohol use, political stances, hair and clothing choices, and so forth. The most visible and highly structured cliques and in/out groups are probably found in high schools — nerds, jocks, preppies, stoners, rebels, religious evangelicals, etc.. Interestingly, studies have shown that although friendships rank high in adolescents’ priorities, this is balanced by parental influence. Conflict between parents and teenagers is usually temporary and in the end families exert more influence than peers over educational choices and political, social, and religious attitudes. Peer groups might be the source of rebellious youth culture, but they can also be understood as agents of social integration. The seemingly spontaneous way that youth in and out of school divide themselves into cliques with varying degrees of status or popularity prepares them for the way the adult world is divided into status groups. The racial characteristics, gender characteristics, intelligence characteristics, and wealth characteristics that lead to being accepted in more or less popular cliques in school are the same characteristics that divide people into status groups in adulthood.

Institutional Agents

The social institutions of a culture also inform their processes of socialization. Formal institutions — like schools and workplaces — teach people how to behave in and navigate these systems. Other institutions, like the media, contribute to socialization by inundating people with messages about norms and expectations.

School

Most Canadian children spend about seven hours a day and 180 days a year in school, which makes it hard to deny the importance school has on their socialization. In elementary and junior high, compulsory education amounts to over 8,000 hours in the classroom (OECD, 2013). Students are not only in school to study math, reading, science, and other subjects — the manifest function of this system. Schools also serve a latent function in society by socializing children into behaviours like teamwork, following a schedule, and using textbooks. [caption id="attachment_1345" align="alignleft" width="300"] Figure 5.18 These kindergarteners are not just learning to read and write at the library; they are being socialized to norms like cooperation, rule oriented behaviour, and deference to teachers. (Photo courtesy of Howard County Library System/Flickr.) CC BY-NC-ND 2.0[/caption]School and classroom rituals, led by teachers serving as role models and leaders, regularly reinforce what society expects from children. Sociologists describe this aspect of schools as the hidden curriculum, the informal teaching done by schools.For example, in North America, schools have built a sense of competition into the way grades are awarded and the way teachers evaluate students. Students learn to evaluate themselves within a hierarchical system of A, B, C, etc. students (Bowles & Gintis, 1976). However, different lessons can be taught by different instructional techniques. When children participate in a relay race or a math contest, they learn that there are winners and losers in society. When children are required to work together on a project, they practice teamwork with other people in cooperative situations.Bowles and Gintis argue that the hidden curriculum prepares children for a life of conformity in the adult world. Children learn how to deal with bureaucracy, rules, expectations, to wait their turn, and to sit still for hours during the day. The latent functions of competition, teamwork, classroom discipline, time awareness, and dealing with bureaucracy are features of the hidden curriculum.Schools also socialize children by teaching them overtly about citizenship and nationalism. In the United States, children are taught to say the Pledge of Allegiance. Most school districts require classes about U.S. history and geography. In Canada, on the other hand, critics complain that students do not learn enough about national history, which undermines the development of a sense of shared national identity (Granatstein, 1998). But this might also be a way of socializing students into the Canadian national identity, which prides itself in a weak attachment to political institutions and nationalistic projects, allowing citizens to be detached from patriotic sentimentality.Textbooks in Canada are also continually scrutinized and revised to update attitudes toward the different cultures in Canada as well as perspectives on historical events; thus, children are socialized to a different national or world history than earlier textbooks may have done. For example, recent textbook editions include information about the colonial mistreatment of First Nations which more accurately reflects those events than in textbooks of the past. In this regard, schools educate students explicitly about aspects of citizenship important for being able to participate in a modern, heterogeneous culture.

Making Connections: Sociology in the Real World

Mike Mountain Horse: Socialization on First Day at Residential School

[caption id="attachment_1339" align="aligncenter" width="500"] Figure 5.19 Blood recruits, 191st Battalion, Canadian Expeditionary Force, Fort Macleod, Alberta, ca.1916. Mike Mountain Horse, far right in front row. (Image courtesy of the Glenbow Museum, Image No: NA-2164-1.) Public Domain[/caption] In 1893, six-year-old Mike Mountain Horse, a member of the Blood (Kainai) First Nation in what is now southern Alberta, was enrolled in the Anglican boarding school on the Blood Reserve. His brother Fred was already attending the school and was there to provide guidance on his first day.

My Indian clothes, consisting of blanket, breech cloth, leggings, shirt and moccasins, were removed. Then my brother took me into another room where I was placed in a steaming brown fibre paper tub full of water. Yelling blue murder, I started to jump out, but my brother held on to me and I was well scrubbed and placed before a heater to dry. Next came Mr. Swainson [the principal] with a pair of shears. I was again placed in a chair. Zip went one of my long braids to the floor: the same with the other side. A trim was given as a finish to my haircut. My brother again took me in charge. “Don’t cry any more,” he said. “You are going to get nice clothes.” Mrs. Swainson then came into the room with a bundle of clothes for me: knee pants, blouse to match with a wide lace collar, a wee cap with an emblem sewn in front, and shoes. Thus attired I strutted about like a young peacock before the other pupils.

The education at the school was conducted in English, but, Mountain Horse recalled, the church services were held in Siksika (Blackfoot). To encourage students to learn English, the principal offered to honour any request for a gift that was written in English. To test the system, Mountain Horse requested, and received, a pound of butter and a can of milk. It was, he discovered, more butter than he had use for, and he threw it out. Although one of the key goals of the school was to convert the students to the Christian faith, Mountain Horse wrote that “the powerful sway of the new was not sufficient to entirely dethrone the many spirits to whom we had previously made our offerings.” In the end, however, he said, “The majority of the Indian youth have no alternative than to embrace the religion of the white man as taught in their schools.” Mountain Horse went on to attend the Calgary industrial school. After graduating, he went to work for the Mounted Police, served in the First World War, returned to work for the Royal Canadian Mounted Police, wrote the manuscript of his book on the Bloods, and ended his career as a railway labourer. Mike Mountain Horse account, in the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. (2015). Canada’s Residential Schools: The History, Part 1, Origins to 1939. Final Report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada (Volume 1, pp. 174–175). McGill-Queen’s University Press. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission Final Report is in the public domain.

The Workplace

Just as children spend much of their day at school, most Canadian adults at some point invest a significant amount of time at a place of employment. After school, the workplace is the next major institution of socialization that people encounter in their lives. Although socialized into their culture since birth, workers require new socialization into a workplace both in terms of material culture (such as how to operate the copy machine) and nonmaterial culture (such as whether it is okay to speak directly to the boss or how the refrigerator is shared). Different jobs require different types of socialization. In the past, many people worked a single job until retirement. Today, the trend is to switch jobs at least once a decade. Between the ages of 18 and 44, the average baby boomer of the younger set held 11 different jobs (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2010). This means that people must become socialized to, and socialized by, a variety of work environments. One common feature of workplace socialization is learning time discipline and efficiency. At work, people are required to make continuous productive use of time and avoid idleness, and they are disciplined or fired if they do not. E.P. Thompson (1967) described the historical shift from a pre-industrial 'task orientation' in work to an industrial 'time orientation' in work. In pre-industrial societies the workday was organized according to the tasks that needed to be accomplished, with little attention paid to clock-time, whereas in industrial societies the workday is organized according to regulated, coordinated clock-time and the need to intensify productivity per unit of standardized time. This shift altered time sense from natural, irregular, cyclical and experientially comprehensible time, blurring work and leisure, to an artificial and abstract time sense based on the invention and implementation of mechanical clocks that sharply divided work and leisure and imposing an external synchronization of labour through timed work and concepts of efficiency. As Thompson points out, this imposition of clock-time on the labour process was not universally accepted by workers. It took place against resistance over a period of centuries, but gradually spread beyond the workplace to dominate society as a whole. The socialization effect of the modern workplace has to do with the internalization of clock-time along with a sense of urgency in getting tasks done within a specific, albeit artificial, time frame.

Making Connections: Sociology in the Real World

Girls and Movies

[caption id="attachment_83" align="aligncenter" width="400"] Figure 5.20 Some people are concerned about the way girls today are socialized into a “princess culture.” (Photo courtesy of Emily Stanchfield/Flickr.) CC BY 2.0[/caption] Pixar is one of the largest producers of children’s movies in the world and has released large box office draws, such as Toy Story, Cars, The Incredibles, and Up. What Pixar has never before produced is a movie with a female lead role. This changed with Pixar’s movie Brave in 2012. Before Brave, women in Pixar served as supporting characters and love interests. In Up, for example, the only human female character dies within the first ten minutes of the film. For the millions of girls watching Pixar films, there are few strong characters or roles for them to relate to. If they do not see possible versions of themselves, they may come to view women as secondary to the lives of men. The animated films of Pixar’s parent company, Disney, have many female lead roles. Disney is well known for films with female leads, such as Snow White, Cinderella, The Little Mermaid, and Mulan. Many of Disney’s movies star a female, and she is nearly always a princess figure. If she is not a princess to begin with, she typically ends the movie by marrying a prince or, in the case of Mulan, a military general. Although not all “princesses” in Disney movies play a passive role relative to male characters, they typically find themselves needing to be rescued by a man, and the happy ending they all search for includes marriage. Alongside this prevalence of princesses, many parents express concern about the culture of princesses that Disney has created. Peggy Orenstein addresses this problem in her popular book, Cinderella Ate My Daughter. Orenstein wonders why every little girl is expected to be a “princess” and why pink has become an all-consuming obsession for many young girls. Another mother wondered what she did wrong when her three-year-old daughter refused to do “non-princessy” things, including running and jumping. The effects of this princess culture can have negative consequences for girls throughout life. An early emphasis on beauty and sexiness can lead to eating disorders, low self-esteem, and risky sexual behaviour among older girls. What should we expect from Pixar’s Brave, the company’s first film to star a female character? Although Brave features a female lead, she is still a princess. Will this film offer any new type of role model for young girls? (Barnes, 2010; O’Connor, 2011; Rose, 2011).

Mass Media

Mass media refers to the distribution of impersonal information to a wide audience via television, newspapers, radio, and the internet. With the average person spending over four hours a day in front of the TV (and children averaging even more screen time), media greatly influences social norms (Roberts, Foehr, & Rideout, 2005; Oliveira, 2013). Statistics Canada reports that for the sample of people they surveyed about their time use in 2010, 73 per cent said they watched 2 hours 52 minutes of television on a given day (see the Participants column in Table 5.1 below). Television continues to be the mass medium that occupies the most free time of the average Canadian, but the internet has become the fastest growing mass medium. In the Statistics Canada survey, television use on a given day declined from 77 per cent to 73 per cent between 1998 and 2010, but computer use increased amongst all age groups from 5 per cent to 24 per cent and averaged 1 hour 23 minutes on any given day. People who played video games doubled from 3 per cent to 6 per cent between 1998 and 2010, and the average daily use increased from 1 hour 48 minutes to 2 hours 20 minutes (Statistics Canada, 2013). Through media, people learn about objects of material culture (like new technology, transportation, and consumer options), as well as nonmaterial culture—what is true (beliefs), what is important (values), and what is expected (norms). This can be beneficial as a way that people are socialized about the norms, expectations, and values of their society, but also harmful when media messages distort reality or present unrealistic images and expectations. For example, sex, as many films, television shows, music videos, and song lyrics present it, is frequent and casual. Rarely do these media point out the potential emotional and physical consequences of sexual behavior. Additionally, actors and models depicted in sexual relationships in the media are thinner, younger, and more attractive than the average adult. This creates unrealistic expectations about the necessary ingredients for a satisfying sexual relationship. Media representations can therefore socialize people into expectations of norms and standards that are unhinged from the lived experiences of everyday life.

*Table 5.1. Average time per day spent on various activities for participants aged 15 and over, grouped by sex, Canada, 2010 [Skip Table]*
Activity group	Population			Participants			Participation rate
	Total	Male	Female	Total	Male	Female	Total	Male	Female
	hours and minutes			hours and minutes			percentage
1. Television, reading, and other passive leisure	02:29	02:39	02:20	03:08	03:19	02:58	79	80	79
Watching television	02:06	02:17	01:55	02:52	03:03	02:41	73	75	71
Reading books, magazines, newspapers	00:20	00:18	00:23	01:26	01:29	01:25	24	20	27
Other passive leisure	00:03	00:03	00:02	01:04	01:16	00:52	4	4	4
2. Active leisure	01:13	01:27	00:59	02:22	02:42	02:01	51	54	49
Active sports	00:30	00:37	00:23	01:54	02:12	01:34	26	28	25
Computer use	00:20	00:23	00:17	01:23	01:32	01:14	24	25	23
Video games	00:09	00:14	00:04	02:20	02:40	01:38	6	9	4
Other active leisure	00:14	00:13	00:15	02:05	02:06	02:04	11	10	12
Note. Average time spent is the average over a 7-day week. Source: Statistics Canada, General Social Survey, 2010 (Statistics Canada, 2011). Note: this survey asked approximately 15,400 Canadians aged 15 and over to report in a daily journal details of the time they spent on various activities on a given day. Because they were reporting about a given day, the figures sited about the average use of television and other media differ from reports provided by BBM and other groups on the average weekly usage, like the figure of 4 hours per day of TV cited in Roberts, Foehr, and Rideout (2005) above.

Media Attributions

Figure 5.16 I'll bathe you, Baby! by Nurse Terri/ Nate Griggs, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY 2.0 licence.
Figure 5.17 Chic Chick Clique - Modenschau in Projekt B-22 by Udo Herzog is used under a CC BY 2.0 licence.
Figure 5.18 Thunder Hill Elementary School Kindergarten Tour by Howard County Library System, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY-NC-ND 2.0 licence.
Figure 5.19 Blood recruits, 191st Battalion, Canadian Expeditionary Force, Fort Macleod, Alberta from the Glenbow Museum, Image No: NA-2164-1, is in the public domain.
Figure 5.20 Some more presents... by Emily Stanchfield, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY 2.0 licence.

5.4. Socialization Across the Life Course

hfriedman — Thu, 10 Aug 2023 20:18:13 +0000

Socialization is not a one-time or even a short-term event. People are not stamped by some socialization machine as they move along a conveyor belt and thereby socialized once and for all. In fact, socialization is a lifelong process. Human development is not simply a product of the biological changes of physical maturation or the cognitive changes of psychological development, but follows a pattern of engaging and disengaging from a succession of roles that does not end with childhood but continues through the course of people's lives. In North America, socialization throughout the life course is determined greatly by age norms and “time-related rules and regulations” (Setterson, 2002). As people grow older, they encounter age-related transition points that require socialization into a new role, such as becoming school age, entering the workforce, or retiring. At each point in life, as an individual sheds previous roles and assumes new ones, institutions or situations are involved, which requires both learning and revising one’s self-definition: You are no longer living at home; you have a job! You are no longer a child; you in the army! You are no longer single; you are going to have a child! You are no longer free; you are going to jail! You are no longer in mid-life; it is time to retire! Many of life’s social expectations are made clear and enforced on a cultural level. Through interacting with others and watching others interact, the expectation to fulfill roles becomes clear. While in elementary or middle school, the prospect of having a boyfriend or girlfriend may have been considered undesirable. The socialization that takes place in high school changes the expectation. By observing the excitement and importance attached to dating and relationships within the high school social scene, it quickly becomes apparent that one is now expected not only to be a child and a student, but a significant other as well. Adolescence in general is a period stretching from puberty to about 18 years old, characterized by the role adjustment from childhood to adulthood. It is a stage of development in which the self is redefined through a more or less arduous process of “socialized anxiety” (Davis, 1944), re-examination and reorientation. As Jean Piaget described it, adolescence is a “decisive turning point ... at which the individual rejects, or at least revises his estimate of everything that has been inculcated in him, and acquires a personal point of view and a personal place in life” (1947). It involves a fundamental “growth process” according to Edgar Friedenberg “to define the self through the clarification of experience and to establish self esteem” (1959). In some cultures, adolescence is marked and ritualized through a clear rite of passage, a ritual that marks a life cycle transition from a previous status to a new status. Wade Davis described the rite of passage of Algonquin boys of northeastern North America when they hit puberty: Traditionally, the boys were isolated from the rest of the tribe in longhouses for two or three weeks and consumed nothing but a hallucinogenic plant from the datura family (1985). During the long disorienting period of intoxication brought on by the plant the boys would forget what it meant to be a child and learn what it was to be a man. In modern North American society, the rites of passage are not so clear cut or socially recognized. Already in 1959, Friedenberg argued that the process was hindered because of the pervasiveness of mass media that interfered with the expression of individuality crucial to this stage of life. Nevertheless, North American adolescence provided a similar trial by fire entry into adulthood: “The juvenile era provides the solid earth of life; the security of having stood up for yourself in a tough and tricky situation; the comparative immunity of knowing for yourself just exactly how the actions that must not be mentioned feel...the calm gained from having survived among comrades, that makes one ready to have friends” (Friedenberg, 1959). Graduation from formal education — high school, vocational school, or college — involves a formal, ceremonial rite of passage yet again and socialization into a new set of expectations. Educational expectations vary not only from culture to culture, but from social class to social class. While middle- or upper-class families may expect their daughter or son to attend a four-year university after graduating from high school, other families may expect their child to immediately begin working full-time, as others within their family may have done before them. In the process of socialization, adulthood brings a new set of challenges and expectations, as well as new roles to fill. As the aging process moves forward, social roles continue to evolve. Pleasures of youth, such as wild nights out and serial dating, become less acceptable in the eyes of society. Responsibility and commitment are emphasized as pillars of adulthood, and men and women are expected to “settle down.” During this period, many people enter into marriage or a civil union, bring children into their families, and focus on a career path. They become partners or parents instead of students or significant others. Just as young children pretend to be doctors or lawyers, play house, and dress up, adults also engage anticipatory socialization, the preparation for future life roles. Examples would include a couple who cohabitate before marriage, or soon-to-be parents who read infant care books and prepare their home for the new arrival. University students volunteer, take internships, or enter co-op programs to get a taste for work in their chosen careers. As part of anticipatory socialization, adults who are financially able begin planning for their retirement, saving money, and looking into future health care options. The transition into any new life role, despite the social structure that supports it, can be difficult. Socialization is ongoing throughout adulthood in another sense as well. The study of contemporary society reveals an increasing fluidity of roles, as opposed to previous eras when one could expect to be married only once, live in one location, or to have a single career. This experience is part of what Zygmunt Bauman has called liquid modernity, “a society in which the conditions under which its members act change faster than it takes the ways of acting to consolidate into habits and routines” (2005). As opposed to previous eras when one could expect to have a predictable sequence of role transitions — from school to work to retirement, from single to married to parenting to empty nest, etc. — the expectation today is that the individual will experience an increasing fluidity of roles. It is more difficult to view socialization as a smooth and uninterrupted process. Rather, life is increasingly fragmented, “cut into a succession of ill-connected episodes” (Bauman, 2004). As a result, social identities have become more flexible, more adaptable to unpredictable transitions, more open to taking on new roles or picking and choosing from a globalized palette of cultural values and practices. Bauman observes that this has lead to a new basis of calculation when it comes to passing through the stages of transition in the adult life cycle. In the absence of any clear, permanent, institutional structures of continuity and stable transition through the life course, people are thrown back on themselves to provide their own continuity. Jobs disappear overnight, marriages end, friends and family move, and online communities emerge. Under these circumstances each life choice is regarded as temporary and provisional and, thereby, it involves a calculated trade off between maximizing flexibility or commitment. It is a risk to put all one’s eggs in one basket. The individual has to continually decide “which one of the alternative identities to select and how long to hold on to it once the choice has been made?” (Bauman, 2004). Therefore, individuals enter jobs with an eye to their exit strategy, seizing opportunities to continually retrain, upgrade skills, and make contacts to be prepared for a better job to show up. They enter into amorous relationships on the basis of what Anthony Giddens calls “confluent love:” “a relationship that lasts only as long as, and not a moment longer than, the satisfaction it brings to both partners” (Bauman, 2004). In love, dumping the partner is a normal event to be planned for. They cultivate a wider network of “weak ties” rather than committing to deep friendships.

Making Connections: Sociology in the Real World

The Long Road to Adulthood for Millennials

[caption id="attachment_638" align="aligncenter" width="200"] Figure 5.21 Generation Y. (Image courtesy of Patrick Marione/Flickr.) CC BY-NC 2.0[/caption] Millennials, sometimes also called Gen Y, is a term that describes the generation born during the early 1980s to early 1990s. They are the generation that is approximately between the ages of 30 and 40. While the "dot-com bubble burst" recession was in full swing after 2000, many were in the process of entering, attending, or graduating from high school and college. With employment prospects at historical lows, large numbers of graduates were unable to find work, sometimes moving back in with their parents and struggling to pay back student loans. According to The New York Times, this economic stall caused the Millennials to postpone what most North Americans consider to be adulthood: “The traditional cycle seems to have gone off course, as young people remain untethered to romantic partners or to permanent homes, going back to school for lack of better options, traveling, avoiding commitments, competing ferociously for unpaid internships or temporary … jobs, forestalling the beginning of adult life” (Henig, 2010). In Canada in 2013:

30 per cent of Millennials found it difficult to support themselves on their low wages
44 per cent found it difficult to pay for their education
38 per cent were strapped by loan payments
51 per cent still lived with their parents
90 per cent felt overwhelmed and experience excessive stress (Tsintziras, 2013)

On the other hand, Statistics Canada reports that the Millennials, while being the most educated generation ever, are also the most unequal generation (Heisz & Richards, 2019). The top 10 per cent of millennials hold 55 per cent of the total wealth of their generation. They hold a median net worth of $588,600 as a result of university education, high income, low debt and home ownership, as well as other financial assets. They are doing very well, while the bottom 90 per cent of millennials continue to struggle with high student debt loads, unaffordable housing and stagnant wages. The outcome is that there does not appear to be a Millennial middle class, which has implications for sociologists attempting to conceptualize socialization into "adulthood." The five milestones, Henig writes, that define adulthood, are “completing school, leaving home, becoming financially independent, marrying, and having a child” (2010). These social milestones are taking longer for Millennials to attain, if they are attained at all. Sociologists wonder what long-term impact this generation’s situation may have on society as a whole. It is possible that adulthood, as it has been previously conceived, is simply a 20th century middle class phenomenon and will need to be redefined with new milestones. Meanwhile, preliminary survey research on Generation Z, born between the late 1990s and early 2010s, suggests that these children of the post-boomer Generation X are both completely fluent in digital technology and raised to be more self-reliant. It is also estimated that for each Generation Z member to enter the workforce, three baby boomers will be retiring. However, the world they confront is characterized by monumental global risks such as climate change, geopolitical insecurity and increasing inequality (Bland, 2016). Surveys of mental health suggest that growing up and being socialized into an age of increased stress and anxiety has impacted Generation Z more heavily than previous generations, although they are also more likely than previous generations to seek mental health counselling (Bethune, 2019).

Resocialization

In the process of resocialization, old behaviours that were helpful in a previous role are removed because they are no longer of use. Resocialization is necessary when a person moves to a senior care centre, goes to boarding school, or serves time in jail. In the new environment, the old rules no longer apply. The process of resocialization is typically more stressful than normal socialization because people have to unlearn behaviours that have become customary to them. The most common way resocialization occurs is in a total institution where people are isolated from society and are forced to follow someone else’s rules. A ship at sea is a total institution, as are religious convents, asylums, prisons, residential schools or some cult organizations. They are places cut off from a larger society. The 15,000 Canadians who lived in federal prisons or penitentiaries at the end of 2012 are also members of a total institution (Sapers, 2013). As another example, every branch of the military is a total institution. [caption id="attachment_537" align="aligncenter" width="600"] Figure 5.22 Personnel entering a gas chamber during a training exercise, No. 2 CWAC Basic Training Centre, Vermilion, Alberta (1943). In basic training, soldiers are taught to walk, move, and look like each other. (Photo courtesy of Lieutenant Ken Bell (1914-2000), Library and Archives Canada, [1967-052 NPC] PA-141008.) Public Domain[/caption]Many individuals are resocialized into an institution through a two-part process. First, members entering an institution must leave behind their old identity through what is known as a degradation ceremony. In a degradation ceremony, new members lose the aspects of their old identity and are given new identities. The process is sometimes gentle. To enter a senior care home, an elderly person often must leave a family home and give up many belongings which were part of their long-standing identity. Though caretakers guide the elderly compassionately, the process can still be one of loss. In many cults, this process is also gentle and happens in an environment of support and caring.In other situations, the degradation ceremony can be more extreme. Erving Goffman referred to the process of being stripped of ones external identity as a “mortification of the self” (1961). New prisoners lose freedom, rights (including the right to privacy), and personal belongings. When entering the army, soldiers have their hair cut short. Their old clothes are removed and they wear matching uniforms. These individuals must give up any markers of their former identity in order to be resocialized into an identity as a soldier.The accounts of Aboriginal people forced to attend residential school, like Mike Mountain Horse's report (above), describe the colonial aspect of cross-cultural degradation ceremonies. Daniel Kennedy's account was similar:

In his memoirs, Daniel Kennedy, an Assiniboine man, recounted, “In 1886, at the age of twelve years, I was lassoed, roped and taken to the Government School at Lebret. Six months after I enrolled, I discovered to my chagrin that I had lost my name and an English name had been tagged on me in exchange" ( Kennedy 1972, p. 54). Until he went to school, his name had been Ochankuga’he, meaning “pathmaker.” The name honoured a trek his grandfather had led through a Prairie blizzard (ibid.). The new name, Daniel Kennedy, referred to the Old Testament’s Daniel of the lion’s den (Gresko, 1992, p. 80). The school interpreter later told Kennedy, “When you were brought here, for purposes of enrolment, you were asked to give your name and when you did, the Principal remarked that there were no letters in the alphabet to spell this little heathen’s name and no civilized tongue could pronounce it. ‘We are going to civilize him, so we will give him a civilized name,’ and that was how you acquired this brand new whiteman’s name” (Kennedy, ibid.). Kennedy lost more than his name on that first day. "In keeping with the promise to civilize the little pagan, they went to work and cut off my braids, which, incidentally, according to the Assiniboine traditional custom, was a token of mourning—the closer the relative, the closer the cut. After my haircut, I wondered in silence if my mother had died, as they had cut my hair close to the scalp. I looked in the mirror to see what I looked like. A Hallowe’en pumpkin stared back at me and that did it. If this was civilization, I didn’t want any part of it. I ran away from school, but I was captured and brought back. I made two more attempts, but with no better luck. Realizing that there was no escape, I resigned myself to the task of learning the three Rs" (ibid.).
(Truth and Reconciliation Commission, 2015, p. 173 [excerpt]).

After new members of an institution are stripped of their old identity, they build a new one that matches the new society. In the military, soldiers go through basic training together, where they learn new rules and bond with one another. They follow structured schedules set by their leaders. Soldiers must keep their areas clean for inspection, march in correct formations, and salute when in the presence of superior officers. In Asylum (1961), Goffman provides an acute analysis of some of the perverse implications of resocialization within the structure of total institutions. In institutions of resocialization, inmates pass through a standard sequence of changes with respect to how their capacity to act “morally” (i.e., as someone answerable for their actions) is established, recognized, and affirmed by others (and by themselves). Goffman refers to this as their moral career.

[caption id="attachment_540" align="aligncenter" width="1024"] Figure 5.23 Riverview mental hospital ws opened in 1913, in Port Coquitlam, B.C. After a lengthy process of deinstitutionalization and repurposing it was closed in 2012 (Image courtesy of Niall Williams/Flickr.) CC BY-SA 2.0[/caption]

Goffman observed that the stratagems for securing recognition of viable selfhood or moral capacity from others — mental patients from ward staff, for example — often undermined the stated goals of rehabilitation. As it was the psychiatric authorities who decided who had viable selfhood and who did not, and as tangible benefits of status and privileges were at stake, the setting of the mental institution provided the conditions under which amoral strategies of self became effective. Patients found that “it is not very practicable to sustain solid claims about oneself” because these were easily torn down by staff after glancing at the patients records (Goffman, 1961). Instead it was easier give up the goal of moral rehabilitation and just mimic what the staff wanted to get privileges. Goffman writes:

Learning to live under conditions of imminent exposure and wide fluctuation in regard, with little control over the granting or withholding of this regard, is an important step in the socialization of the patient, a step that tells something important about what it is like to be an inmate in a mental hospital. Having one’s past mistakes and present progress under constant moral review seems to make for a special adaptation consisting of a less than moral attitude to ego ideals. One’s shortcomings and successes become too central and fluctuating an issue in life to allow the usual commitment of concern for other persons’ views of them. It is not very practicable to try to sustain solid claims about oneself. The inmate tends to learn that degradations and reconstructions of the self need not be given too much weight, at the same time learning that staff and inmates are ready to view an inflation or deflation of a self with some indifference. He learns that a defensible picture of self can be seen as something outside oneself that can be constructed, lost, and rebuilt, all with great speed and some equanimity. He learns about the viability of taking up a standpoint — and hence a self — that is outside the one which the hospital can give and take away from him. The setting, then, seems to engender a kind of cosmopolitan sophistication, a kind of civic apathy. In this unserious yet oddly exaggerated moral context, building up a self or having it destroyed becomes something of a shameless game, and learning to view this process as a game seems to make for some demoralization, the game being such a fundamental one. In the hospital, then, the inmate can learn that the self is not a fortress, but rather a small open city; he can become weary of having to show pleasures when held by troops of his own, and weary of how to show displeasure when held by the enemy. Once he learns what it is like to be defined by society as not having a viable self, this threatens definition — the threat that helps attach to the self society accords them — is weakened. The patient seems to gain a new plateau when he learns that he can survive while acting in a way that society sees as destructive of him (Goffman, 1961).

Learning to deal with life after having lived in a total institution requires yet another process of resocialization. In the Canadian military, soldiers learn discipline and a capacity for hard work. They set aside personal goals to achieve a mission, and they take pride in the accomplishments of their units. Many soldiers who leave the military transition these skills into excellent careers. Others find themselves lost upon leaving, uncertain about the outside world, and what to do next. For those suffering from Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD), these issues are compounded. The process of resocialization to civilian life is not a simple one.

Media Attributions

Figure 5.21 génération Y by Patrick Marioné, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY-NC 2.0 licence.
Figure 5.22 Personnel entering a gas chamber during a training exercise, No. 2 CWAC Basic Training Centre, Vermilion, Alberta (1943) by Lieutenant Ken Bell (1914-2000), Library and Archives Canada, [1967-052 NPC] PA-141008, is in the public domain.
Figure 5.23 West Lawn with landscaping by Niall Williams, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY-SA 2.0 licence.

Chapter 5 Resources and Activities

hfriedman — Thu, 10 Aug 2023 20:43:51 +0000

Key Terms

adolescence: A period stretching from puberty to about 18-years-old characterized by the role adjustment from childhood to adulthood. agency: The ability to choose and act independently of external constraints. anticipatory socialization: When people prepare for future life roles. degradation ceremony: The process by which new members of a total institution lose aspects of their old identity and are given new ones. doing gender: The way people perform tasks based on assigned gender scripts and gendered feedback from significant others. epigenetics: The study of variations in gene expression under the impact of environmental influences. game stage: The stage in child development in which children begin to recognize and interact with particular others on the basis of fixed norms and roles. gender schema: A cognitive picture or abstraction delineating the difference between gender categories that people utilize to guide their behavior and information processing. generalized other: The common behavioural expectations of general society. hidden curriculum: The informal teaching done in schools that socializes children to societal norms. I and me: The two components or phases of the self-reflective self. interaction ritual: An activity in a bounded situation where there is a mutual focus of attention and a shared emotional experience. liquid modernity: The fluid and transitory nature of late modern life, which is increasingly fragmented and cut into a succession of ill-connected episodes. looking glass self: The self or self-image that arises as the reaction to the judgement of others. mass media: The distribution of impersonal information to a wide audience via television, newspapers, radio, and the internet. moral career: A standard sequence of changes in a person’s moral capacity to be answerable for their actions. moral development: The way people learn what is “good” and “bad” in society. nature: The influence of genetic makeup on self development. nurture: The role that social environment plays in self development. peer group: A group made up of people who are similar in age and social status and who share interests. play stage: A time when children begin to episodically imitate and take on roles that another person might have. preparatory stage: A time when children are only capable of imitation and have no ability to imagine how others see things. resocialization: The process by which old behaviours are removed and new behaviours are learned in their place. rite of passage: A ritual that marks a life cycle transition from a previous status to a new status. role conflict: When one or more of an individual’s social roles clash. self: A person’s distinct sense of identity as developed through social interaction. social expectation: Internalized social norms that define what people should do when they occupy a social role in society. social role: The behaviour expected of a person who occupies a particular position. socialization: The process wherein people come to understand societal norms and expectations, to accept society’s beliefs, and to be aware of societal values. stages of child socialization: The four stages of child development (preparatory, play, game, and generalized other) in which the child develops the capacity to assume social roles. symbolic interactionism: A theoretical perspective that focuses on the relationship of individuals within society by studying their communication (language, gestures, and symbols). total institution: An institution in which members are required to live in isolation from the rest of society.

Section Summary

5.1 Theories of Self Development Psychological theories of self development have been broadened by sociologists who explicitly study the role of society and social interaction in self development. Charles Cooley and George Mead both contributed significantly to the sociological understanding of the development of self. Lawrence Kohlberg and Carol Gilligan developed their ideas further, researching how our sense of morality develops. Gilligan added the dimension of gender differences to Kohlberg’s theory. West and Zimmerman present a performative model of doing gender to explain the socialization of gender patterns. 5.2 Why Socialization Matters Socialization is important because it helps uphold societies and cultures. It is also a key part of individual development and internalization of societal expectations. Research demonstrates that who a person is is affected by both nature (genetic and hormonal makeup) and nurture (the social environment in which a person is raised). Sociology is most concerned with the way that society’s influence affects individual behaviour patterns, which is made clear by the way behaviour varies historically and cross-culturally. 5.3 Agents of Socialization Direct interactions with social groups, like families and peers, teach children and teenagers how others expect them to behave. Likewise, a society’s formal and informal institutions socialize its population. Schools, workplaces, and the media communicate and reinforce cultural norms and values. 5.4 Socialization Across the Life Course Socialization is a lifelong process recurring as people enter new phases of life, such as adulthood or old age. Resocialization is a process that removes the socialization people have developed over time and replaces it with newly-learned rules and roles. Because it involves removing old habits that have been built up, resocialization can be a stressful and difficult process. Total institutions are places where the effects of resocialization are felt the greatest.

Questions

Quiz: Socialization

5.1 Theories of Self Development

Socialization, as a sociological term, describes:
1. how states redistribute economic wealth and democratize key sectors of economic activity.
2. how people learn societal norms, beliefs, and values.
3. a person’s skill set and interactions when in a group setting.
4. the scale measuring the difference between introverts and extroverts.
The Harlows’ study on rhesus monkeys showed:
1. rhesus monkeys raised by other primate species are poorly socialized.
2. monkeys can be adequately socialized by imitating humans.
3. food is more important than social comfort.
4. social comfort is more important than food.
What occurs in Lawrence Kohlberg’s conventional level?
1. Children develop the ability to have abstract thoughts.
2. Morality is developed by pain and pleasure.
3. Children begin to consider what society considers moral and immoral.
4. Parental beliefs have no influence on children’s morality.
What did Carol Gilligan believe earlier researchers into morality had overlooked?
1. The justice perspective
2. Sympathetic reactions to moral situations
3. The perspective of females
4. How social environment affects how morality develops
What is one way to distinguish between psychology and sociology?
1. Psychology focuses on the mind, while sociology focuses on society.
2. Psychologists are interested in mental health, while sociologists are interested in societal functions.
3. Psychologists look inward to understand behaviour, while sociologists look outward to understand behaviour.
4. All of the above.
How did Danielle’s nearly-complete isolation as a child affect her verbal abilities?
1. She could not communicate at all.
2. She never learned words, but she did learn signs.
3. She could not understand much, but she could use gestures.
4. She could understand and use basic language like “yes” and “no.”

5.2 Why Socialization Matters

Why do sociologists need to be careful when drawing conclusions from twin studies?
1. The results do not apply to singletons.
2. The twins were often raised in different ways.
3. The twins may turn out to be fraternal.
4. The sample sizes are often small.
From a sociological perspective, which factor does not greatly influence a person’s socialization?
1. Gender
2. Class
3. Blood type
4. Race
Chris Langan’s story illustrates that:
1. children raised in one-parent households tend to have higher IQs.
2. intelligence is more important than socialization.
3. socialization can be more important than intelligence.
4. neither socialization nor intelligence affects college admissions.

5.3 Agents of Socialization

Why are wealthy parents more likely than poor parents to socialize their children toward creativity and problem solving?
1. Wealthy parents are socializing their children toward the skills of white-collar employment.
2. Wealthy parents are not concerned about their children rebelling against their rules.
3. Wealthy parents never engage in repetitive tasks.
4. Wealthy parents are more concerned with money than with a good education.
How do schools prepare children to one day enter the workforce?
1. With a standardized curriculum
2. Through a hidden curriculum
3. By socializing them in teamwork
4. All of the above
Which one of the following is not a way people are socialized by peers?
1. Emotional entrainment
2. Play time
3. Formal degradation ceremonies
4. Interaction rituals
Which of the following is a manifest function of schools?
1. Understanding when to speak up and when to be silent
2. Learning to read and write
3. Following a schedule
4. Knowing locker room etiquette
Which of the following is typically the earliest agent of socialization?
1. School
2. Family
3. Mass media
4. Zygotes

5.4 Socialization Across the Life Course

Which of the following is not an age-related transition point when Canadians must be socialized to new roles?
1. Infancy
2. School age
3. Adulthood
4. Senior citizen
Which of the following is true regarding degradation rituals?
1. They are practiced by bullies in playschool cliques.
2. They are required in anticipatory socialization in liquid modernity.
3. They take place when entering prisons, asylums, boarding schools, and the military.
4. They take place when leaving prisons, asylums, boarding schools, and the military.

[Quiz answers at the end of chapter]

Short Answer

5.1 Theories of Self Development

Think of a question regarding self-development that a sociologist might study. What types of frameworks would the sociologist use, and what research methods might they employ? Now consider the questions and methods a psychologist might use to study the same issue. Comment on their different approaches.
Compare Freud, Cooley, Mead, Kohlberg, Gilligan and West and Zimmerman on theories of self development. How are they similar? How are they different?

5.2 Why Socialization Matters

Why are twin studies an important way to learn about the relative effects of genetics and socialization on children? What questions about human development do you believe twin studies are best for answering? What types of questions would twin studies not be as helpful in answering?
Why do you think that people like Chris Langan continue to have difficulty even after they are helped through societal systems? What is it they have missed that prevents them from functioning successfully in the social world?
How do sociologists reconcile the conformity implied by socialization with the existence of individual uniqueness?

5.3 Agents of Socialization

Do you think it is important that parents discuss gender roles with their young children, or is gender a topic better left for later? How do parents consider gender norms when buying their children books, movies, and toys? How do you believe they should consider it?
Based on your observations, when are adolescents more likely to listen to their parents or to their peer groups when making decisions? What types of dilemmas lend themselves toward one social agent over another?
To what degree have you been influenced by the media in your socialization and self-development?

5.4 Socialization Across the Life Course

Consider a person who is moving into a university residence, or attending university or boarding school, or even a child beginning kindergarten. How is the process the student goes through a form of socialization? What new cultural behaviours must the student adapt to?
Do you think resocialization requires a total institution? Why or why not? Can you think of any other ways someone could be resocialized?
Describe the different aspects of degradation ceremony that Mike Mountain Horse and Daniel Kennedy experienced on entering residential school. How does the colonial nature of residential school distinguish it from other total institutions?

Further Research

5.1 Theories of Self Development Lawrence Kohlberg was most famous for his research using moral dilemmas. He presented dilemmas to boys and asked them how they would judge the situations. Read about Kohlberg’s most famous moral dilemma, known as the Heinz dilemma. 5.2 Why Socialization Matters Learn more about five other sets of twins who grew up apart and discovered each other later in life. 5.3 Agents of Socialization See the controversy surrounding one Canadian couple’s refusal to socialize their child into gender norms. 5.4 Socialization Across the Life Course Post Traumatic Stress Disorder is an endemic problem among veterans. Many soldiers leave the military or return from war and have difficulty resocializing into civilian life. Review the data on this 2020 issue of the Federal Framework On Posttraumatic Stress Disorder [PDF] report.

References

5.0 Introduction to Socialization

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Statistics Canada. (2013). General social survey: Time use 2010. The Daily. http://www.statcan.gc.ca/daily-quotidien/110712/dq110712b-eng.htm

Statistics Canada. (2021). Study: Family matters: Parental leave in Canada. The Daily. https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/daily-quotidien/210210/dq210210a-eng.htm

Thompson, E. P. (1967, December). Time, work-discipline, and industrial capitalism. Past & Present, 38, 56–97. https://www.jstor.org/stable/649749

Truth and Reconciliation Commission. (2015). Canada’s residential schools: The history, Part 1, origins to 1939. Final Report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada (Volume 1). McGill-Queen’s University Press. https://ehprnh2mwo3.exactdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/01/Volume_1_History_Part_1_English_Web.pdf

U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, U.S. Department of Labor. (2010, September 10). Number of jobs held, labor market activity, and earnings growth among the youngest baby boomers [PDF]. (Publication no. USDL-15-0528). http://www.bls.gov/news.release/pdf/nlsoy.pdf

5.4 Socialization Across the Life Course

Anderssen, E. (2016, June 24). Through the eyes of Generation Z. Globe and Mail. http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/national/through-the-eyes-of-generation-z/article30571914/

Bauman, Z. (2004). Identity: Conversations with Benedetto Vecchi. Polity Press.

Bauman, Z. (2005). Liquid life. Polity Press.

Bethune, S. (2019, January 2019). Gen Z more likely to report mental health concerns. American Psychological Association Monitor on Psychology, 50(1), 20. https://www.apa.org/monitor/2019/01/gen-z

Goffman, I. (1961). Asylums: Essays on the social situation of mental patients and other inmates. Anchor Books.

Gresko, J. (1992). Everyday Life at Qu’Appelle Industrial School. In Huel, R. (Ed.), Western Oblate Studies 2 (pp. 80). Edwin Mellen Press. [Cited in Truth and Reconciliation Commission, 2015, p. 173.)

Heisz, A. and Richards, E. (2019,April 18). Economic well-being across generations of young Canadians: Are Millennials better or worse off? Statistics Canada Catalogue number: 11-626-X No. 092. https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/11-626-x/11-626-x2019006-eng.htm

Henig, R. M. (2010, August 18). What is it about twenty-somethings? The New York Times. http://www.nytimes.com/2010/08/22/magazine/22Adulthood-t.html?adxnnl=1&adxnnlx=1325202682-VVzEPjqlYdkfmWonoE3Spg.

Kennedy, D. & Stevens, J. R. (1972). Recollections of an Assiniboine chief (p. 54). McClelland and Stewart. [Cited in Truth and Reconciliation Commission, 2015, p. 173.)

Prince of Wales. (2012a). Duke of Cambridge, gap year. http://www.dukeandduchessofcambridge.org/the-duke-of-cambridge/biography

Prince of Wales. (2012b). Prince Harry, gap year. http://www.princeofwales.gov.uk/personalprofiles/princeharry/biography/gapyear/index.html

Sapers, H. (2013). Annual report of the Office of the Correctional Investigator: 2012–2013. [PDF] (Catalogue no. PS100-2013E-PDF). http://www.oci-bec.gc.ca/cnt/rpt/pdf/annrpt/annrpt20122013-eng.pdf

Setterson, R. A., Jr. (2002). Socialization and the life course: New frontiers in theory and research. Advances in Life Course Research, 7, 13–40. Elsevier Science Ltd. https://doi.org/10.1016/S1040-2608(02)80028-4

Tsintziras, A. (2013, July 26). Millennials and anxiety: Is Generation Y anxious? The Huffington Post. http://www.huffingtonpost.ca/2013/07/26/millenials-and-anxiety_n_3652976.html

UNICEF. (2011). Percentage of children aged 5–14 engaged in child labour. http://www.childinfo.org/labour_countrydata.php

Solutions to Quiz: Socialization

1 B, | 2 D, | 3 C, | 4 C, | 5 D, | 6 A, | 7 D, | 8 C, | 9 C, | 10 A, | 11 D, | 12 C, | 13 B, | 14 B, | 15 A, | 16 C, [Return to Quiz]

6.1. Micro-level Interaction

hfriedman — Thu, 10 Aug 2023 21:09:18 +0000

Social interaction is the process of reciprocal influence exercised by individuals over one another during social encounters. Usually it refers to face-to-face encounters in which people are physically present with one another for a specified duration. However, in contemporary society one can also think of social encounters that are technologically mediated like texting, zoom meeting, or direct messaging. In terms of the different levels of analysis in sociology--micro, meso, macro, and global--social interaction is generally approached at the micro-level where the structures and social scripts, the pre-established patterns of behaviour that people are expected to follow in specific social situations, that govern the relationship between particular individuals can be examined. However, as the sociological study of emotions indicates, the micro-level processes of everyday life are also impacted by macro-level phenomena such as gender inequality and historical transformations.

Emotional Life

[caption id="attachment_983" align="aligncenter" width="768"] Figure 6.4 A-maze-ing Laughter sculpture (2009) by Chinese artist Yue Minjun, Vancouver B.C. (Image courtesy of Ruth Hartnup/Flickr.) CC BY 2.0[/caption] The study of micro-level interaction has been a rich source of insight in sociology. The idea that people's emotions, for example, have a social component might not be all that surprising at first because often individuals are subject to having “emotional reactions” to other people, positive or negative. The other person, or the social situation itself, brings on an emotion that otherwise would not arise. However, sociological research has shown that emotions also can have a systematic, socially structured quality which is not immediately apparent. Studies of face-to-face conversations show that the outward signs of emotion like smiling or laughing are not equally distributed. For example, the predisposition to show emotion by laughing in a conversation is structured by differences in gender, status, role, and norm. Robert Provine (1996) studied 1200 two-person conversations, observed discretely in public places like shopping malls. He discovered that when a woman was speaking and a man was listening the woman laughed more than twice as much as the man. Similarly when a man was speaking and a woman listening, she was still more likely to laugh than him. "Female speakers laugh 127 per cent more than their male audience. In contrast, male speakers laugh about 7 per cent less than their female audience" (Provine, 1996). Provine suggests that this shows that males lead in producing humour while females lead in laughing at humour, but it might also show a pattern of social deference reflecting the unequal social status of men and women. How a culture laughs, when it laughs and at what it laughs also varies through history. Jokes often hone in on what people are most anxious about as a culture. The Roman Classicist Mary Beard (2014) argues that while it is very difficult to go from the recorded literature to a confident appraisal of what laughter and its place in social life in ancient Rome was like, the nature of the jokes the Romans told reveals an anxiety about the ability to demonstrate identity unique to Roman culture. Many jokes had the common theme of "how do I know that I am me?" and "how can I prove to others that I am me?"

For example, "two friends meet in the street and one says to the other, 'I heard that you were dead,' and the other says, 'I'm not dead, you can see me, here I am,' to which the first replies, 'But the person who told me you were dead is much more reliable than you are.' "

This typical Roman joke refers to a cultural context in which demonstrating status was extremely important but official proofs of identity like passports or ID cards were minimal (Beard 2014). [caption id="attachment_430" align="alignleft" width="300"] Figure 6.5 The Emperor Commodus (depicted recently in the film Gladiator, 2000). Roman statues do not depict their subjects with smiles. What does the absence of a culture of smiling indicate about the emotional experience of everyday social interaction in ancient Rome? (Image courtesy of the Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna/Wikimedia Commons.) CC BY-SA 3.0[/caption] On the other hand, one rare account from ancient Rome in which the physical, bodily, uncontrollable nature of laughter is actually recorded was when the Emperor Commodus was playing at being a gladiator in the Roman forum. He decapitated an ostrich and threatened the Roman senators in the front row by waving its head and neck at them. What a modern audience would probably find horrifying or disgusting, the Roman senator Dio Cassius found so ridiculous he had to bite down on a laurel leaf from the wreath he was wearing to suppress his urge to giggle (Beard 2014). What is perhaps even more significant with regard to the unique emotional life of the Romans is Beard's claim that the Romans did not smile, or more accurately, that the expression contemporary people experience as smiling played no significant role in Roman facial communication. The Romans might have turned their mouths up at the corners but the smile was not a significant gesture in their social interaction. There are no accounts of smiling in Roman literature. The Roman words that are sometimes translated into English as smile are ridere and subridere which mean "laugh" and "little laugh" respectively; no word for smile exists. Beard concludes that the culture of the smile and the expectation of cheerfulness that figure so prominently in modern emotional life (smiling when meeting someone, smiling to show pleasure, smiling in photographs, etc.) did not exist in Roman life. Medieval scholars suggest that the culture of the smile was not invented until the middle ages (Beard 2014). Raymond Williams referred to structures of feeling to capture large scale, societal shifts in people's feelings or emotional responses towards things. These are "characteristic elements of impulse, restraint, and tone; specifically affective elements of consciousness and relationships" (Williams, 1977). They are structures in the sense that they are composed of sets of interlocking emotional components that go together, but in the moment they are also fluid and in process; difficult to define until after the fact. Research into the transition from premodern to modern European family life, for example, indicates several changes in societal structures of feeling in the 18th and 19th centuries: the growing importance of romantic love in mate selection, of maternal love and commitment in child-rearing, of deep grief for the loss of a child, and of anger constraint and temper management within the family (Stearns, 2014). The emotional environment of family life became "warmer" as capitalist economic life became "colder" and more calculated. New humanitarian feelings of connection with the suffering of distant others also emerged, which fueled the 19th century movements for the abolition of slavery. Similarly, the emergence of nostalgia was a new structure of feeling at this time. People formulated emotional responses to the losses and displacements brought about by new patterns of migration, travel, urbanization and industrialization. Structures of feeling are a fluid component of collective life yet they lead to large scale social change. They impact how individuals feel and what they feel about. Prominent sociologists have argued that the structure of feeling of contemporary society is defined by an emotional state of anxiety (Giddens, 1990; Beck, 1992). Anxiety is a future-oriented emotion aroused by uncertainty, unpredictability and lack of control. In a global context of existential crises including climate change, virus pandemics, economic crises, immigration and refugee flows, the ability to collectively understand and manage risk is compromised. Public trust in the numerous technical and expert systems which govern global life outside of or beyond individual control, is also shaken when these are revealed to be precarious. People become skeptical about scientific knowledge and public authorities, but because responsibilities for managing and understanding risks are increasingly downloaded onto individuals, the structure of feeling that emerges is a permanent, pervasive, low intensity anxiety. In moments of crisis, this drives the characteristic divide in contemporary Canadian emotional life between the demands for more caring institutional or collective responses and outbursts of violence and aggression towards authorities.

Making Connections: Sociology in the Real World

The Emotional Life of COVID-19

[caption id="attachment_1008" align="aligncenter" width="800"] Figure 6.6 The Corona Virus. Symptoms: Fever, Difficulty Breathing, Headache, and Tiredness etc. (Image courtesy MughalKings/Wikimedia Commons.) CC BY-SA 4.0[/caption] The Covid-19 pandemic crisis of the 2020s has been described as "the greatest mass emotional event since the Second World War" (Rebughini, 2021). It was a sudden, globally destabilizing state of emergency, which amplified the social dynamics of precariousness, uncertainty and insecurity driving the late modern emotional state of anxiety. Anxiety during the pandemic was not only about the risk of catching the virus or spreading it to vulnerable others, but also anxiety over the absence of social connection, the shut down of the economy, the collapse of supply chains, the loss of employment, the incapacity of scientists and public health officials to provide accurate and timely knowledge, and the proliferation of conspiracy theories, disinformation and dubious alternative treatments. Measures of life satisfaction used to measure well-being indicate that, under the impact of the pandemic, life satisfaction in Canada declined by approximately 20% between 2018 and 2020 to the lowest level over the 2003‑to‑2020 period for which comparable data are available (Helliwell et al., 2020). In a state of emergency, old norms of daily life that provide security and alleviate anxiety are suspended and people are confronted with no clear path to address a new, unknown situation. As a result, Rebughini writes:

The Covid-19 pandemic crisis is an all-pervading source of anxiety, in social relations, in terms of impact on economic and healthcare systems, and for its capacity to reveal situations of scientific and practical ignorance. In this respect, the emotional spread of anxiety is related to the questioning of scientific knowledge, to the political capacity to react to the crisis rapidly, and to the necessity that individuals reorganize their everyday lives on the basis of unclear dispositions (Rebughini, 2021).

Throughout late modernity the anxieties about hypothetical dangers posed by climate change, economic crisis, etc., have been managed on an individual and collective level by the belief in expert knowledge, technoscientific solutions and changes in lifestyle (Rebughini, 2021). Feelings of anxiety have been typically assuaged by shifting the dangers to the future. But the Covid-19 crisis revealed that instead of living in a knowledge-based society where dangers are known and controlled, society was largely ignorance-based. People suddenly discovered the extent of their ignorance and unpreparedness to deal with the viral condition. As Williams (1977) argues, structures of feeling have the capacity to produce large scale social change. What the long term outcome of the feelings around Covid-19 will be is unclear, but the emotional division between the majority who support the public health measures and the skeptical minority who prioritize unrestricted personal freedoms has the potential to produce long term societal consequences. Firstly, it indicates the frailty of a common universe of factual reality. As discussed later in the chapter, social realities are constructed. But the Covid-19 crisis has shown that they are often constructed in "patches" rather than as one unified "common sense" (Lyotard, 1984). In a kind of tribalization of the social discourse, people begin to live in simultaneous but separate realities. This is an explosive situation as the work of the ethnomethodologist, Harold Garfinkel, shows that when people's common sense understanding of situations are challenged, the emotional response is disorientation, bewilderment and anger (Garfinkel, 1967). Secondly, the declining trust in the role of technoscience and of evidence based solutions to global problems, indicates a shifting relationship to modern science and its central role in advancing society. To exercise control over the risks they confront, laypersons try to assimilate expert knowledge and internalize it into their conduct of life. They reassert control over their powerlessness by creating new forms of popular skepticism: they become self-taught experts by trusting no one and relying on their own ability to vet contradictory sources of information. In the case of Covid-19, this has produced new sources of anxiety in the form of an infodemic — the massive amount of information, true and false, circulating around the disease (Pulido et al., 2020). No one truly knows who to believe about information that is nevertheless consequential to human health and decisions concerning future crises.

Feeling Rules

In fact emotional life follows detailed cultural scripts and feeling rules. Feeling rules are a set of socially shared guidelines that direct how people want to try to feel and not to feel emotions according to given situations (Hochschild, 1979). People are obliged to systematically manage their emotions in response to different social situations.

For example, we often speak of "having the right" to feel angry at someone. Or we say we "should feel more grateful" to a benefactor. We chide ourselves that a friend's misfortune, a relative's death, "should have hit us harder," or that another's good luck, or our own, should have inspired more joy. We know feeling rules, too, from how others react to what they infer from our emotive display. Another may say to us, "You shouldn't feel so guilty; it wasn't your fault," or "You don't have a right to feel jealous, given our agreement" (Hochschild, 1979).

As Hochschild argues, the fact that people are even able to distance themselves enough from their feelings to recognize that something like a set of feeling rules may or may not apply in certain situations is a product of the modern "ironic" posture towards the self, quite foreign to traditional cultures.

Making Connections: Sociology in the Real World

Do Funeral Selfies Violate Deeply Held Feeling Rules?

[caption id="attachment_1013" align="aligncenter" width="800"] Figure 6.7 Do funeral selfies violate deeply held feeling rules? (Image courtesy of MudflapDC/Flickr.) CC BY-NC-ND 2.0[/caption] An example of issue that revolves around feeling rules is the controversy that emerged over people, generally teenagers, or millennials, posting selfies at funerals. Selfies are the photographic self portraits taken with camera at arms length to be shared on social media. Taking and posting selfie photographs on social media like Instagram is commonly regarded as a frivolous, if not a purely narcissistic and self-absorbed pastime. A headline in the Huffington Post read, "Funeral Selfies Are The Latest Evidence Apocalypse Can't Come Soon Enough" (Huffington Post, 2013). Taking selfies at funerals is seen to violate deeply held views about the solemnity and emotional tenor of funerals and the etiquette of mourning. A commentator on an article that defended funeral selfies stated the problem clearly:

But I can't comprehend WHY you would be taking pictures of yourself if you're so deep into the grieving process. It does not compute. When my mother died six years ago ... I didn't decide to whip out my phone and take photos of myself in my cute outfit or pretty makeup .... I didn't even think about that stuff. I was too busy grieving the loss of someone that I loved. I just don't understand how taking a selfie has anything to do with the grieving process. It's just wildly inappropriate imo [in my opinion]. It bugs me that they don't think of this before they post the damn pic or don't care (Doughty, 2013).

For this commentator, it is not just that selfies are seen as frivolous, but that the people taking them do not know how to feel the appropriate feelings. She sees this as a character defect. The defender of funeral selfies, a mortician herself, makes a similar argument but from the other side of the issue. Breaking the feeling rules of funerals is not good etiquette but reflects "our tragic disengagement with the reality of death" rather than a personal defect. "Modern death practices in the West, created by the funeral industry, have given teenagers diddly squat to do when someone dies" and therefore their feelings have no support in collective ritual (Doughty, 2013).

Emotional Management

Emotions are therefore subject to more or less conscious practices of emotion management, the way individuals work on producing or inhibiting feelings according to the social expectations of different situations. They are not as natural, spontaneous or involuntary as popularly assumed. Moreover, this intimate and personal component of life is subject to macro-level processes like commodification. In post-industrial societies, services—nursing and care professions, flight attendants, call center employees, waiters, sales clerks, teachers, community policing officers, therapists, etc.—increasingly require expertise in the use of emotional labour. Sociologists speak of emotional labour "when deep gestures of exchange enter the market sector and are bought and sold as an aspect of labour power" (Hochschild, 1979). Managing emotion according to meticulous protocols becomes part of the job description because emotional tonality is part of the commodity being sold. The philosopher Gilles Deleuze (1992) also noted the emotional or affective nature of power. He drew on Spinoza's distinction between joy and sadness as affects that express the feelings of power and powerlessness respectively. Power for Deleuze is defined as the sense of being able to do something; feeling uninhibited. Powerlessness on the other hand is the sense of being unable to something; feeling blocked. When a person feels joy, they feel themselves to be at the maximum of their power of action; they feel that they have fulfilled one of their abilities. Joy is the expression of the experience of feeling empowered. When a person feels sadness they feel separated from their power of action; they feel that they failed to do something they could have done because of circumstances, inhibitions, or because they were prevented or forbidden from doing it. Sadness is the expression of the experience of feeling disempowered. Deleuze argues that sadness is therefore the effect of a power that is exercised over people; they are prevented from realizing or fulfilling their powers of action. In Deleuze's analysis contemporary manifestations of power--the power of various types of tyrant, judge or priest in particular--are accompanied by techniques that strip people of their powers of action (joy) and instill feelings of impotence, inadequacy, guilt, indebtedness, and bad conscience. As Brym et al., (2013) argue, “the common sense view of emotions as unique, spontaneous, uncontrollable, authentic, natural, and perhaps even rooted exclusively in our biological makeup proves to be misguided.”

Social Constructions of Reality

[caption id="attachment_1004" align="aligncenter" width="799"] Figure 6.8 According to sociologists, reality is constructed through interactions with others. To what degree is this like the fanciful realities of mimes who make their own worlds through gestures and physical comedy? (Photo courtesy of Jan Lewandowski/Flickr.) CC BY 2.0[/caption] How do sociologists explain large scale social structures starting from the point of view of micro-scale social interactions? In 1966 sociologists Peter Berger and Thomas Luckmann wrote The Social Construction of Reality. They asked, how do institutions actually arise? If an institution is essentially just a collection of interacting individuals, how do they come to appear as “given, unalterable or self evident"? Berger and Luckmann argued that the objective reality of society, (i.e.,Durkheim's "social facts"), is created by humans and human interaction, through a process of habitualization. If society and its institutions seem to be objective social facts that exist externally to individuals, they become that way through an ongoing process of creation and forgetting. Habitualization describes how “any action that is repeated frequently becomes cast into a pattern, which can then be … performed again in the future in the same manner and with the same economical effort” (Berger and Luckmann 1966). Not only do people construct their own society, but they accept it as it is because others have created it before them. Society is, in fact, “habit.” Berger and Luckmann (1966) describe three separate processes through which "society" is accomplished: externalization, objectivation and internalization. Firstly, in externalization, human activity and labour create products that are separate from the creator. This is evident in commodity production when cars and other things are produced and then sold on the market, but it also applies to the production of social agreements, job descriptions, social roles, technical knowledge, managerial decisions, memoranda, rules, systems and so on. These are created by individuals through various social processes but then stand independently from them. Secondly, in objectivation, products of human creation obtain the character of objects which act back on the creators. Once a rule is established for example, it acts upon people, as if through its own agency, and constrains the lives of the people it rules. Thirdly, in internalization, the objective world is “retrojected” into consciousness through socialization. People internalize the rules and accept them as the guiding principles of their behaviour. For example, a school exists as a school and not just as a building because students, teachers and others agree that it is a school. They create the school and formulate expectations about the type of activities and relationships that will go on there. They interact "in school" in regular patterns according to this construct. If the school is older than the student, it was created by the agreement of others before the student enrolled. In a sense, it continues to exist by consensus and habit, both prior and current. This is an example of the process of institutionalization, the act of implanting a convention or norm into society that is repeated through time. Bear in mind that the institution, while socially constructed, is still quite real. Another way of looking at this concept of socially constructed reality is through W. I. Thomas’s notable Thomas theorem which states, “If men define situations as real, they are real in their consequences” (Thomas and Thomas, 1928). That is, people’s behaviour can be determined by their mutual definition of the situation rather than by any independent or "objective" criterion of reality. Once the definition of the situation is established, people act according to it. It is real in its consequences. In the school for example, there is an agreed upon rule of etiquette between students and teachers, which could have been formulated otherwise. This definition of the situation is inter-subjective in the sense that it is based on a subjective understanding shared mutually by multiple individuals, but it is also real in its consequences. If a student or teacher steps out of line at school there are sanctions of varying severity. Thomas states therefore that moral codes and social norms are created by “successive definitions of the situation.” Howard Becker (1963) elaborates on this idea in his theory of labeling and deviance (see Chapter 8. Deviance, Crime, and Social Control). If someone violates a particular rule it does not mean they are deviant in other respects. But being labelled "deviant" by authorities (police, parents, teachers, etc.) initiates a chain of consequences for the individual, which makes it difficult for them to participate in conventional groups and activities (like holding a job or going to school) with the "normals." The individual is also subject to common popular diagnoses about why they have "gone" that way — e.g., "he is a bad seed," "she is weak willed," etc. — which furthers the perception that they are an outsider. These factors in turn make it more difficult for the individual to conform to other rules which they had no intention of violating. The individual is placed in an increasingly untenable position in which it becomes increasingly likely they will need to resort to deceit and rule violation. "Treating a person as though he [or she] were generally rather than specifically deviant produces a self-fulfilling prophecy" (Becker, 1963). A teenager who is repeatedly given a label — overachiever, player, bum, delinquent — might live up to the term, even though it was not initially part of their character. [caption id="attachment_74" align="alignleft" width="400"] Figure 6.9 The story line of a self-fulfilling prophecy appears in many literary works, perhaps most famously in the story of Oedipus. Oedipus is told by an oracle that he will murder his father and marry his mother. In going out of his way to avoid his fate, Oedipus inadvertently fulfills it. Oedipus’s story could be read as a parable about the social construction of reality. (Photo courtesy of Jean-Antoine-Theodore Giroust/Wikimedia Commons.) Public Domain[/caption] This concept is further refined by sociologist Robert K. Merton in his definition of a self-fulfilling prophecy. Merton explains that with a self-fulfilling prophecy, even a false idea can become true if it is acted on. Merton gives the example of a “bank run.” Say for some reason, a number of people falsely fear that their bank is soon to be bankrupt. Because of this false notion, people run to their bank and demand all their cash at once. As banks rarely, if ever, have that much money on hand, the bank does indeed run out of money, fulfilling the customers’ prophecy. Similarly, the role of “investor confidence” was prominent in the promotion of unsupportable investments that lead up to the financial crisis of 2008. Investor confidence is another social construct, which is “real in its consequences” but based on a fiction. Social reality is constructed by an idea which people follow. The idea does not need to be correct to be followed. This is a key component in people acting on conspiracy theories. A conspiracy theory is an explanation of events based on the belief that a group of actors have colluded in secret to reach malevolent goals (Bale, 2007). There have been actual conspiracies at the highest level of politics and commerce, the Watergate scandal of the 1970s and the 1950-1960s collusion between American automakers to prevent installation of catalytic converters and other technologies to reduce pollution are examples. More frequently, conspiracies about the "deep state" or international agencies seeking world domination are fabricated but consequential when people believe them. The most tragic example of this was the fake 19th century "Protocols of Zion" text, which German Anti-Semites and eventually the German Nazi Party claimed was evidence of an international Jewish conspiracy for global domination. [caption id="attachment_1001" align="alignright" width="300"] Figure 6.10 "Pizzagate" conspiracy protest, March 25, 2017. "Conspiracy theories are consequential as they have a real impact on people's health, relationships, and safety; they are universal in that belief in them is widespread across times, cultures, and social settings; they are emotional given that negative emotions and not rational deliberations cause conspiracy beliefs; and they are social as conspiracy beliefs are closely associated with psychological motivations underlying intergroup conflict" (Prooijen & Douglas, 2018). (Image courtesy of Blink O'fanaye/Flickr.) CC BY-NC 2.0[/caption] A more contemporary cycle of conspiracy began with the QAnon conspiracy "Pizzagate." This started in 2016 with the Wikileaks theft and release of emails from John Podesta, the then chair of Hillary Clinton’s 2016 U.S. presidential campaign (LeFrance, 2020). Podestra had emailed with the owner of Comet Ping Pong, a pizza restaurant in Washington, DC., about fundraising events. The anonymous "Q" on the 4chan imageboard website started the rumour that these emails were evidence of secret, ritualistic child abuse by various Democratic party and celebrity elites taking place in the basement of the restaurant. The restaurant does not have a basement and the rumours were completely fabricated, but an ordinary citizen, Edgar Maddison Welch, believed them, armed himself with weapons, entered the restaurant and threatened staff and customers until he realized his mistake. “The intel on this wasn’t 100 percent,” he admitted after being taken into custody by police (LeFrance, 2020). The conspiracy was false, some might say completely ludicrous, but it was real in its consequences. People periodically continue to gather outside the restaurant to protest the non-existent underground pedophilia ring (Schaffer, 2021). In Canada, there were approximately 100,000 members of Canadian QAnon Facebook groups in 2020 (Remski, 2021).

Symbolic Interaction

How does a definition of the situation come to be established in everyday social interaction? Social interaction is in crucial respects symbolic interaction--interaction which is mediated by the exchange and interpretation of symbols. In symbolic interaction, people contrive to reach a mutual understanding of each other and of the tasks at hand through the exchange and interpretation of symbols and gestures. Only on this basis can a coordinated action be accomplished. The process of communication is the central quality of the human social condition. Social interaction depends on communication. George Herbert Mead (1934) argues that people often act as if an idea they have "in their head" defines who they are and what the situation in front of them is. But ideas are in fact nebulous. They have to be confirmed by the others in the situation before they can become "real" or "actual." Therefore, communication is central to defining social situations and making them "real." Moreover, communication operates less on exchanging fully formed ideas and more on indications or gestures of meaning that call out responses in others. One person says "Hello" in the expectation that the other person will say "Hello" in response. The meaning of the exchange of "Hellos" is established when both parties recognize and define the situation as an encounter. If the 1st person then indicates with their body language that they are on their way somewhere, they call out a response in the 2nd person to release them from the encounter. If the 2nd person complies, they mutually define the situation as a "brief encounter." If the 2nd person lingers, then the situation can become awkward, and further explanations are required to redefine the situation. Herbert Blumer (1969) clarifies the three parts of this communication processes as follows. The speaker's own and the other's actions might be physical but they are also symbolic in that they refer beyond themselves to meanings which call out for the response of the other: (a) they indicate to the other what they are expected to do, (b) they indicate what the speaker plans to do, and (c) on this basis they form a mutual definition of the situation that indicates how a joint action will be agreed upon, carried out, and accomplished. Until each of the "indications" is confirmed by the other, the situation is undefined and no coordinated joint action is possible. A robber tells a victim to put their hands up, which indicates (a) what the victim is supposed to do (i.e., not resist); (b) what the robber intends to do (i.e., take the victim’s money), and (c) what the joint action is going to be (i.e., a robbery). Blumer writes: “If there is confusion or misunderstanding along any one of these three lines of meaning, communication is ineffective, interaction is impeded, and the formation of joint action is blocked” (Blumer, 1969). In this model of communication, the definition of the situation, or mutual understanding of the context and tasks at hand, arises out of ongoing communicative interaction. Situations are not defined in advance, nor are they defined by the isolated understandings of the individuals involved. They are defined by the ongoing indications of meaning given by participants and the responses by the others. "Such a response is its meaning, or gives it its meaning" (Mead, 1934). Even the most habitualized situations involve a process of symbolic interaction in which a definition of the situation emerges through a mutual interpretation of signs or indications.

Making Connections: Sociological Research

Conversation Analysis

[caption id="attachment_1014" align="aligncenter" width="500"] Figure 6.11 In this conversation, how do the body gestures indicate the meaning of what is being said. How do you "read" body gestures? (Image courtesy of Search Engine People Blog/Flickr.) CC BY 2.0[/caption] Examine a recent conversation in which you participated. If possible, record it or write it out.

Did your conversation result in a "joint action" in the sense defined by Mead and Blumer? What was the joint action accomplished in this conversation (e.g., a casual passing of time, a game, a decision, a command, a fight, a work task, an agreement to disagree, etc.)?
Compare a recent joint action you were involved with at home, at work, or in a recreational setting that failed (i.e., in the manner Blumer describes). Along which of the three “lines of meaning” did it fail? Did you or someone else fail to express their intentions clearly? Did the others fail to interpret the intentions correctly? Was the definition of the situation unclear or ambiguous?
How did you get from "a" to "b" in the conversation? To what degree did your conversation proceed as a conversation of indications or gestures? Did the conversation unfold according to your initial intention or your initial opinion about things (i.e.,according to the "indication" you expressed)? On the other hand, in what way did you have to modify your line of conversation as a result of the responses of the other person, and vice versa? In what way was the course, meaning, or content of the conversation socially determined through the process of conversation itself?
With respect to any specific statement made in the conversation, is Mead right in saying that it is only the response of the other that “gives it its meaning”? If you said, "it's a nice day," does this require confirmation from the other person to make it so? Does the meaning of a statement like that change according to the other person's response? Maybe they do not think the days is nice. What does this imply for the social nature of conversation and language? Is it ever possible to refer to fixed meanings or already existing definitions of the situation in particular social settings? Or is meaning always unfixed or "emergent," waiting to be discovered at the outcome of an interaction?
In light of the concept of communication described by Mead and Blumer, define what is meant by "symbol" and what is meant by "interaction" in the term symbolic interaction. How was your conversation a symbolic interaction?

Roles and Status

People employ many types of behaviours in day-to-day life. From the point of view of micro-level sociology, roles are patterns of behaviour expected of a person who occupies particular social status or position in society. They are held in place by ones own and others expections of how people in that role are supposed to behave. Currently, while reading this text, readers are playing the role of a student. They are expected to be reading in a certain way, linking ideas together and remembering information. However, the reader also plays other roles in their life, such as daughter, pet owner, boyfriend, neighbour, or employee. Each of these other roles comes with a set of expectations as well. These various roles are each associated with a different status. Sociologists use the term status to describe the access to resources and benefits a person experiences according to the rank or prestige of their role in society. Some statuses are ascribed — those that individuals do not select, such as son, elderly person, racial minority member or female. Others, called achieved statuses, are obtained by personal effort or choice, such as a high school dropout, self-made millionaire, or sociologist. As a daughter or son, one occupies a different status than as a drop out or millionaire. One person can be associated with a multitude of roles and statuses. Even a single status such as “student” has a complex role-set, or array of roles, attached to it: roles in the classroom, in study groups, in interactions with university administrators and student loans officers, in solicitations from credit card companies, in getting bus or movie discounts, in earning tuition, etc. (Merton 1957). If too much is required of a single role, individuals can experience role strain. Consider the duties of a parent: cooking, cleaning, nursing, driving, problem solving, tears drying, moral counseling—the list goes on. Similarly, a person can experience role conflict when one or more roles are contradictory. A parent who also has a full-time career can experience role conflict on a daily basis. When there is a deadline at the office, but a sick child needs to be picked up from school, which comes first? When a parent is working toward a promotion but their children want them to take them to hockey practice several times a week, which do they choose? Being a college student can conflict with being an employee, being an athlete, or even being a friend. People's roles in life have a great effect on their decisions and on who they become.

Presentation of Self in Everyday Life

[caption id="attachment_993" align="alignleft" width="234"] Figure 6.12 William Shakespeare (1564-1616). (Image courtesy of Wikimedia Commons.) Public Domain[/caption] Of course, it is impossible to look inside a person’s head and study what role they are playing. All sociologists can observe is behaviour, or role performance. Role performance is how a person expresses their role. Describing it as a "performance" emphasizes that individuals use certain gestures, manners, scripts and "routines" to act out their roles. But they also seek to influence others in their enactments of specific roles. They perform for audiences of various sorts. In this sense, individuals in social contexts are always performers. The focus on the importance of role performance in everyday life led Erving Goffman (1922–1982) to develop a framework called dramaturgical analysis. It represents a sociological reflection on the famous line from Shakespeare's As You Like It, "all the world's a stage, and all the men and women merely players." Goffman used the theater as an analogy for social interaction. Dramaturgy in theater is the art of dramatic composition on stage. He recognized that people played their roles and engaged in interaction theatrically, often following common social scripts and using props and costumes to support their roles. For example, he notes that simply wearing a white lab coat brings to mind in the observer stock images of cleanliness, scientific modernity, scrupulous exactitude and authoritative knowledge. In England in the 1950s, even chimney sweeps and perfume clerks wore white lab coats as props "to provide the client with the understanding that the delicate tasks performed by these persons [would] be performed in ... a standardized, clinical confidential manner" (Goffman, 1959). Whether the perfume clerk was clinically competent or not, the lab coat was used to bolster the impression that they were. Today, even without the lab coats, an analogous repertoire of props, sets and scripts are used to convey the clean, clinical, and confidential tasks of the perfume clerk. [caption id="attachment_435" align="alignright" width="300"] Figure 6.13 Perfume shop in Mumbai, India. (Photo courtesy of monika.monika/Flickr.) CC BY 2.0 [/caption] Scripts and props are important in social encounters, because, as noted earlier, individuals are constrained to present a “face” that represents how they want the others to see them. They appear "in-face." They present themselves to others as they hope to be perceived. "First impressions" and "getting off on the right foot" are therefore crucial for the way the events during a social interaction unfold. Individuals project an image of themselves that, once proposed, they find themselves committed to for the duration of the encounter. If a person presents themselves as a "know-it-all," then they have to follow through on knowing it all or else they will end up "shame-faced." Their presentation therefore defines the situation but also entails that certain lines of responsive action will be available to them while others will not. It is difficult to change ones mode of self-presentation midway through a social interaction. The individual's self-presentation therefore has a promissory character that will either be borne out by the ensuing interactions or discredited. In either case, it commits the performer and the audience to a certain predictable series of events no matter what the specific content of the social encounter is. The audience of a performance is not passive however. The audience also projects a definition of the situation through their responses to the performer. In general, it is normal for the audience of a performance to try to attune their responses as much as possible with the performers self-presentation so that open contradiction in the interaction does not emerge. The rules of tact dictate that the audience accommodates the performer's claims and agrees to overlook minor flaws in the performance so that the encounter can reach its conclusion without mishap. Goffman points out that this attunement is not usually a true consensus in which everyone expresses their honest feelings and agrees with one another in an open and candid manner. Rather, it is more like a covert agreement, much like that in a theater performance, to temporarily suspend disbelief. Individuals are expected to suppress their real feelings and project an attitude to the performance that they imagine the others will find acceptable. They establish a provisional "official ruling" on the performance. In this way social encounters work based on a temporary modus vivendi or "working consensus" with regard to "whose claims concerning what issues will be temporarily honoured" (Goffman, 1959). As everyone who has been in an awkward social situation knows, the stakes of mutual accommodation in social interactions are high. Events that contradict, discredit or throw doubt upon the performer threaten to disrupt the social encounter. When it happens, this results in a kind of micro-level anomie or normlessness, which is characterized by a general uncertainty about what is going to happen and is usually painful for everyone involved.

When these disruptive events occur, the interaction itself may come to a confused and embarrassed halt. Some of the assumptions upon which the responses of the participants had been predicated become untenable, and the participants find themselves lodged in an interaction for which the situation has been wrongly defined and is now no longer defined. At such moments the individual whose presentation has been discredited may feel ashamed while the others present may feel hostile, and all the participants may come to feel ill at ease, nonplussed, out of countenance, embarrassed, experiencing the kind of anomie that is generated when the minute social system of face-to-face interaction breaks down (Goffman, 1959).

As a result, the logic of social situations dictates that individuals are continually obliged to manage the impression they are making on the others. Impression management often involves using the same type of “props” and “lines” as an actor, but also various defensive strategies like avoiding certain topics of conversation that might discredit the actor's face or status. It is also in the interest of the audience to accommodate the performance, as far as is practicable, through various protective practices (e.g., tact, willful ignorance, etc.). Social interactions are not governed by truth so much as by preventative practices employed to avoid embarrassments. This led to Goffman’s focus on the ritualized nature of social interaction—the way in which the “scripts” of social encounters become routine, repetitive, and unconscious. They follow predictable forms to avoid social breakdowns. For example, the ritual exchange in passing, "Hi. How are you?" "Fine, how are you?" is an exchange of symbolic tokens, ordinarily empty of actual content, (i.e.,one does not really want to know how the other is in any detail), which indicates sufficient mutual concern for the other that it stands in for a complete social interaction. Nothing is substantially exchanged, but a ritualized acknowledgement of the other is accomplished. Nevertheless, the emphasis in Goffman’s analysis, as in symbolic interactionism as a whole, is that the social encounter, and social reality itself, is open and unpredictable. It can be unclear what part a person may play in a given situation, they have to improvise their role as the situation unfolds. Each situation is like a new scene in a play, and individuals perform different roles depending on who is present.Face to face interaction relies on a continuous process of mutual interpretation, of signs given and signs received. Social reality is not predetermined by structures, functions, roles, or history, even if it often draws on these in the same way actors draw on background knowledge and experience in creating a credible character.

Front Stage and Back Stage

[caption id="attachment_928" align="alignleft" width="238"] Figure 6.14 Erving Goffman (1922–1982). “We move into the world as individuals, achieve character, and become persons” (Goffman, 1959). (Image courtesy of Wikimedia Commons.) CC BY-SA 3.0[/caption] Goffman observes that face-to-face performances usually take place in highly bounded "regions"—both spatially and temporally—which the impressions and understandings fostered by the performances tend to saturate. A work meeting takes place in a board room for a specified period of time and generally provides the single focus for the participants. The same can be said for dinner in a restaurant, a ball hockey game or a classroom lecture. Following his theatrical metaphor, Goffman (1959) further breaks down the regions of performance into front stage and back stage to examine the different implications they have for behaviour. The front stage is the place where the performance is given to an audience, including the fixed sign-equipment (props) or setting that supports the performance (the raised podium of the judge's bench, the family photos of the living room, the bookshelves of the professor's office, etc.). On the front stage the performer puts on a personal front (or face), which includes elements of appearance--uniforms, insignia, clothing, hairstyle, gender or racial characteristics, body weight, posture, etc.--that convey their claim to status, and elements of manner--aggressiveness or passivity, seriousness or joviality, politeness or informality, etc.--that foreshadow how they plan to play their role. The front stage is where the performer is on display. They are therefore constrained to maintain expressive control, as a single note off key can disrupt the tone of an entire performance. A server, for example, needs to read the situation table-by-table in walking the tricky line between establishing clear, firm, professional boundaries with the paying clients, (who are generally of higher status than the server), while also being friendly, courteous and informal so that tips will be forthcoming. The back stage is generally out of the public eye, the place where the front stage performance is prepared. It is also the place where "the impression fostered by the performance is knowingly contradicted as a matter of course” (Goffman, 1959). The waitress retreats to the kitchen to complain about the customers, the date retreats to the washroom to reassemble crucial make-up or hair details, the lawyer goes to the reference room to look up a matter of law she is not sure about, the neat and proper clerk goes out in the street to have a cigarette, etc. The back stage regions are where props are stored, costumes adjusted and examined for flaws, roles rehearsed and ceremonial equipment hidden--like a good bottle of scotch one is saving for a special occasion--so the audience cannot see how their treatment differs from others. As Goffman says, back stage is where the performer goes to drop the performance and be themselves temporarily: “Here the performer can relax; he can drop his front, forgo speaking his lines, and step out of character” (Goffman, 1959). However, the implications of Goffman's dramaturgical approach are that one is always playing a role. Even backstage the performer is not necessarily able to be their "true self." Firstly, role performances are often performed as part of a team "whose intimate cooperation is required if a given projected definition of the situation is to be maintained"--the restaurant staff, the law office, the husband and wife team, etc. As Goffman describes, this means that team members are involved with each other in a relationship of reciprocal dependence, because any team member of a team has the power to give away the secrets of the show, and reciprocal familiarity, because team members are all “persons in the know” and not a position to maintain their front before each other. This entails that even backstage they are obliged to demonstrate their allegiance to the team project and play their respective "back stage" roles. Secondly, whether one plays one's role sincerely--by being fully taken in with one's own act--or with a degree of cynicism or role distance--aware of acting a role that one is not fully identified with--the self is never truly singular or authentic in Goffman's view. There is no single, authentic self free of the obligations to perform. The self is just a collection of roles that people play out for others in different situations. Think about the way one behaves around coworkers versus the way one behaves around one's grandparents versus the way one behaves with a blind date. Even if one does not consciously try to alter their personal performance in each situation, the grandparents, coworkers, and date probably see different sides of one. Back stage or front stage, the self is always an artifact of the ongoing stratagems of accommodation and impression management involved in the social interaction with particular persons. Goffman concludes that the self is, on one side, “an image pieced together from the expressive implications of the full flow of events in an undertaking,” and on the other, “a kind of player in a ritual game” (Goffman, 1972). The self is essentially a mask: a persona.

It is probably no mere historical accident that the word person, in its first meaning, is a mask. It is rather a recognition of the fact that everyone is always and everywhere, more or less consciously, playing a role... It is in these roles that we know each other; it is in these roles that we know ourselves (Park quoted in Goffman, 1959)

Goffman's point here is not that individuals are completely inauthentic or phony. “In so far as this mask represents the conception we have formed of ourselves—the role we are striving to live up to—this mask is our truer self, the self we would like to be” (Goffman, 1959).

The Individual and Society

[caption id="attachment_995" align="aligncenter" width="799"] Figure 6.15 The individual and society. (Image courtesy of Stefan Klauke/Flickr.) CC BY-NC-ND 2.0[/caption] Many sociological findings like the ones surveyed in this chapter strike the newcomer to the discipline as counter-intuitive because people in modern society are so steeped in a certain way of thinking about themselves as unique individuals. This way of thinking is what Goffman called the "schoolboy attitude": the idea that individuals make their way in life and establish their identity and their merits by personal effort and individual character (Goffman, 1972). In this way of thinking, the individual is understood to be independent of external influences; as having a private subjective interior life of memories, impressions, feelings, fantasies, likes and dislikes that is their s alone. The individual makes free, rational, and autonomous decisions between different courses of action and is therefore individually responsible for their decisions and actions, etc. From this perspective, the individual is unique, and their authenticity resides in finding and expressing this uniqueness. “Be yourself!” might be the dominant message we receive through childhood and adolescence, if not beyond. However, these ideas about the individual are social. They go back to the political and ethical philosophies of the 18th century Enlightenment, the aesthetic reaction of the 19th century Romantic movement, and before that to ideas of self-cultivation from the Rennaissance and earlier Stoic practices of the ancient Greeks and Romans. What this means is that the modern idea of the individual is not a product of universal “human nature” or of unique personal self-discovery but a type of relationship to the self that emerges under specific historical conditions. People make themselves into individuals using a model of individuality which is socially approved. The inquiry of micro-level sociology is to examine the various ways in which the individual is produced in social interaction, just like any other human artifact. One aspect of late modern society has in fact been the proliferation of practices of the self such as mindfulness exercises, life long learning, or crossfit training in which people seek to consciously modify their individuality and individual potential. Practices of the self are shared ways in which people freely or voluntarily act upon themselves to transform themselves (Foucault, 1994). Today people are confronted with an array of competing options for engaging in practices of the self including various forms of counseling and therapy, meditation practices, yoga, martial arts, dieting, fitness regimes, different systems of health management, as well as numerous spiritual practices adopted in ‘do-it-yourself’ fashion from the world religions. In Monty Python’s Life of Brian (1979), there is a scene in which Brian addresses the crowd of disciples that have assembled outside his window. He implores them to be themselves and not to follow him.

Brian: Look, you've got it all wrong! You don't need to follow ME, You don't need to follow anybody! You've got to think for your selves! You're all individuals! The Crowd: Yes! We're all individuals! Brian: You're all different! The Crowd: Yes, we are all different! Man in crowd: I'm not... The Crowd: Ssssh!

The Python troupe put their finger on the paradox of the modern idea of the individual. The idea of the modern individual is to be defined by ones uniqueness and difference from all others. In a sense, one is socially obliged to be an individual in a manner that forces one to conform to the crowd. There is no individual choice in the matter. Moreover, as Goffman would have it, to be "an individual" is to make a claim for one's uniqueness and authenticity before others using a common, shared repertoire impression management stratagems to demonstrate it. Paradoxically, to be different means to be the same in many important aspects. [caption id="attachment_997" align="aligncenter" width="799"] Figure 6.16 We are all individuals! (Image courtesy of RXAphotos/Flickr.) CC BY-NC-ND 2.0[/caption]

Media Attributions

Figure 6.4 A-maze-ing laughter by Ruth Hartnup, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY 2.0 licence.
Figure 6.5 Commodus, Kunsthistorisches Museum Vienna by CristianChirita, via Wikimedia Commons, is used under a CC BY-SA 3.0 licence.
Figure 6.6 Corona Virus by MughalKings, via Wikimedia Commons, is used under a CC BY-SA 4.0 licence.
Figure 6.7 Funeral Service by MudflapDC, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY-NC-ND 2.0 licence.
Figure 6.8 Le Mime by Jan Lewandowski, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY 2.0 licence.
Figure 6.9 Giroust Oedipus at Colonus by Antoine Giroust, via Wikipedia, is in the public domain.
Figure 6.10 "Pizzagate" conspiracy protest by Blink O'fanaye, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY-NC 2.0 licence.
Figure 6.11 Conversation by Search Engine People Blog, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY 2.0 licence.
Figure 6.12 William Shakespeare, Chandros Portrait by John Taylor, 1610, via Wikimedia Commons, is in the public domain.
Figure 6.13 Perfume shopping, Mumbai by monika.monika, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY 2.0 licence.
Figure 6.14 Goffman, E. by User:キヨンネ, via Wikimedia Commons, is used under a CC BY-SA 3.0 licence.
Figure 6.15 Cell phone business by Stefan Klauke, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY-NC-ND 2.0 licence.
Figure 6.16 "We are all individuals!" by Richard Annable/ RXA Photography, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY-NC-ND 2.0 licence.

Chapter 6 Resources and Activities

hfriedman — Thu, 10 Aug 2023 21:23:35 +0000

Key Terms

achieved statuses: Statuses obtained by personal effort or choice. ascribed status: Statuses obtained by attributions outside of an individual’s control, such as sex or race. definition of the situation: The mutual understanding of a shared social context, which arises out of communicative interaction dramaturgical analysis: A technique sociologists use in which they view society through the metaphor of theatrical performance. emotion management: Producing or inhibiting feelings according to the social expectations of different situations. emotional labour: The production of emotional qualities required as an aspect of paid labour. face: An image of self delineated in terms of approved social attributes. face-work: The management of one’s face in light of the responses of others. feeling rules: A set of socially shared guidelines that define appropriate emotions in given situations. habitualization: The process whereby social patterns become routinized through repetition so they can be performed again in the future in the same manner and with the same economical effort impression management: Strategies used by a performer to control the impressions and responses of the others in a social interaction. institutionalization: The act of implanting a convention or norm into society. line: An act of self-presentation in which an individual expresses their view of the situation, their attitude towards the other members of the group, and their attitude towards themselves. looking-glass self: The individual's perception of how think think they appear to others. practice of the self: Shared way in which people freely or voluntarily act upon themselves to transform themselves role conflict: When one or more of an individual’s roles clash. role performance: The expression of a role. role strain: Stress that occurs when too much is required of a single role. role-set: An array of roles attached to a particular status. roles: Patterns of behaviour that are representative of a person’s social status. self-fulfilling prophecy: An idea that becomes true when acted on. social interaction: The process of social exchange and reciprocal influence exercised by individuals over one another during social encounters. social scripts: Pre-established patterns of behaviour that people are expected to follow in specific social situations. status: The privileges and benefits that a person experiences according to their prestige and role in society. structure of feeling: Large scale, societal patterns in people's feelings or emotional responses towards things Thomas theorem: How a subjective reality can drive events to develop in accordance with that reality, despite being originally unsupported by objective reality.

Section Summary

6.1 Micro-Level Interaction Society is based on the social construction of reality. How people define society influences how society actually is. Likewise, how people see other people influences their actions as well as people's actions toward them. People take on various roles throughout their lives, and their social interactions depend on what types of roles they assume, who they assume them with, and the scene where interaction takes place.

Questions

Quiz: Social Interaction

6.1 Micro-Level Interaction

Mary works full-time at an office downtown while her young children stay at a neighbour’s house. She’s just learned that the child care provider is leaving the country. Mary has succumbed to pressure to volunteer at her church, plus her ailing mother-in-law will be moving in with her next month. Which of the following is likely to occur as Mary tries to balance her existing and new responsibilities?
1. role strain
2. self-fulfilling prophecy
3. status conflict
4. status strain
According to Peter Berger and Thomas Luckmann, society is based on .
1. habitual actions
2. social facts
3. structures of feeling
4. role performance
Paco knows that women find him attractive, and he has never found it hard to get a date. But as he ages, he dyes his hair to hide the grey and wears clothes that camouflage the weight he has put on. Paco’s behaviour can be best explained by the concept of .
1. role strain
2. the looking-glass self
3. role performance
4. habitualization

[Quiz answers at end of chapter]

Short Answer

6.1 Micro-Level Interactions

Draw a large circle and then “slice” the circle into pieces like a pie, labeling each piece with a role or status that you occupy. Add as many statuses, ascribed and achieved, that you have. Do not forget things like dog owner, gardener, traveler, student, runner, employee. How many statuses do you have? In which ones are there role conflicts?
Think of a "self-fulfilling prophecy" that you have witnessed or experienced. Based on this experience, do you agree with the Thomas theorem? What are the implications of the Thomas theorem for the difference between studying natural as opposed to social phenomena? Or is there a difference?

Further Research

6.1 Micro-Level Interactions TV Tropes (http://tvtropes.org/) is a website where users identify concepts that are commonly used in literature, film, and other media. Although its tone is for the most part humorous, the site provides a good jumping-off point for research. Browse the list of examples under the entry of “Self-Fulfilling Prophecy” (http://tvtropes.org/pmwiki/pmwiki.php/Main/SelfFulfillingProphecy). Pay careful attention to the real-life examples. Are there ones that surprised you or that you do not agree with?

References

6.0 Introduction to Social Interaction

Fridlund, A. (1994). Human facial expression: An evolutionary view. Academic Press.

Goffman, E. (1959). The presentation of self in everyday life. Anchor Books

Goffman, E. (1972). On face-work: An analysis of ritual elements in social interaction. In Interaction ritual: Essays on face-to-face behaviour (pp. 5–45). Penguin Books.

6.1 Micro-Level Interaction

Bale, J. (2007). Political paranoia v. political realism: On distinguishing between bogus conspiracy theories and genuine conspiratorial politics. Patterns of Prejudice, 41, 45–60. https://doi.org/10.1080/00313220601118751

Beard, M. (2014). Laughter in ancient Rome: On joking, tickling, and cracking up. University of California Press

Beck, U. (1992). Risk society: Towards a new modernity. Sage.

Berger, P. L. and Luckmann, T. (1966). The social construction of reality: A treatise in the sociology of knowledge. Anchor Books.

Blumer, H. (1969). Symbolic interactionism: Perspective and method. Prentice-Hall.

Brym, R., Roberts, L.W., Lie, J. & Rytina, S. (2013). Sociology: Your compass for a new world (4th Canadian ed.). Nelson.

Cooley, C. H. (1902). Human nature and the social order. Scribner.

Deleuze, G. (1992). Expressionism in philosophy: Spinoza. Zone Books

Doughty, C. (2013). A passionate defense of selfies at funerals. Jezebel. http://jezebel.com/a-passionate-defense-of-selfies-at-funerals-1455095190

Foucault, M. (1994). Techniques of the Self. In P. Rabinow (Ed.), Ethics, subjectivity and truth: The essential works of Michel Foucault 1954-1984, Volume One (pp. 223–252). The New Press.

Garfinkel, H. (1967). Studies in ethnomethodology. Prentice Hall Inc.

Giddens, A. (1990). The Consequences of Modernity. Polity Press.

Goffman, E. (1959). The presentation of self in everyday life. Doubleday.

Hochschild, A. R. (1979). Emotion work, feeling rules, and social structure. American Journal of Sociology, 85(3), 551–575. http://www.jstor.org/stable/2778583

Helliwell, J., G. Schellenberg & J. Fonberg. (2020, December 21). The COVID-19 pandemic and life satisfaction in Canada. Statistics Canada Catalogue no. 45280001. https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/en/pub/45-28-0001/2020001/article/00093-eng.pdf?st=35z-F7tc

Huffington Post. (2013). Funeral selfies are the latest evidence apocalypse can't come soon enough. Huffington Post. http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2013/10/29/funeral-selfies_n_4175153.html

Lefrance, A. (2020, June). The prophecies of Q: American conspiracy theories are entering a dangerous new phase. The Atlantic. https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2020/06/qanon-nothing-can-stop-what-is-coming/610567/

Lyotard, JF. (1984). The postmodern condition: A report on knowledge. University of Minnesota Press.

Mead, G. H. (1934). Mind, self & society; from the standpoint of a social behaviorist. (C. W. Morris, Ed.) (Vol. III). University of Chicago Press.

Merton, R. K. (1957). The role-set: Problems in sociological theory. The British Journal of Sociology, 8(2), 106–120. https://doi.org/10.2307/587363

Monty Python (Writers), Goldstone, J. (Producer), and Jones, T. (Director). (1979). Monty Python’s life of Brian. Handmade Films.

Prooijen, J-W. and K. Douglas. (2018). Belief in conspiracy theories: Basic principles of an emerging research domain. European Journal of Social Psychology, 48(7), 897–908. https://doi.org/10.1002/ejsp.2530

Provine, R. R. (1996). Laughter. American Scientist, 84(1), 38–45. http://www.jstor.org/stable/29775596

Pulido, C., Villarejo-Carballido, B., Redondo-Sama, G., and Gómez. A. (2020). COVID-19 infodemic: More retweets for science-based information on coronavirus than for false information. International Sociology, 35(4), 377–392. https://doi.org/10.1177/026858092091475

Rebughini, P. (2021). A sociology of anxiety: Western modern legacy and the Covid-19 outbreak. International Sociology, 36(4), 554–568. https://doi.org/10.1177/026858092199332

Remski, M. (2021, November 8). When QAnon came to Canada: As the conspiracy theories continue to creep northward, experts warn that we should be prepared for anything. The Walrus. https://thewalrus.ca/when-qanon-came-to-canada/

Schaffer, M. (2021, January 19). Conspiracy theorists target comet ping pong on Trump’s last night in office. Washingtonian. Retrieved from https://www.washingtonian.com/2021/01/19/conspiracy-theorists-target-comet-ping-pong-on-trumps-last-night-in-office/

Stearns, P. (2014). Modern patterns in emotions history. In Matt, S. and P. Stearns (Eds.), Doing emotions history (pp. 17–40). University of Illinois Press.

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Williams, R. (1977). Structures of feeling. In Marxism and literature (pp. 128–135). Oxford University Press

Solutions to Quiz: Social Interaction

1 A, | 2 A, | 3 B, [Return to Quiz]

7.1 How is Society Possible?

hfriedman — Thu, 10 Aug 2023 21:44:15 +0000

One of the basic questions raised in sociology is: How is society possible? What holds society together? What gives society form and continuity? This was the classical sociologist Georg Simmel’s basic question. In his essay, “The Problem of Sociology,” Simmel (1908/1971) begins by saying: “Society exists where a number of individuals enter into interaction.” This would appear to be a truism. After all, what else could society be? However, a few pages later, he reaches the conclusion that:

With each formation of parties, with each joining for common tasks or in a common feeling or way of thinking, with each articulation of the distribution of positions of submission and domination, with each common meal, with each self-adornment for others — with every growth of new synthesizing phenomena such as these, the same group becomes “more society” than it was before. There is no such thing as society “as such”; that is, there is no society in the sense that it is the condition for the emergence of all these particular phenomena. For there is no such thing as interaction “as such” — there are only specific kinds of interaction. And it is with their emergence that society too emerges, for they are neither the cause nor the consequence of society but are, themselves, society. The fact that an extraordinary multitude and variety of interactions operate at any one moment has given a seemingly autonomous historical reality to the general concept of society (Simmel, 1908/1971, emphasis is the editor's).

There is no such thing as society as such. There is no such thing as “society” outside of the moments of interaction between the individuals that compose it. Society is the name we give to the “extraordinary multitude and variety” of specific interactions between individuals that are occurring at any particular moment. If society does not exist outside of these simultaneous interactions, Simmel’s problem of sociology is clear. Sociology, as the “science of society,” appears to be a discipline without a solid object of study! But what he meanss is that 'Society' is not an object or a thing; it is just the name people have given to the multitude of ongoing, unfinished processes of interaction between individuals. This means sociologists have to ask the questions of sociology at a more basic level. How do these processes hold together and take shape? How are sociologists able to recognize and talk about different social phenomena like the formation of parties, the joining together in common tasks, the creation of hierarchies, the wearing of jewellery, etc.? If society is nothing but a number of individuals who have entered into specific interactions, how do widespread norms of behaviour, structured relations of power, and predictable relationships between social variables form? How do sociologists find something in this "extraordinary multitude and variety of interactions operat[ing] at any one moment" to grasp hold of and study? [caption id="attachment_644" align="alignleft" width="222"] Figure 7.3 Punk rock’s stripped down “do it yourself” manifesto was illustrated in a diagram from the punkzine Sideburns in 1977. The attitude of building music from nothing but feeling was central to the creation of punk as a new musical form or genre within rock and roll. (Image courtesy of Mark Cottle/Airburst.) CC BY-SA 2.0 UK[/caption] Punk rock in the 1970s saw itself returning to the roots of rock and roll. Part of this was to simplify the structure of the music to renew rock and roll as a form of music. This is a good metaphor for how Simmel understands social interaction between individuals as both mutual attunement and an act of creation. For a coherent interaction to take place, everyone tunes their instruments together (at least somewhat) and plays the same notes and chords. To play music together a group needs to get in tune and find a rhythm. However, this attunement also enables everyone to introduce new elements into the interaction and to invent new musical or social forms (or reinvent old ones). Along with the new musical form of punk rock came new lyrical and thematic contents: "the tendency towards wilful desecration and the voluntary assumption of outcast status which characterized the whole punk movement" (Hebdige, 1979). Simmel’s solution to the problem of how society is possible is based on the idea that the mutual influence of individuals on each other during interaction creates mutual attunements, not unlike a band tuning its instruments. As Randall Collins puts it, people like to come together and get caught up in a mutual focus of intention. Automatically they become "entrained" in each other's bodily rhythms and emotions and begin to match each other (Collins, 2004). This is so automatic and unconscious that one would be tempted to describe it as human nature. The process of mutual influence in turn creates enduring, recognizable social forms like a genre of music, a business lunch, a university lecture class, a birthday party, etc., (hence the term formal sociology to describe Simmel’s work). People can say to themselves, "I know what this is, it's a birthday party," and then they know what to expect, how to act, what types of things people will say and do, how to feel emotionally, what the 'rules' are, etc. We will discuss Simmel’s formal sociology later in the chapter. In general, the solution to the question — How is society possible? — differs depending on the level of analysis used to pose the question. Excluding the global for the time being (see Chapter 1. An Introduction to Sociology), sociologists describe group behaviour at three levels of social interaction: micro, meso, and macro.

Micro Meso Macro

At the micro-level of analysis, the focus is on the social dynamics of face-to-face interaction: How are specific individuals in specific locations able to interact in a coherent and consistent manner? For example, how is a conversation possible? How does a person know when it is their turn to speak or when someone has been speaking too long? Various types of social interaction at the micro-level were discussed in Chapter 6. Social Interaction. At the meso-level of analysis, the focus shifts to the characteristics of specific networks, groups, and organizations (i.e.,collectivities). The meso-level refers to the connection, interaction and ongoing coordination of numerous different social roles simultaneously. When sociologists speak of a school, for example, they need to move beyond the analysis of single face-to-face interactions — interactions in a single setting where participants are co-present — to examine the combined interactions and relationships between students, parents, teachers, and administrators. At this level, sociologists ask, how do the properties of different types of local social collectivity affect or alter the behaviour of individuals? Why does an individual’s behaviour change when they are in a collectivity? How do collectivities constrain or enable their members to act in certain ways? What is it about collectivities that entice people to conform? In these meso-level examples sociologists are still talking about specific, identifiable individuals — albeit not necessarily in direct face-to-face situations — but take into account the complex entwinement of their lives to account for their behaviour. Finally, at the macro-level of analysis, the focus is on the properties of large-scale, society-wide social interactions: the dynamics of institutions, classes, or whole societies. The macro therefore extends beyond the immediate milieu or direct experience of individuals. These large-scale social structures might be nothing more than the aggregations of specific interactions between individuals at any particular moment as Simmel argues. However, the properties of structures, institutions, and societies — described by statistical analysis, cross-cultural comparisons, or historical research — also have a reality that Emile Durkheim called sui generis (i.e., of their own kind). The properties that make society possible at a macro scale cannot be explained by, or reduced to, their components without missing their most important features. [caption id="attachment_544" align="aligncenter" width="1024"] Figure 7.4 Hockey is a social activity that can be examined at micro-, meso-, and macro-levels of analysis. (Image courtesy of Dinur/Flickr.) CC BY-NC-ND 2.0[/caption] To illustrate the micro, meso, and macro distinction, consider how a sociologist would analyze the game of hockey. At the micro-level of analysis, the sociologist would be interested in the interpersonal structures and role-play that governs how various specific individuals (players, coaches, managers, owners, fans, etc.) interact face to face. With respect to the players, how do they interact on the ice in a coherent manner? How do they coordinate their activities to win games? How do they make the game work? In part, this analysis is a matter of simply knowing the rules of the game and each player’s role or position (center, winger, defense, goalie). From a different angle, the analysis has to do with the players practicing the plays by which they move the puck out of the defensive zone, enter the offensive zone, defend against offensive plays, cycle the puck behind the net, set up a power play, etc. From another angle, the analysis is also a matter of the personal dynamic between individual players, their ability to read each other’s cues, to call out on the ice, to anticipate each other’s moves, and to work off each other’s strengths, etc. (or the failure to do so). In this regard, hockey is a symbolic interaction, which depends on individuals sending signals and interpreting signals. It is, after all, a game based on chasing a small disk of rubber around a frozen surface of ice on skates. It is thoroughly symbolic. At the meso-level of analysis, a sociologist takes a slightly wider view. Its focus lies between micro-level face to face interactions and macro-level society-wide phenomena. The meso-level of analysis takes into account group or organization dynamics involving a number of different, simultaneously interacting social roles such as the relationship between a team, local media and fans. How does local media reporting on a team's fortunes and "story lines" engage with the feelings of both team members and fans for example? Or, focusing on fans as a group, what are the social dynamics of local fandom? How and why do fans get so emotionally involved in the fortunes of their favourite team? How do they sort themselves into categories — “true” fans and “occasional” fans — and with what consequences? How do team rivalries between fans develop? Similarly, the sociologist might be interested in the hockey team as a type of local institutional arrangement of roles that organizes its members by collectively defining roles, functions, norms, official and informal rules, hierarchical relationships, and channels of communication, etc. How are these relationships coordinated on an ongoing basis to produce 80 hockey games in a season? The meso-level sociologist might also be interested in trying to define what defines hockey as a type of activity — a “game.” Roger Caillois (1961) noted that games, or what Simmel called the “play forms” of association, constitute a separate and unique type of activity. People cross a boundary whenever they leave the ordinary world of everyday life to enter the zone of play. In particular, games are defined by six characteristics:

They are free (playing cannot be obligatory),
They are separate (play is distinct from ordinary life),
They are uncertain (outcomes cannot be determined in advance),
They are unproductive (play by itself creates neither goods nor wealth),
They are governed by rules (under conventions that suspend ordinary laws), and
They are make-believe (they partake in a second reality or a “free unreality”) (Caillois, 1961).

In part, due to the distinction between games and normal life, activities like the use of violence and the infliction of injury — that would be punishable by law off the ice — are events that are frequently celebrated (or at most deplored) when they occur on the ice. It is the status of hockey as a game that makes the issue of its violence both ambiguous and subject to arbitrary assessments and punishments. At the macro-level of analysis, the sociologist would be interested in how hockey is structured by the type of society in which it is embedded. The Micmac game of wolchamaadijik, which is cited as an early stick and ball progenitor of Canadian hockey, was played in the context of ceremonial exchanges between native tribes (Rand, 2005). NHL hockey, on the other hand, is a capitalist enterprise, and as such, it is a product or commodity produced for sale on the market for profit. The commodity is the spectacle of the hockey game, which fans pay to see and advertisers pay to use as a vehicle for promoting their products. Therefore, the organization and dynamics of the sport are defined by the logic of capital as Marx defined it — a logic in which teams are competitive corporations that invest in, buy and sell their players like any other asset; in which team hometowns are assessed in terms of their viability as profitable markets (hence the oddity of having teams based in Florida or California where natural ice probably has not existed for 10,000 years); in which the logic of class struggle periodically leads to disruptions in play (such as lock-outs and strikes); and in which an elaborate set of regulations (like salary caps and organized draft picks) are instituted by the league to ensure the viability of the competition and manage the excesses and crises that are tendencies of capitalist accumulation.

Making Connections: Classical Sociologists

Georg Simmel and Formal Sociology

[caption id="attachment_151" align="alignleft" width="160"] Figure 7.5 Georg Simmel. (Image courtesy of Wikimedia Commons.) Public Domain[/caption] Georg Simmel (1858–1918) was an early German sociologist and contemporary of Max Weber. He developed what he called formal sociology, or the sociology of social forms, in order to understand how a collection of individuals driven by their own individualistic interests could coalesce into a group with common purposes and then persist and develop through time. When he said that “society exists where a number of individuals enter into interaction” (1908/1971), he meant that whenever people gather, something happens that would not have happened if the individuals had remained alone. They begin to “correlate their condition” with that of others. They influence others and are influenced in return. A “reciprocity of effects” or “reciprocal influence” occurs that Simmel calls “sociation.” People attune themselves to one another in a way that is very similar to musicians tuning their instruments to one another so they can play a song. Like musicians playing a song, a pattern or form of interaction emerges that begins to guide or coordinate the behaviour of the individuals. Social interactions are society's songs. Key to Simmel’s analysis is the distinction he makes between the contents and forms of sociation. Individuals enter into interaction on the basis of their specific drives, needs, purposes, or interests (erotic, spiritual, acquisitive, defensive, playful, etc.). He defines these specific factors as the contents of the interaction. As Simmel says, “In themselves, these materials which fill life, these motivations which propel it, are not social… strictly speaking”(1908/1971). It is “only when they transform the mere aggregation of isolated individuals into specific forms of being with and for one another… in which individuals grow together into a unity and within which their interests are realized” that these contents become social (emphasis is the editor's).

Therefore, the forms of sociation are the true objects of sociology because only through these forms can the social (i.e., companionship or “reciprocal influence”) be said to exist. Simmel (1908/1971) notes that innumerable types of forms are possible, including “superiority, subordination, competition, division of labour, formation of parties, representation, inner solidarity coupled with exclusiveness from the outside,” etc. These forms are the patterns of behaviour that guide individuals’ actions in different social settings. Therefore, his analysis shifts from the micro-level to the meso- and macro-levels when he posits how the forms themselves endure and work on the individuals who compose them.

An example Simmel uses is of a cocktail party where a subtle set of instructions begins to emerge which defines what can and cannot be said. In a cocktail party where the conversation is light and witty, the effect would be jarring if someone suddenly tried to sell you an insurance policy or confided about the spousal abuse they had suffered. The person would be thought of as being crass or inappropriate. Similarly, in the pleasant pastime of flirtation, if one of the parties began to press the other to consummate the flirtation by having sex, the flirtation would be over. Flirtation is a form of interaction in which the answer to the question of having sex — yes or no — is perpetually suspended. Each social form has its own subtle set of instructions, which may not be written down or even consciously acknowledged, but enable the participants to orient themselves to each other in mutual attunement.

[caption id="attachment_148" align="aligncenter" width="600"] Figure 7.6 Cocktail parties as the play form of interaction. What are the rules for "gracious entertaining"? (Image courtesy of James Vaughan/Flickr.) CC BY-NC-SA 2.0[/caption] In both examples, Simmel argues that social interaction takes on a specific form. Both are examples of what he calls the play form of social interaction, or pure sociability: the pleasure people experience from the mere fact of being together, regardless of the content of the interaction (Simmel, 1910/1971). Mutual attunement is enjoyable for its own sake over and above the specific purposes of an interaction. If the cocktail party conversation suddenly turns to a business proposition or an overly personal confession, it is no longer playful. The underlying form of the interaction has been violated, even if the participants were not consciously aware that they had adopted a play form of interaction. Simmel proposed that sociology would be the study of the social forms that recur in different contexts and with different social contents. The same play form governs the interaction in two different contexts with two different contents of interaction: one is the free-ranging content of polite or witty conversation (the cocktail party form); the other is the drive or content of sexual desire (the flirtation form). Different contents or interests can be realized in different forms and vice versa with quite different consequences for the individuals involved. The same erotic impulse (content) can be expressed socially through the forms of a flirtation, a casual sexual relationship, a dating relationship, a marriage, or a transaction with a prostitute. On the other hand, the same form of competition can organize the impulse to play hockey, to gain financially, to learn, to find a sexual partner, or to dress stylishly. The emphasis on forms is why Simmel called his approach to the study of society formal sociology. Simmel's work on social forms was not just confined to micro-level interactions. He developed an analysis of the tragedy of culture in which he argued that the cultural creations of “subjective culture” — like the emergent social forms created by people in their face-to-face interactions, as well as the forms of art, music, literature, political analyses, etc. — tended to detach themselves from lived experience and become fixed and elaborated in the form of “objective culture” — the accumulated products of human cultural creation. There are intrinsic limits to an individual’s ability to assimilate, organize, appreciate, and make sense of these forms. As the quantity of objective culture increases and becomes more complex, it becomes progressively more alienating, incomprehensible, and overwhelming. It takes on a life of its own and the individual can no longer see him- or herself reflected in it. Music, for example, can be enriching, but going to an orchestral performance of contemporary music can often be baffling, as if you need an advanced music degree just to be able to understand that what you are hearing is music.

Media Attributions

Figure 7.3 Now Form A Band by Mark Cottle, via Airburst, is licensed under a CC BY-SA 2.0 UK licence.
Figure 7.4 Elias Pettersson and Timo Meier by Dinur is used under 2.0 Generic CC BY-NC-ND 2.0 licence.
Figure 7.5 File:Simmel 03.jpg, via Wikimedia Commons, is in the public domain.
Figure 7.6 ...more party animals, by James Vaughan, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY-NC-SA 2.0 licence.

7.2 Groups

hfriedman — Thu, 10 Aug 2023 21:45:19 +0000

Most of us feel comfortable using the word “group” without giving it much thought. But what does it mean to be part of a group? The concept of a group is central to much of how we think about society and human interaction. As Georg Simmel (1858–1915) put it, “[s]ociety exists where a number of individuals enter into interaction” (1908/1950). Society exists in and through groups. For Simmel, society did not exist otherwise. What fascinated him was the way in which people mutually attune to one another to create relatively enduring forms. In a group, individuals behave differently than they would if they were alone. They conform, they resist, they forge alliances, they cooperate, they betray, they organize, they defer gratification, they show respect, they expect obedience, they share, they manipulate, they riot, etc. At this meso-level of interaction, being in a group changes their behaviour and also their abilities. Emile Durkheim recognized that groups generate their own particular energy — collective effervescence — that gives group members confidence and powers of action they otherwise would not have. This is one of the founding insights of sociology: the whole is greater than the sum of its parts. The group has properties over and above the properties of its individual members. It has a reality sui generis, of its own kind. But how exactly does the whole come to be greater?

Defining a Group

How can the meaning of the term group be honed more precisely for sociological purposes? The term is an amorphous one and can refer to a wide variety of gatherings, from just two people (think about a “group project” in school when you partner with another student), to a club, a regular gathering of friends, a hockey team's fans, or a collection of people who work together or share a hobby. In short, the term refers to any collection of at least two people who interact with some frequency and who share a sense that their identity is aligned with each other as a group. Of course, every time people gather, they do not necessarily form a group. An audience assembled to watch a street performer is a one-time random gathering. Conservative-minded people who come together to vote in an election are not necessarily a group because the members do not necessarily interact with one another with any frequency. People who exist in the same place at the same time, but who do not interact or share a sense of identity — such as a bunch of people standing in line at Starbucks — are considered an aggregate, or a crowd. People who share similar characteristics (e.g., conservative-mindedness), but are not otherwise tied to one another in any way, are considered a category. An example of a category would be Millennials, the term given to all children born from approximately 1980 to 2000. Why are Millennials a category and not a group? Because while some of them may share a sense of identity, many do not. They do not, as a whole, interact frequently with each other. Interestingly, people within an aggregate or category can become a group. During disasters, people in a neighbourhood (an aggregate) who did not know each other might become friendly and depend on each other at the local shelter. After the disaster ends and the people go back to simply living near each other, the feeling of cohesiveness may last since they have all shared an experience. They might remain a group, practicing emergency readiness, coordinating supplies for the next emergency, or taking turns caring for neighbours who need extra help. Similarly, there may be many groups within a single category. Consider the social category of teachers, for example. Within this category, groups may exist like teachers’ unions, teachers who coordinate to coach after-school sports, or teachers who create book clubs together. [caption id="attachment_88" align="aligncenter" width="400"] Figure 7.7 Engineering and construction students gather around a job site. How do academic interests define a person's in- and out-groups? (Photo courtesy of USACEpublicaffairs/Flickr.) Public Domain[/caption]

Types of Groups

Sociologist Charles Horton Cooley (1864–1929) suggested that groups can broadly be divided into two categories: primary groups and secondary groups (Cooley, 1909/1963). According to Cooley, primary groups play the most critical role in people's lives. The primary group is usually fairly small and is made up of individuals who generally engage face-to-face in long-term, emotionally intimate ways. This group serves emotional needs: expressive functions rather than instrumental ones. The primary group is usually made up of significant others — those individuals who have the most impact on a person's socialization or play a formative role in shaping the life of another. The best example of a primary group is the family. Secondary groups are larger and more impersonal. They are usually task-focused and time-limited. These groups serve an instrumental function rather than an expressive one, meaning that their role is more goal- or task-oriented than emotional. A school class or office team can be an example of a secondary group. Neither primary nor secondary groups are bound by strict definitions or set limits. In fact, people can move from one group to another. A graduate seminar, for example, can start as a secondary group focused on learning course material, but as the students work together in the seminar, they may find common interests and strong ties that transform them into a primary group that meet outside of class or after the seminar has been completed. Peter Marsden (1987) refers to one's group of close social contacts as a core discussion group. These are individuals with whom you can discuss important personal matters or with whom you choose to spend your free time. Christakis and Fowler (2009) found that the average North American had four close, personal contacts. However, 12% of their sample had no close personal contacts of this sort, while 5% had more than eight close personal contacts. Half of the people listed in the core discussion group were characterized as friends, as might be expected, but the other half included family members, spouses, children, colleagues, and various professional consultants. Marsden’s original research from the 1980s showed that the size of the core discussion group decreases as one ages, there was no difference in size between men and women, and those with a post-secondary degree had core discussion groups almost twice the size of those who had not completed high school.

Making Connections: Case Study

Best Friends She’s Never Met

[caption id="attachment_550" align="aligncenter" width="1024"] Figure 7.8 What are the parameters of online communities? The x axis (from fully on-line to "in real life") describes whether the most meaningful engagement happens online because asynchronicity and global reach are important. Or, is sharing the same time and space in face-to-face conversations and activities the way to most meaningfully engage? The y axis (from hosted or commercial social media infrastructure to "do it yourself" infrastructure) describes whether the community builds its own technology to control membership, features, and data, or uses free and fast pre-existing social media and networking sites. The z axis (from pre-formed groups to unformed groups) describes whether the online community offers another way of interaction for a tribe that already exists or provides a space for otherwise unrelated people to connect. (Description and Image courtesy of 10ch/Flickr.) CC BY-NC-SA 2.0 [/caption] Writer Allison Levy worked alone. While she liked the freedom and flexibility of working from home, she sometimes missed having a community of coworkers, both for the practical purpose of brainstorming and the more social “water cooler” aspect. Levy did what many do in the internet age: she found a group of other writers online through a web forum. Over time, a group of approximately 20 writers, who all wrote for a similar audience, broke off from the larger forum and started a private invitation-only forum. While writers in general represent all genders, ages, and interests, it ended up being a collection of 20- and 30-something women who comprised the new forum — they all wrote fiction for children and young adults. At first, the writers’ forum was clearly a secondary group united by the members’ professions and work situations. As Levy explained, “On the internet, you can be present or absent as often as you want. No one is expecting you to show up.” It was a useful place to research information about different publishers, find out who had recently sold what, and track industry trends. But as time passed, Levy found it served a different purpose. Since the group shared other characteristics beyond their writing (such as age and gender), the online conversation naturally turned to matters such as childrearing, aging parents, health, and exercise. Levy found it was a sympathetic place to talk about any number of subjects, not just writing. Further, when people didn’t post for several days, others expressed concern, asking whether anyone had heard from the missing writers. It reached a point where most members would tell the group if they were traveling or needed to be offline for a while.The group continued to share. One member on the site who was going through a difficult family illness wrote, “I don’t know where I’d be without you women. It is so great to have a place to vent that I know isn’t hurting anyone.” Others shared similar sentiments. On the other hand, Zygmunt Bauman (2004) discusses the way electronically mediated groups like this online web forum tend to be frail communities, "easy to enter and easy to abandon." They do not substitute for the more tangible and solid "we feeling" of face to face forms of togetherness, which require commitment and risk. Virtual communities "create only an illusion of intimacy and a pretense of community. They are not valid substitutes for 'getting your knees under the table, seeing people's faces, and having real conversation.'" They are a version of what Bauman calls cloakroom communities, places where one can hang one's identity like a cloak for the duration of the "show" — i.e., for the duration of one's interest in the group's focus and interactions — and then collect it again when it is time to move on. So is this online writers' forum a primary group? Most of these people have never met each other. They live in Hawaii, Australia, Minnesota, and across the world. They may never meet. Levy wrote recently to the group, saying, “Most of my ‘real-life’ friends and even my husband don’t really get the writing thing. I don’t know what I’d do without you.” Despite the distance and the lack of physical contact, the group clearly fills an expressive need. How are people's needs for primary group intimacy altered in the age of electronic media?

In-Groups and Out-Groups

One of the ways that groups can be powerful is through inclusion, and its inverse, exclusion. Groups draw boundaries and how these boundaries are drawn is of interest to sociologists because they are purely social products. In-groups and out-groups are subcategories of primary and secondary groups that help identify this dynamic. Primary groups consist of both in-groups and out-groups, as do secondary groups. The feeling that one belongs in an elite or select group is a heady one, while the feeling of not being allowed in, or of being in competition with a group, can be motivating in a different way. Sociologist William Sumner (1840–1910) developed the concepts of in-group and out-group to explain this phenomenon (Sumner, 1906/1959). In short, an in-group is the group that an individual feels they belong to, and believes it to be an integral part of who they are. The group provides identity to the individual. An out-group, conversely, is a group someone does not belong to, or possibly defines oneself against. Often there may be a feeling of distance, disdain or competition in relation to an out-group. Sports teams, cliques, gangs and secret societies are examples of groups that have a tendency to organize themselves into in-groups and out-groups; people may belong to, or be an outsider to, any of these. Of interest here is that these types of group are formed on the basis of voluntary membership. People join them because they identify with, and want to be identified with, an exclusive group. They are not born into them, like families, so the group's recognition of their membership is always to some degree unguaranteed, as is their commitment to remain in the group. Nevertheless, as a demonstration of commitment, their identity comes to be at stake in them. As the prestige of the in-group rises or falls, especially with respect to out-groups, so does the prestige of personal identity. Symbols that represent the group, (emblems, clothing, gestures, names, beliefs — i.e.,Durkheim's "totems," see Chapter 15. Religion), consolidate group solidarity and become a proxy of group identity itself. For the zealous insider, they are treated with great respect as almost sacred objects and defended vigorously from the disrespect of outsiders, and even from renegade insiders. Why do in-group/out-group boundaries form? One explanation is that groups form boundaries when there is competition with other groups for scarce resources. Another is that they form to defend status, privileges and self-esteem of members by denigrating outsider groups. The Robber's Cave Study in the 1950s provided interesting but ambiguous answers to this question (Sherif et al., 1961). In the formal published study, two groups of white, middle class, 11-year-old boys were sent to a summer camp, but kept separate for a week to bond. They named themselves the Eagles and the Rattlers, which they stenciled onto t-shirts and flags. Towards the end of the week they were able to catch glimpses of the other group but not directly interact. An antipathy began to develop in each group against the "outsiders" or "intruders." The researchers, posing as camp counselors and staff, then introduced direct competition for scarce resources between the groups in the form of baseball games and other sports with a winner-takes-all prize of a trophy and pocket-knives. Conflict between the groups ensued with food fights, the Eagles burning the Rattlers' flag, the Rattlers retaliating by ransacking the Eagles' cabins, and a final fist fight, which the camp counselors intervened to prevent. In the third phase of the experiment, a common crisis was created in the form of a blocked water supply, which both groups were tasked with cooperating to resolve. The boys did manage to overcome their hostility to solve the problem but some enmity remained. The outcome of the experiment seems to support both explanations. Competition over scarce resources created an incentive to harden group boundaries, until a common problem emerged that demanded cooperation. This is the basis of realistic conflict theory, which predicts that in group/out group antagonism will develop if there is a competition for a resource in which only one group can be the winner (i.e.,a zero-sum game) and will not diminish unless superordinate goals requiring cooperation can be established (Sherif, 1966). On the other hand, the cooperative activity that ended the experiment also provided the face to face social mixing that diminished the low esteem the boys in each group held for each other. This diminished the need to defend status, self-esteem and identity against external threats. Interestingly an earlier attempt to set up the experiment failed because the first test subjects were allowed to mix before being broken into competitive groups. Despite the researchers going to lengths to introduce conflict, the boys remained cooperative and friendly, and even began to suspect the "camp counselors" of manipulating them (Perry, 2018). While in-group affiliations can be neutral or even positive, such as the case of a team-sport competition, the concept of in-groups and out-groups can also explain some negative human behaviour, such as white supremacist movements including the Ku Klux Klan or Proud Boys, or the bullying of gay or lesbian students. By defining others as “not like us” and inferior, in-groups can end up practicing ethnocentrism, racism, sexism, ageism, and heterosexism — manners of judging others negatively based on their culture, race, sex, age, or sexuality. Some of the starkest outcomes of this behaviour results from scapegoating. As in the biblical story in Leviticus, where a goat is laden with the sins and impurities of the community and chased away into the wilderness to die, the dominant group will displace their unfocused aggression and violence onto a subordinate group (Girard, 1977). History reveals many examples of the scapegoating of a subordinate group. An example from the last century is the way that Adolf Hitler was able to use the Jewish people as scapegoats for Germany’s social and economic problems.

Making Connections: Social Policy and Debate

Bullying and Cyberbullying: How Technology Has Changed the Game

[caption id="attachment_2510" align="alignleft" width="200"] Figure 7.9 Cyberbullying is a 21st century problem. (Photo courtesy of Karolina Grabowska/Pexels). Pexels site license[/caption] Most people know that the old rhyme “sticks and stones may break my bones, but words will never hurt me” is inaccurate. Words can hurt, and never is that more apparent than in instances of bullying. Bullying has always existed, often reaching extreme levels of cruelty in children and young adults. People at these stages of life are especially vulnerable to others’ opinions of them, and they’re deeply invested in their peer groups. Today, technology has ushered in a new era of this dynamic. Cyberbullying is the use of interactive media by one person to torment another, and it is on the rise. Cyberbullying can mean sending threatening texts, harassing someone in a public forum (such as Facebook), hacking someone’s account and pretending to be that person, posting embarrassing images online, and so on. A study by the Cyberbullying Research Center found that 20% of middle-school students admitted to “seriously thinking about committing suicide” as a result of online bullying (Hinduja and Patchin, 2010). Whereas bullying face-to-face requires willingness to interact with your victim, cyberbullying allows bullies to harass others from the privacy of their homes without witnessing the damage firsthand. This form of bullying is particularly dangerous because it is widely accessible and therefore easier to accomplish. Cyberbullying, and bullying in general, made international headlines in 2012 when a 15-year-old girl, Amanda Todd, in Port Coquitlam, B.C., committed suicide after years of bullying by a cyber-stalker who lived in the Netherlands. A month before her suicide, she posted a YouTube video in which she recounted her story. It began in grade 7 when she had been lured to reveal her breasts in a webcam photo. A year later, when she refused to give an anonymous male “a show,” the picture was circulated to her friends, family, and contacts on Facebook. She was subsequently bullied by classmates and peers despite changing schools numerous times. Statistics Canada reported that 7% of internet users aged 18 and over have been cyberbullied, most commonly (73%) by receiving threatening or aggressive emails or text messages. Nine per cent of adults who had a child at home aged 8 to 17 reported that at least one of their children had been cyberbullied. Two per cent reported that their child had been lured or sexually solicited online (Perreault, 2011). In the aftermath of Amanda Todd’s death, most provinces enacted strict guidelines and codes of conduct obliging schools to respond to cyberbullying and encouraging students to come forward to report victimization. In 2013, the federal government proposed Bill C-13 — the Protecting Canadians from Online Crime Act — which would make it illegal to share an intimate image of a person without that person's consent. Critics, however, note that the anti-cyberbullying provision in the bill is only a minor measure among many others that expand police powers to surveil all internet activity. Will these measures change the behaviour of would-be cyberbullies? That remains to be seen. But hopefully communities can work to protect victims before they feel they must resort to extreme measures.

Reference Groups

[caption id="attachment_825" align="alignleft" width="400"] Figure 7.10 Athletes are often viewed as a reference group for young people. (Photo courtesy of Wikimedia Commons.) CC BY SA 3.0[/caption] A reference group is a group that people compare themselves to — it provides a standard of measurement and self-evaluation. The members of a reference group become role models. In Canadian society, peer groups are common reference groups. Children, teens, and adults pay attention to what their peers wear, what music they like, what they do with their free time — and they compare themselves to what they see. But reference groups are also often made up of people one has never met: one's generation, one's fellow Canadians, one's political party, one's mountaineering community, etc. There is a strong "imaginary community" (Anderson, 1991) component in many of these broader reference groups because, although they can inspire loyalty and even intimacy, the chances of a person meeting more than a fraction of their members are minimal. Most people have more than one reference group, so a junior highschool boy might look not only at his classmates but also at his older brother’s friends and see a different set of norms. He might study the lives of hip hop musicians and the street "scene" of distant cities that the music describes. He might observe the skills and work ethic of his favourite athletes for yet another set of behaviours. He might even be influenced by media images of "tough guy" masculinity, even if the tough guy character is largely based on an imaginary ideal. Often, reference groups convey competing messages. For instance, on television and in movies, young adults often have wonderful apartments, cars, and lively social lives despite not holding a job. In music videos, young women might dance and sing in a sexually aggressive way that suggests experience beyond their years. At all ages, people use reference groups guide their behaviour and define social norms. Identifying reference groups can help sociologists understand the source of the social identities by examining who people aspire to or who they want to distance themselves from.

Making Connections: Sociology in the Real World

University: A World of In-Groups, Out-Groups, and Reference Groups

[caption id="attachment_652" align="alignright" width="300"] Figure 7.11 Aikido practice. Which university club would you fit into, if any? Campus club recruitment day offers students an opportunity to learn about these different groups. (Photo courtesy of Kesara Rathnayake/Flickr.) CC BY-SA 2.0[/caption] For a student entering university, the sociological study of groups takes on an immediate and practical meaning. After all, when someone arrives someplace new, they look around to see how well they fit in, or stand out, in the ways they want. This is a natural response to a reference group, and on a large campus, there can be many competing groups. Say a person is a strong athlete who wants to play intramural sports, but their favourite musicians are a local punk band. They may find themselves engaged with two very different reference groups. These reference groups can also become a person's in-groups or out-groups. For instance, different groups on campus solicit people to join. Are there students-union sponsored clubs at the school? Is there a Club Day when the student clubs set up tables and displays? The spelunking club, the Aikido club, the square dance club, the Conservative Party club, the Green Party club, the chess club, the jazz club, the kayak club, the tightrope walkers club, the peace and disarmament club, the French club, the young women in business club — enumerable clubs will try to convince students to join them. While most clubs are pretty casual, along with a shared interest comes many subtle cues about what sorts of people will fit in and what sorts will not. While most campus groups refrain from insulting competing groups, there is a definite sense of an in-group versus an out-group. “Them?” a member might say, “They’re all right, but they are pretty geeky.” Or, “Only really straight people join that group.” This immediate categorization into in-groups and out-groups means that students must choose carefully, since whatever group they associate with will not just define their friends during their university years — it may also define types of people with whom they will not associate and never get a chance to meet.

Large Groups

It is difficult to define exactly when a small group becomes a large group. One step might be when there are too many people to join in a simultaneous discussion. Another might be when a group joins with other groups as part of a movement that unites them. These larger groups may share a geographic space, such as Occupy Montreal or the People’s Assembly of Victoria, or they might be spread out around the globe. The larger the group, the more attention it can garner, and the more pressure members can put toward whatever goal they wish to achieve. At the same time, the larger the group becomes, the more the risk grows for division and lack of cohesion. Tepperman (2010) describes teams, bands and gangs as groups that occupy a space in between the small intimate primary group of the family or intimate friendship circle and larger more anonymous secondary groups. They do not command the "primary allegiance" of a primary group member, like family does, but they are more like a family than like larger, impersonal instrumental secondary groups (such as schools or workplaces). As such they offer an interesting window into the social structures that emerge when groups begin to get larger but are still without formal chains of command, rules, regulations, and permanent organizations. For instance, teams, bands and gangs have a clear idea of membership (who is in and who is out), a clear concept of their focal concerns, goals and activities, and a leadership structure, albeit informal. As Tepperman puts it: "Unlike small groups, TBGs (teams, bands and gangs) have a rudimentary political structure (i.e.,leaders and followers), a rudimentary legal system (i.e.,set procedures to resolve conflicts), a rudimentary economy (i.e.,a treasury and assets), and a rudimentary culture (i.e.,a shared historical memory of great events, heroes, and villains" (Tepperman, 2010). These are, however, informal and fluid structures. As groups get larger, they get more systematized. A system or pattern is abstracted from the ongoing, casual forms of coordination of the group and imposed back onto it as an impersonal organizational structure. Going back to Simmel's distinction between social forms and contents, one can think of three main social forms by which the content or activity of a group might be organized on a more impersonal and permanent basis: domination, cooperation, and competition. No matter what the organization is — a hockey franchise, a workplace, or a social movement — the choice of one form of organization over the others has consequences in terms of the loyalty of members and the efficiency and effectiveness of the group in achieving its goals. In the form of domination, power is concentrated in the hands of leaders while the power of subordinates is severely restricted or constrained. In extreme versions of domination, like slavery, loyalty and efficiency are low because fear of coercion is the only motivation. In the form of cooperation on the other hand, power is distributed relatively equally and loyalty and efficiency are high because the group is based on mutual trust and high levels of commitment. In the form of competition, power is distributed unequally but there is latitude for movement based on the outcome of competition for prestige or money. Loyalty and efficiency are relatively high but only as long as the pay-offs are high. [caption id="attachment_556" align="alignleft" width="300"] Figure 7.12 Props from the Star Trek episode "Patterns of Force" found in the Ticonderoga, New York, Star Trek Set displays. (Photo courtesy Bryan Alexander/Flickr.) CC BY 2.0 [/caption] In a Star Trek episode from the 1960s, "Patterns of Force," the crew of the Enterprise discover that a rogue historian has gone against the Prime Directive of non-interference with local societies and reorganized a planet's culture on the basis of Nazi Germany. In order to address the planet's condition of chaos, he appealed to the "efficiency" of Nazism only to unleash a systematic persecution of one native group by the other. The ensuing drama in the episode reveals that the historian mistook the form of domination for efficiency. As Mr. Spock puts it at the end of the episode, how could such a noted historian make the logical error of emulating the Nazis? Captain Kirk responds by saying that the failure was in putting too much power in the hands of a dictator, to which Dr. McCoy adds that power corrupts. In fact, as historians point out, Nazi Germany was startlingly inefficient, if only because all major decisions were filtered through Hitler himself who was notoriously unpredictable, hard to get the attention of, and lacked any form of personal routine (Kershaw, 1998). The hierarchy operated on the basis of a culture of fear in which subordinates felt unable to offer criticism or factual feedback to superiors, even when decision making was poor. The irony of the Star Trek episode is of course that the Starship Enterprise itself is organized on the formal basis of hierarchical domination. It is only the leadership style that differs.

Group Leadership

Often, larger groups require some kind of leadership. In small, primary groups, leadership tends to be informal as noted above. Most families do not take a vote on who will rule the group, nor do most groups of friends. This is not to say that de facto leaders do not emerge, but formal leadership is rare. In a series of small group studies at Harvard in the 1950s, Robert Bales (1970) studied the group processes that emerged around solving problems in training groups (referred to as T-groups). No matter what the specific tasks were, he discovered that in all the successful groups — i.e., in the groups that were able to see their tasks through to the end without breaking up — three types of informal leader emerged: a task leader, an emotional leader, and a joker. The task leader was the person who stepped up to organize the group to solve the problem by setting goals and distributing tasks. The emotional leader was the person who helped the group resolve disagreements and frustrations when strong feelings emerged. The joker made fun and fooled around but also had the knack for releasing group tension by making jokes. These leadership roles emerged spontaneously in the small groups without planning or awareness that they were needed. They appear to simply be properties of task-oriented, face-to-face groups.

Making Connections: Case Study

Women Leaders and the Glass Ceiling

[caption id="attachment_159" align="aligncenter" width="400"] Figure 7.13 Former leader of the Green Party Elizabeth May stands out for her gender and her leadership style among federal party leaders. (Photo courtesy Visible Hand/Flickr.) CC BY 2.0[/caption] Elizabeth May, former leader of the Green Party, was voted best parliamentarian of the year in 2012, hardest-working parliamentarian in 2013 and most-knowlwdgeable parliamentarian in 2020. She stands out among the party leaders as both the only female and the only leader focused on changing leadership style. Among her proposals for changing leadership are reducing centralization and hierarchical control of party leaders, allowing MPs to vote freely, decreasing narrow political partisanship, engaging in cross-partisan collaboration, and restoring respect and decorum to House of Commons debates. The focus on a collaborative, non-conflictual approach to politics is a component of her expressive leadership style, typically associated with female leadership qualities. However, as a female leader Elizabeth May is obliged to walk a tight line that does not generally apply to male politicians. According to political analysts, women candidates face a paradox: they must be as tough as their male opponents on issues, such as foreign or economic policy, or risk appearing weak (Weeks, 2011). However, the stereotypical expectation of women as expressive leaders is still prevalent. Consider that Hillary Clinton’s popularity surged in her 2008 campaign for the U.S. Democratic presidential nomination after she cried on the campaign trail. It was enough for the New York Times to publish an editorial, “Can Hillary Cry Her Way Back to the White House?” (Dowd, 2008). Harsh, but her approval ratings soared afterwards. In fact, many compared it to how politically likable she was in the aftermath of President Clinton’s Monica Lewinsky scandal. During the 2016 presidential campaign, Hillary Clinton's "trustworthiness" issues, which came under scrutiny through vague but concerted partisan accusations about her private emails, were compounded by gender issues in which women leaders are required to be "likeable" in ways that men are not, "honest" according to standards that men are not expected to meet, and "able to look and sound presidential" while also being authentically "real women." For Clinton, "appearing too stern and not smiling enough on the campaign trail" was criticized as a character flaw, whereas it was not for Bernie Saunders or Donald Trump (Dittmar, 2016). In the case of Elizabeth May, going back as far as the 2008 election leaders debate, many pundits believed that she won by being firm in her criticism of government policy, and being both intelligent and clear in her statements. She was able to articulate the rationale behind a national carbon tax to reduce greenhouse gases, whereas then Liberal leader Stéphane Dion seemed to struggle to explain his “Green Shift” policy. “We tax the pollution, and we take the taxes off families,” she said (Foot, 2008). The idea of winning debates and defeating opponents in a hostile environment is regarded as a masculine virtue. At the same time, May is subject to criticisms that have to do with her femininity, in a way that male politicians are not subject to similar criticisms about their masculinity. Media tycoon Conrad Black called her “a frumpy, noisy, ill-favoured, half-deranged windbag” to which, May quipped, “He's right on one point: I certainly am frumpy. I don't have anything like Barbara Amiel's [Black’s well-known journalist wife] sense of style. But on the whole, I figure being attacked by Conrad Black is in its own way an accolade in this country” (Allemang, 2009). Despite the cleverness of May’s retort, the pitfalls of her situation as a female leader reflect broader issues women confront in assuming leadership roles. Whereas women have been closing the gap with men in terms of workforce participation and educational attainment over the last decades, their average income has remained at approximately 70% of men’s, and their representation in leadership roles (legislators, senior officials, and managers) has remained at 50% of men’s (i.e., men are twice as likely as women to attain leadership roles in these professions than women). In terms of the representation of women in Parliament, cabinet, and political leadership, the figures are much lower at 15% (despite the fact that several provinces have had women as premiers) (McInturff, 2013). One concept for describing the situation facing women’s access to leadership positions is the glass ceiling. Whereas most of the explicit barriers to women’s achievement have been removed through legislative action, norms of gender equality, and affirmative action policies, women often get stuck at the level of middle management. There is a glass ceiling or invisible barrier that prevents them from achieving positions of leadership (Tannen, 1994). This is also reflected in gender inequality in income over time. Early in their careers men's and women’s incomes are more or less equal but at mid-career, the gap increases significantly (McInturff, 2013). Tannen argues that this barrier exists in part because of the different work styles of men and women, in particular conversational-style differences. Whereas men are very aggressive in their conversational style and their self-promotion, women are typically consensus builders who seek to avoid appearing bossy and arrogant. As a linguistic strategy of office politics, it is common for men to say “I” and claim personal credit in situations where women would be more likely to use “we” and emphasize teamwork. As it is men who are often in the positions to make promotion decisions, they interpret women’s style of communication “as showing indecisiveness, inability to assume authority, and even incompetence” (Tannen, 1994). Because of the inherent qualities in women’s expressive leadership, which in many cases is more effective, their skills, merits, and achievements go unrecognized. In terms of political leadership, one political analyst said bluntly, “women don’t succeed in politics — or other professions — unless they act like men. The standard for running for national office remains distinctly male” (Weeks, 2011).

In formal secondary groups, leadership is usually more overt. There are often clearly outlined roles and responsibilities, with a chain of command to follow. Some secondary groups, like the army, have highly structured and clearly understood chains of command, and many lives depend on those. After all, it is argued, how well could soldiers function in a battle if they had no idea whom to listen to or if different people were calling out orders? Other secondary groups, like a workplace or a classroom, also have formal leaders, but the styles and functions of leadership can vary significantly. In structural functionalist analysis, the leadership function refers to the role of the leader in determining how an organization determines what its goals are and how it will attain them. An instrumental leader is one who is goal-oriented and largely concerned with accomplishing set tasks. An army general or a Fortune 500 CEO would be an instrumental leader. In contrast, expressive leaders are more concerned with promoting emotional strength and health, and ensuring that people feel supported. Social and religious leaders — rabbis, priests, imams, and directors of youth homes and social service programs — are often perceived as expressive leaders. There is a longstanding stereotype that men are more instrumental leaders and women are more expressive leaders. Although gender roles have changed, even today, many women and men who exhibit the opposite-gender manner can be seen as deviants and can encounter resistance. Former U.S. Secretary of State and presidential candidate Hillary Clinton provides an example of how society reacts to a high-profile woman who is an instrumental leader. Despite the stereotype, Boatwright and Forrest (2000) have found that both men and women prefer leaders who use a combination of expressive and instrumental leadership. [caption id="attachment_160" align="alignright" width="300"] Figure 7.14 This gag gift demonstrates how female leaders may be viewed if they violate social norms. (Photo courtesy of istolethetv/Flickr.) CC BY 2.0[/caption] In addition to these leadership functions, there are three different leadership styles. Democratic leaders encourage group participation in all decision making. The group is essentially inclusive and cooperative. These leaders work hard to build consensus before choosing a course of action and moving forward. This type of leader is particularly common, for example, in a club where the members vote on which activities or projects to pursue. These leaders can be well-liked, but there is often a challenge that the work will proceed slowly since consensus building is time-consuming. A further risk is that group members might pick sides and entrench themselves into opposing factions rather than reaching a solution. Except perhaps during times of crisis, democratic styles of leadership are most effective because they allow the best ideas of the group to come forth and create the conditions for group members to "buy in" to the chosen strategies. In contrast, a laissez-faire leader (French for “let it/them do” or "let it be") is hands-off, allowing group members to self-manage and make their own decisions. An example of this kind of leader might be an art teacher who opens the art cupboard, leaves materials on the shelves, and tells students to help themselves and make some art. While this style can work well under conditions of mutual trust, with highly motivated, well trained, mature participants who have clear goals and guidelines, it risks group dissolution and a lack of progress. As the name suggests, authoritarian leaders issue orders, assigns tasks and demand compliance from subordinates. These leaders are clear instrumental leaders with a strong focus on meeting goals. Often, entrepreneurs fall into this mould, like Facebook founder Mark Zuckerberg. Not surprisingly, this type of leader risks alienating the workers. There are times of crisis, however, when this style of leadership can be begrudgingly accepted.

Conformity and Groupthink

People generally like to fit in to some degree. Likewise, when they want to stand out, they want to choose how they stand out and for what reasons. For example, a woman who loves cutting-edge fashion and wants to dress in thought-provoking new styles likely wants to be noticed within a framework of high fashion. She would not want people to think she was too out of touch with reality to find sensible clothes. Conformity is the extent to which an individual complies with group norms or expectations. As noted above, people use reference groups to assess and understand how they should act, dress, and behave. Not surprisingly, young people are particularly aware of who conforms and who does not. A high school boy whose mother makes him wear ironed, button-down shirts might protest that he will look stupid — that everyone else wears T-shirts. Another high school boy might like wearing those shirts ironically as a way of standing out. Recall Georg Simmel’s analysis of the contradictory dynamics of fashion (see Chapter 3. Culture): it represents both the need to conform and the need to stand out. How much does a person enjoy being noticed? Do they consciously prefer to conform to group norms so as not to be singled out? A number of famous experiments in the 1950s, 60s, and 70s tested the propensity of individuals to conform to authority. Stanley Milgram conducted experiments in the 1960s to determine how structures of authority rendered individuals obedient (Milgram, 1963). This was shortly after the Adolf Eichmann war crime trial in which Eichmann claimed that he was just a bureaucrat following orders when he helped to organize the Holocaust. As Hannah Arendt asked in her analysis of the trial, how were Nazis like Eichmann able "to overcome . . . the animal pity by which all normal men are affected in the presence of physical suffering"? (Arendt, 1964) Milgram had experimental subjects administer, what they were led to believe were electric shocks to a subject when the subject gave a wrong answer to a question. Each time a wrong answer was given, the experimental subject was told to increase the intensity of the shock. The experimental subjects were told that the experiment was supposed to test the relationship between punishment and learning, but the individual receiving the shocks was an actor. As the experimental subjects increased the amount of voltage, the actor began to show distress, eventually begging to be released. When the subjects became reluctant to administer more shocks, Milgram (wearing a white lab coat to underline his authority as a scientist) assured them that the actor would be fine and that the results of the experiment would be compromised if the subject did not continue. Seventy-one per cent of the experimental subjects were willing to continue administering shocks, even beyond 285 volts, despite the actor crying out in pain, and the voltage dial labelled with warnings like “Danger: Severe shock.” Milgram interpreted the results of the experiment as a demonstration of ordinary people's willingness to conform to figures of authority (Milgram, 1974). Actions that may be unthinkable for people on their own can be conducted without hesitation when carried out under orders. It was not the personality traits of the subjects (a desire to be cruel, moral weakness or a conformist personality structure) but qualities of the social situation that produced the alarmingly inhuman propensity to conform to authority. In particular he noted:

The further away the test subject was from the victim, physically and psychically, the easier it was to be cruel.
The effect of physical and psychical distance from the victim was enhanced when the test subject was physically and psychically closer to the authority figure, i.e.,when the test subject and the authority figure began to form an in-group separate from the victim.
Sequential action (in this case, incrementally increasing the voltage of the shocks) was a main "binding factor" that locked the test subject into continuing to conform to authority. "[I]f the subject decides that giving the next shock is not permissible, then, since it is (in every case) only slightly more intense than the last one, what was the justification for administering the last shock he just gave?" (Milgram, 1974). Test subjects could not stop administering the shocks at any point without having to revisit and reject the sequence of their previous decision-making.
The test subjects assumed an agentic state: a condition, the opposite of autonomy, in which they see themselves as carrying out another person's wishes or passing responsibility for the acts to another. It is easier to ignore personal responsibility for actions when an individual is just an intermediate link in a chain of actions far removed from the final consequences of the action.
As long as there was only a single source of undivided authority, test subjects complied with the experiment. When more than one authority figure was introduced, and they were instructed to disagree about the command, compliance of the test subjects disappeared.

Similarly, Zimbardo's Stanford Prison experiment (see Chapter 2. Sociological Research) showed that within days of beginning the simulated prison experiment, the random sample of university students, carefully screened to exclude traits of psychological abnormality, proved themselves capable of conforming to the roles of prison guards and prisoners to an extreme degree (Haney, Banks, and Zimbardo, 1973). Even though the conditions were highly artificial, within days the guards took the initiative to expand their powers to humiliate the prisoners and the prisoners responded with acts of greater submissiveness and humiliation. Unlike Milgram's experiment in which test subjects carried out commands from an authority, Zimbardo and his colleagues simply established the scenario by dividing test subjects into roles and defining a pattern of interaction. Responsibility for the degradation could not be passed to an external authority in a lab coat because authority for each intensification of abuse was generated by the subjects themselves. What explained the transformation of ordinary, well adjusted university students into agents of escalating and disturbingly inhumane acts of humiliation and violence? It would appear that the social nature of the group situation itself, especially the existence of a polarized division between authorities and subordinates, enabled individuals to assume a role they otherwise would never consider. It is in situations where one group is given total, exclusive and unrestricted power over another group that acts of appalling inhumanity become possible.

Making Connections: Sociological Research

Groupthink: Conforming to Group Expectations

[caption id="attachment_161" align="aligncenter" width="400"] Figure 7.15 In the Asch conformity experiments, a subject had to determine which of the three lines on the left matched the length of the line on the right. (Photo courtesy of Nyenyec/Wikimedia Commons.) CC BY-SA 3.0[/caption] Psychologist Solomon Asch (1907–1996) conducted experiments that illustrated how great the pressure to conform is, specifically within a small group (1956). In 1951, he sat a small group of eight people around a table. Only one of the people sitting there was the true experimental subject; the rest were actors or associates of the experimenter. However, the subject was led to believe that the others were subjects brought in for an experiment in visual judgments. The group was shown two cards, the first card with a single vertical line, and the second card with three vertical lines differing in length. The experimenter polled the group, asking each participant, one at a time, which line on the second card matched up with the line on the first card. However, this was not really a test of visual judgment. Rather, it was Asch’s study on the pressures of conformity. He was curious to see what the effect of multiple wrong answers would be on the subject, who presumably was able to tell which lines matched. In order to test this, Asch had each planted respondent answer in a specific way. The subject was seated in such a way that he had to hear almost everyone else’s answers before it was his turn. Sometimes the non-subject members would unanimously choose an answer that was clearly wrong. So what was the conclusion? Asch found that 37 out of 50 test subjects responded with an “obviously erroneous” answer at least once. When faced by a unanimous wrong answer from the rest of the group, the subject conformed to a mean of four of the staged answers. Asch revised the study and repeated it, wherein the subject still heard the staged wrong answers, but was allowed to write down his answer rather than speak it aloud. In this version, the number of examples of conformity — giving an incorrect answer so as not to contradict the group — fell by two-thirds. He also found that group size had an impact on how much pressure the subject felt to conform. The tendency to conform was greatest in groups of 3 to 5 people. The results showed that speaking up when only one other person gave an erroneous answer was far more common than when five or six people defended the incorrect position. Finally, Asch discovered that people were far more likely to give the correct answer in the face of near-unanimous consent if they had a single ally. If even one person in the group also dissented, the subject conformed only a quarter as often. Clearly, it was easier to be a minority of two than a minority of one. Asch concluded that there are two main causes for conformity: people want to be liked by the group or they believe the group is better informed than they are. He found his study results disturbing. To him, they revealed that intelligent, well-educated people would, with very little coaxing, go along with an untruth. This phenomenon is known as groupthink, the tendency to conform to the attitudes and beliefs of the group despite individual misgivings. He believed this result highlighted real problems with the education system and values in North American society (Asch, 1956). One might think that one would answer Asch's tests honestly and accurately, despite having to go against the opinion of the other subjects. But as sociologists like Asch, Milgram and Zimbardo have demonstrated, what people do under conditions of social pressure is determined by the situation. One does not necessarily know in advance how one would respond under conditions of duress.

Media Attributions

Figure 7.7 Construction and engineering students visit the Folsom spillway job site by Michael J. Nevins/ U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, via Flickr, is in the public domain.
Figure 7.8 Assessing Potential Online Communities by 10ch/ Beck Tench, via Flickr, is used a CC BY-NC-SA 2.0 licence.
Figure 7.9 Mother Picks Up her Daughter's Phone by Karolina Grabowska is is used under the Pexels site licence.
Figure 7.10 Hayley Wickenheiser celebrates her first CIS goal with her teammates by Canada Hky is used under CC BY SA 3.0 licence.
Figure 7.11 IMG_0022_20130224 "Aikido" by Kesara Rathnayake, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY-SA 2.0 licence.
Figure 7.12 From the Nazi episode by Bryan Alexander is used under a CC BY 2.0 licence.
Figure 7.13 Elizabeth May on CBC Radio One - Calgary, by Visible Hand, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY 2.0 licence.
Figure 7.14 the hillary nutcracker by istolethetv is used under CC BY 2.0 licence.
Figure 7.15 File:Asch experiment.png by Nyenyec, via Wikimedia Commons, is used under a CC BY-SA 3.0 licence.

7.3 Networks

hfriedman — Thu, 10 Aug 2023 21:54:51 +0000

Dyads, Triads, and Social Networks

[caption id="attachment_561" align="aligncenter" width="1024"] Figure 7.16 A visual representation of network connections formed through Twitter showing dense nodes of tightly interconnected Twitter accounts and outliers. (Image courtesy of Marc Smith/Flickr.) CC BY 2.0[/caption] A small group is typically one where the collection of people is small enough that all members of the group know each other and share simultaneous interaction, such as a nuclear family, a dyad, or a triad. Georg Simmel wrote extensively about the difference between a dyad, or two-member group, and a triad, a three-member group (Simmel, 1950 (1908)). No matter what the content of the groups is — business, friendship, family, teamwork, etc. — the dynamic or formal qualities of the groups differ simply by virtue of the number of individuals involved. The forms of sociation available to individuals differ significantly for dyads and triads, no matter the specific reason (content) for the sociation (e.g., friendship, love, business, leisure, etc.). The social dynamic inheres in the number of individuals, no matter who they are, how their backgrounds differ or what defines their specific interests. This insight forms the basis of the analysis of networks, which are another of the major meso-level social phenomena examined in sociology. For example, in a dyad, if one person withdraws, the group can no longer exist. Examples include a divorce, which effectively ends the “group” of the married couple, or two best friends, who may never speak again. Neither of the two members can hide what they have done behind the group, nor hold the group responsible for what they have failed to do. A dyad is more precarious, but also more intimate, than a triad or larger networks. In a triad the dynamic is quite different. If one person withdraws, the group lives on. A triad has a different set of relationships. If there are three in the group, two-against-one dynamics can develop and the potential exists for a majority opinion on any issue. At the same time, the relationships in a triad cannot be as close as in a dyad because a third person always intrudes. Whereas a group of two is both closer and more vulnerable than a group of three, because it rests on the immediate, ongoing reciprocity of the two members, a group of three is able to attain a sense of super-personal life and superordinate goals, independent of the members. There is a group "over and above" its members. Exploring the difference between a dyad and a triad is an example of network analysis. A social network is a collection of people who exchange resources (emotional, informational, financial, etc.) and who are tied together by a specific configuration of connections. They do not need to know each other or share a group identity, yet they are part of a collectivity that is more than the sum of its parts. They can be characterized by the number of people involved, as in the dyad and triad, but also in terms of the structure of their ties (who is connected to whom) and the functions of their ties (what resources flow across ties). The study of structures (network ties), functions (resources shared) and degree of contagion (the degree of transmissibility of a resource) are key to network analysis. The particular configurations of the connections determine how networks are able to do more things and different things than individuals acting on their own could. Networks have this effect, regardless of the content of the connections or specific persons involved. [caption id="attachment_1372" align="aligncenter" width="1024"] Figure 7.17 The difference in efficiency in transmitting a "resource" between a traditional "bucket brigade" or sequential network structure and a "telephone tree" network structure (Image courtesy of Melusine Boon Falleur/Wikimedia Commons.) CC BY-SA 4.0[/caption] For example, if one person phones 50 people one after the other to see who could come out to play ball hockey on Wednesday night, it would take a long time to work through the phone list. This is an example of an inefficient network. The structure of the network would be one in which the telephone caller has an individual connection with each of the 50 players, but the players themselves do not necessarily have any connections with each other. There is only one node in the network: the telephone caller. This can be characterized as a "hub and spoke" structure (see Figure 7.18). On the other hand, if the telephone caller phones five key (or nodal) individuals, who would then call five individuals, and so on, then the telephone calling would be accomplished much more quickly. A telephone tree like this has a different network structure than the single telephone caller model does and can therefore accomplish the task much more efficiently and quickly (see Figure 7.17). Of course the responsibility is also shared so there are more opportunities for the communication network to break down, (but not as many as in a "bucket brigade" model where the resource, in this case information, is passed from "hand to hand" or "ear to ear" in a linear sequence). [caption id="attachment_1373" align="aligncenter" width="1024"] Figure 7.18 The difference between hub and spoke vs. distributed network structures illustrates the importance of examining the structure of network ties in understanding the effectiveness and degree of contagion of a network (Image courtesy of Melusine Boon Falleur/Wikimedia Commons.) CC BY-SA 4.0[/caption] Network analysis is interesting because much of social life can be understood as operating outside of either formal organizations or traditional group structures. Social media like Twitter or Facebook connect people through networks. One's posts are seen by friends, but also by friends of friends. The revolution in Tunisia in 2010–2011 was aided by social media networks, which were able to disseminate an accurate, or alternate, account of the events as they unfolded, even while the official media characterized the unrest as vandalism and terrorism (Zuckerman, 2011). On the other hand, military counterinsurgency strategies trace cell phone connections to model the networks of insurgents in asymmetrical or guerilla warfare. Increased densities of network connections indicate the centrality of key insurgents and the ability of insurgents to mount coordinated attacks (Department of the Army, 2006). The amorphous and fluid nature of global capital and the formation of a global capitalist class consciousness can also be analyzed by mapping interlocking directorates; namely, the way social networks are established and institutionalized between banks, corporations and investment funds in different parts of the world through shared board members. Mapping interlocking directorates can describe shifts in the network of corporate, banking, investment/pension fund board members who sit on each other's boards of directors. Over the period from 1970 to 2010 for example, network analysis reveals the break up of national-based corporate elite networks, and the establishment of a unified and coordinated transatlantic capitalist class, which corresponds to the shift from national economies to late capitalism: globalized capital accumulation, neoliberal policies of deregulation and increasing economic inequality (Carroll, 2010). Christakis and Fowler (2009) argue that social networks are influential in a wide range of social aspects of life, including political opinions, weight gain, and happiness. They develop Stanley Milgram’s claim that there is on average only six degrees of separation between any two individuals on Earth by adding that in a network there are also three degrees of influence. Milgram showed that if a friend represents one degree of separation, and a friend's friend two degrees of separation, etc. then, on average, there are only six degrees of separation between any two people on earth. Three degrees of influence means that one is not only influenced by one's immediate friends and social contacts, but by their friends, and their friends’ friends. For example, an individual’s chance of becoming obese increases 57% if a friend becomes obese; it increases by 20% if it is a friend’s friend who becomes obese; and it increases 10% if it is a friend’s friend’s friend who becomes obese. Beyond the third degree of separation, there is no measurable influence.

Making Connections: Sociology in the Real World

The COVID-19 Pandemic and Social Network Analysis: Super-Spreader Events, Global Networks, and Social Bubbles

[caption id="attachment_1384" align="aligncenter" width="1000"] Figure 7.19 Understanding the uneven spread of COVID-19 in the context of the global interconnected economy. Connections show the global ties between nodes in the global tourism network, which was one of the main conduits for the global spread of the virus (Figure from Tsiotas & Tselios, 2022.) CC BY 4.0 [/caption] The COVID-19 Pandemic is a perfect example of a 21st century, global social network phenomenon. The first confirmed infections were recorded in Wuhan, China, in December, 2019, and by March 11, 2020 the World Health Organization declared COVID-19 to be a global pandemic: "an epidemic occurring worldwide, or over a very wide area, crossing international boundaries and usually affecting a large number of people” (Last, 2001). As the virus spreads through respiratory droplets and airborne transmission in close face-to-face interactions, with an incubation period of 1–14 days (Prather et al., 2020), on its own, the virus does not travel far. Its spread from local outbreak in Wuhan to global pandemic depended on the structure of social connections that link people into a global network of COVID-19 transmission. Two factors determine the spread of infectious diseases: the biological characteristics of the virus, and the social network that defines the structure of contact between people (Jo et al., 2021). Humans are not just passive hosts for viruses. They are actively involved in creating social networks with others and, as a result, the spread of viruses is not random but to some degree socially predictable. The structure of social network ties affects the spread of infection. What is interesting from a social network analysis is that infection rates — the estimated number of new people each COVID-positive person will infect (Covid ActNow, 2022) — are not uniform across populations. Infection spreads unevenly in a population because of the structure of ties that link people's social networks. From a social network perspective, the overall increase or decrease in infections per unit of time (i.e.,the "flatness" of the infection curve) is closely related to the number of network steps needed to connect nodes in a network (Block et al., 2020). The fewer the steps, the more contagious the network is. This has implications for developing effective social strategies to disrupt the transmission of contagious diseases. Examples of the different types of influence social network structures had in the COVID-19 pandemic include the phenomenon of superspreader events, global transmission through the global tourism network, and the use of social bubbles as a public health measure to inhibit transmission. Superspreader events — in which one person infects a disproportionate number of other individuals at one time — have been estimated to account for 80% of COVID infections (Lewis, 2021). These events involve prolonged and crowded indoor gatherings with poor ventilation, often exacerbated by activities such as singing and aerobic exercise. From a network analysis perspective, these events involve the convergence of individuals from physically distant, isolated social networks into a single, temporary, dense or distributed network, and then their subsequent dispersal back to their original social networks. Each person that attends becomes a potential vector for the virus from a central hub of contagion. The Pacific Dental Conference in Vancouver in 2020 is described as the first superspreader event in BC. Fifteen thousand people attended the event which generated at least 87 documented cases of COVID-19 and one death (Mackin, 2022). This probably underestimated the overall impact however. Lemieux et al. (2020) describe a two-day international business conference in Boston which directly infected 90 attendees and their close contacts, but using genome sequencing they estimate that approximately 20,000 infections in Boston and its surrounding areas could be traced back to the conference. The rapid unfolding of the COVID-19 pandemic also exemplifies the properties of social networks. The "small world phenomenon" is a product of Merton's 6 degrees of separation, where every element of the global network seems surprisingly “close” to almost every other element, even when they are geographically far away (Watts, 1999). People often say, "it is such a small world." This is true but perhaps misrepresents how the global spread of COVID-19 was unevenly distributed due to the structure of pre-existing global networks. In other words, not every place on earth is equally connected through global networks. The virus spread firstly through networks of global tourism (Tsiotas & Tselios, 2022). Figure 7.19 shows the highly connected nodes or major tourist destinations and transfer points in the global tourism network. These were infected earlier by the pandemic than the other nodes. Tsiotas & Tselios (2022) describe the spread of the pandemic through time in three sequential clusters defined by their relative centrality to Wuhan and to the global tourism network: Firstly China, countries neighboring China, North America, Australia, and Western Europe; secondly less well tourism connected countries in Europe and the Americas; thirdly, South America, Southern Africa, Indonesia, Central Europe, Western Mediterranean basin and Turkey. The concept of creating social bubbles was a public health measure deployed in a variety of jurisdictions to inhibit the spread of COVID-19 during the pandemic, especially prior to the introduction of vaccines. They are in a sense the opposite of superspreader events. The idea of a social bubble is to combine 2 or possibly 3 households in a single closeknit network detached as much as possible from the rest of society. This measure provides the benefit of breaking trains of transmission through social distancing while reducing the negative impacts of isolation such as loneliness, social isolation, lack of physical and emotional support and reduced childcare help. In terms of the goal of "flattening the curve" or reducing the impact on the health care system, modelling shows that social bubbles delay the peak of infections by 37%, (i.e.,the onset of peak infection numbers), decrease the height of the peak by 60%, (i.e.,the number of infected individuals), and results in 30% fewer infected individuals at the end of the simulation (Block et al., 2020).

Media Attribution

Figure 7.16 Twitter Network Visualizations: "Stanford" by Marc Smith, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY 2.0 licence.
Figure 7.17 Information spread in networks by Melusine Boon Falleur, via Wikimedia Commons, is used under a CC BY-SA 4.0 licence.
Figure 7.18 Different shape networks by Melusine Boon Falleur, via Wikimedia Commons, is used under a CC BY-SA 4.0 licence.
Figure 7.19 The graph model of the directed GTN by Tsiotas & Tselios (2022), via Springer Nature Limited, is used under a CC BY 4.0 International licence. [The graph model of the directed GTN (data of the year 2018, own elaboration based on ESRI ArcGIS 10.50; https://www.arcgis.com).]

7.4. Formal Organizations

hfriedman — Thu, 10 Aug 2023 21:57:52 +0000

[caption id="attachment_560" align="alignleft" width="300"] Figure 7.20 Franz Kafka in literature and Max Weber in sociology were two early 20th century visionaries who foretold the rise of bureaucratic life (Photo courtesy of Harald Groven/Flickr.) CC BY-SA 2.0[/caption] A complaint of modern life is that society is dominated by large and impersonal secondary organizations. The individual gets lost in the paper work and digital files through which modern society is administered. From universities to businesses to health care to government, these organizations are referred to as formal organizations. A formal organization is a large secondary group deliberately organized to achieve its goals efficiently and effectively. Typically, formal organizations are highly bureaucratized. The term bureaucracy refers to what Max Weber termed “an ideal type” of formal organization (1922/1946). In its sociological usage, "ideal type" does not mean “best,” "good" or "perfect"; it refers to a general or typical model that can be used to describe a collection of characteristics, or a model that could describe most examples of the item under discussion. For example, if a professor were to tell the class to picture a car in their minds, most students will picture a car that shares a set of characteristics: four wheels, a windshield, and so on. Everyone’s car will be somewhat different, however. Some might picture a two-door sports car while others might picture an SUV. Some might picture an electric car while others might picture a combustion car. It is possible for a car to have three wheels instead of four. However, the general idea of the car that everyone shares is the ideal type. Corporate, state and other organizational bureaucracies are similar. While each bureaucracy has its own idiosyncratic features, the way each is deliberately organized to achieve its goals efficiently shares a certain consistency. In this sense bureaucracies are defined by an ideal type common to most large scale modern organizations.

Types of Formal Organizations

[caption id="attachment_2514" align="aligncenter" width="236"] Figure 7.21 Cub and Guide troops and correctional facilities are both formal organizations. Photo (a) Brownie and Cub compare badges (courtesy of Paul Hourigan/Hamilton Spectator, 1983) CC BY 2.0[/caption]

[caption id="attachment_2512" align="aligncenter" width="300"] Photo (b) Alouette Correctional Centre (courtesy of Province of British Columbia/Flickr) CC BY-NC-ND 2.0[/caption]

Sociologist Amitai Etzioni (1975) posited that formal organizations fall into three categories. Normative organizations, also called voluntary organizations, are based on shared interests. As the name suggests, joining them is voluntary and typically people join because they find membership rewarding intrinsically, or in an intangible way. Compliance to the group is maintained through compliance with shared norms or moral control. The Audubon Society or a ski club are examples of normative organizations. Coercive organizations are groups that one must be coerced, or pushed, to join. These may include prison, the military, or a rehabilitation centre. Compliance is maintained through force and coercion. Goffman (1961) states that most coercive organizations are total institutions (see Chapter 5. Socialization). A total institution is one in which members are separated from the rest of society and live a fully controlled life to submit to a process of total resocialization. The third type are utilitarian organizations, which, as the name suggests, are joined for instrumental purposes, as a means to an end. People enter them to pursue a specific credential or material reward. A high school or a workplace would fall into this category — one is joined in pursuit of a diploma, the other in order to make money. Compliance is maintained through remuneration and rewards. As a result of these differences, the feelings of connectedness between members differs, from shared affinity and common interests in normative organizations, to coerced affinity and disciplinary confinement in coercive organizations, to pragmatic affinity or shared goals in utilitarian organizations.

*Table 7.1. Etzioni’s Three Types of Formal Organizations (Source: Etzioni, 1975)*
	Normative or Voluntary	Coercive	Utilitarian
Benefit of Membership	Non-material benefit	Corrective or disciplinary benefit	Material benefit
Type of Membership	Volunteer basis	Obligatory basis	Contractual basis
Feeling of Connectedness	Shared affinity	Coerced affinity	Pragmatic affinity

Bureaucracies

Bureaucracies can be described as an ideal type of formal organization. As noted above, this does not mean that they are perfect, or "ideal" in an ethical sense, but that the logic or relationship of their components can be laid out according to an idealized model. Not all formal organizations or bureaucracies will necessarily conform to the ideal type. The sociologist Max Weber (1946 (1922)) influentially characterized the bureaucratic ideal type on the basis of five distinct features: hierarchy of authority, clear division of labour, explicit rules, impersonality and meritocracy. These were elements of the modern, rational, continuous, methodical, and disciplined organization known as bureaucracy — literally "rule by desks" or "rule by offices" — which proved superior in efficiency and effectiveness to previous, historical organizational forms. As he put it, bureaucracy ws discipline’s "most rational offspring" (Weber, 1946 (1922)). Previously, rule was often personalized and rulers worked through "personal trustees, table companions, or court servants" on an ad hoc (as needed) basis rather than on a permanent basis. Bureaucracies introduced permanent organizational structures with fixed jurisdictions. Yet even though Weber argued that bureaucracy had become a permanent structure in modern organizational life because of its rational organization and efficiency, people, both then and today, often complain about bureaucracies, declaring them to be slow, rule-bound, difficult to navigate, and unfriendly. Nevertheless, he argued that "the decisive reason for the advance of bureaucratic organization has always been its purely technical superiority over any other form of organization." This formidable efficiency in turn means that bureaucracy is "a form of power relation…that is practically unshatterable" (Weber, 1946 (1922)). It is very difficult to imagine another form of social organization up to the task of ruling and coordinating activities on a large scale in modern complex societies. Are other alternatives to formal bureaucracy possible? As Weber observed, the strength of bureaucratic discipline was that when an order was given it would be methodically executed by well trained functionaries regardless of their personal feelings on the matter. This was enabled by the five features of bureaucracy. Hierarchy of authority refers to the aspect of bureaucracy that places one individual or office in charge of another, who in turn must answer to their own superiors. For example, if an employee at Walmart gets their tasks assigned by their shift manager. The shift manager answers to the store manager, who must answer to the regional manager, and so on in a clear, unambiguous chain of command up to the CEO, who must answer to the board members, who in turn answer to the stockholders. There is a clear chain of authority that enables each person to know who they are answerable to or responsible for, which is necessary for the organization to make and comply with decisions. A clear division of labour refers to the fact that within a bureaucracy, each individual has a specialized task to perform. There are specified spheres of competence and responsibility within a systematic division of labour. For example, psychology professors teach psychology, but they do not attempt to provide students with financial aid forms. In this case, it is a clear and commonsensical division. But what about in a restaurant where food is backed up in the kitchen and a host is standing nearby texting on her phone? The host's job is to seat customers, not to deliver food. Is this a commonsensical division of labour? There is a continuous organization of official functions bound by explicit rules. Rules are explicitly stated, written down, and standardized. There is also written documentation of administrative acts, decisions, meetings and procedures so that a detailed institutional memory can be kept. For example, at a college or university, student guidelines governing numerous aspects of student life from class attendance, to illness, exam procedures and plagiarism are contained within the student calendar. Similarly, Ombudsperson Offices are becoming more common on campuses to deal violations of rules about racism, sexism, unfair treatment, and student rights. These processes of adjudicating fairness issues involve following explicit procedures of documentation, mediation and correction. Bureaucracies are also characterized by impersonality, which is meant to take personal feelings out of professional situations and make the institution and institutional processes independent of particular functionaries and clients. Each office or position exists independently of its incumbent, meaning that positions are defined and continue through time regardless of the person occupying them. The business of the bureaucracy is also conducted impersonally, "without regard for persons" (Weber, 1946 (1922)). Each client and each worker receive equal treatment, regardless of who they are, their personal background, or their personal circumstances. This characteristic grew out of a desire to eliminate the potential for nepotism, discrimination, backroom deals, and other types of "irrational" favouritism. Impersonality is an attempt by large formal organizations to protect their members, clients and customers. However, the result is often that personal experience is disregarded. For example, a worker may be late for work because her car broke down, but the manager at Pizza Hut does not care why the worker is late, only that she is late. The rules apply whatever the specific circumstances. Finally, bureaucracies are in principle meritocracies, meaning that hiring and promotion are based on proven and documented skills, rather than on nepotism, discrimination or random choice. In order to get into graduate school, one needs to have an impressive transcript. In order to become a lawyer and represent clients,one must graduate from law school and pass the provincial bar exam. These are documented credentials that can be weighed and compared in job or student competitions. Of course, there is a popular image of bureaucracies that they reward conformity and sycophancy rather than skill or merit. "One rises to one's own level of incompetence." How well do established meritocracies identify real talent though? Wealthy families hire tutors, interview coaches, test-prep services, and consultants to help their children get into the best schools. This starts as early as kindergarten in New York City, where competition for the most highly regarded schools is especially fierce. Are these schools, many of which have copious scholarship funds that are intended to make the school more democratic, really offering all applicants a fair shake? Max Weber (1946 (1922)) summarizes the principle of bureaucracy:

Precision, speed, unambiguity, knowledge of the files, continuity, discretion, unity, strict subordination, reduction of friction and of material and personal costs — these are raised to the optimum point in the strictly bureaucratic administration ... Bureaucratization offers above all the optimum possibility for carrying through the principle of specializing administrative functions according to purely objective considerations . . . The 'objective' discharge of business primarily means a discharge of business according to calculable rules and 'without regard for persons.'

There are several positive aspects of bureaucracies. They are intended to improve efficiency, ensure equal opportunities, and increase effective delivery of services or products. There are times and circumstances when rigid hierarchies are needed. However, there is also a clear component of irrationality within the rational organization of bureaucracies. As a byproduct of rational organization, bureaucracies can be inefficient and ineffective in a number of ways. Firstly, bureaucracies create conditions of bureaucratic alienation in which workers cannot find meaning in the repetitive, standardized nature of the tasks they are obliged to perform. As Max Weber put it, the “individual bureaucrat cannot squirm out of the apparatus in which he is harnessed… He is only a single cog in an ever‐moving mechanism which prescribes to him an essentially fixed route of march” (1946 (1922)). Secondly, bureaucratic procedures can lead to inefficiency and ritualism (red tape). They can focus on rule following and regulations to the point of undermining the organization’s goals and purpose. Thirdly, bureaucracies have a tendency toward inertia. Changing the direction of a bureaucratic organization in response to new goals, situations and circumstances can be like “trying to turn a tanker around mid-ocean.” Something large, cumbersome and set in its ways has difficulty changing directions. Inertia means bureaucracies focus on perpetuating themselves rather than responding to new needs or effectively accomplishing the tasks they were designed to achieve. Finally, as Robert Michels (1949 (1911)) argued, bureaucracies are characterized by the iron law of oligarchy in which the organization is ruled by a few elites. The organization serves to promote the self-interest of oligarchs and insulate them from worker input or the needs of the public or clients. Bureaucracies grew large at the same time that modern institutions like the public school system, the industrial workplace, the hospital system and modern armies were developed. In the Fordist economic model of the first half of the 20th century, young workers were trained and organizations were built for mass production, assembly-line work, and factory jobs. In these scenarios, a clear chain of command was critical because of the large scale and centralized nature of production and the number of moving parts that needed coordinating. Now, in post-industrial, late capitalist societies, this kind of rigid training and adherence to protocol can actually decrease both productivity and efficiency. Today’s workplace is based on flexible accumulation and just-in-time inventory systems (see Chapter 4. Society and Modern Life), which are argued to require a faster pace, more distributed problem solving, and a flexible approach to work. Smaller organizations are often more innovative and competitive because they have flatter hierarchies and more democratic decision making, which invites more communication, greater networking, and increased individual participation of members. These flexible systems are often based on precarious and uncertain work conditions, but too much adherence to hierarchical chains of command, inflexible rules and a division of labour can leave an organization behind. However, once established, bureaucratic structures can take on a life of their own. As Max Weber said, “Once it is established, bureaucracy is among those social structures which are the hardest to destroy” (1946 (1922)). [caption id="attachment_164" align="aligncenter" width="400"] Figure 7.22 This McDonald’s storefront in Egypt shows the McDonaldization of society. (Photo courtesy of SW Ellis/Flickr.) CC BY 2.0[/caption]

The McDonaldization of Society

The McDonaldization of society refers to the increasing presence of the fast-food business model in common social institutions (Ritzer, 2013). This business model is based on four principles: efficiency, predictability, calculability, and control (monitoring). For example, in the average chain grocery store every aspect of the organization is geared toward the minimization of time it takes for a customer to shop, for shelves to be restocked, and for checkout and payment to be made (efficiency). Whenever a person enters a store within that grocery chain, they receive the same type of goods, see the same floor organization, and find the same brands at the same prices (predictability). Prices are clearly marked and goods sold by the kilogram, so that customers can weigh their fruit and vegetable purchases rather than simply guessing at the price for that bag of onions. Employees often have a time card so their hours, work process, breaks and wages can be precisely quantified, measured and standardized (calculability). Finally, customers will notice that all store employees are wearing a uniform (and usually a name tag) so that they can be easily identified. Transactions between employees and customers are formalized with stock phrases or scripts and clear directives about how to perform tasks so that nobody has to think. Non-human technologies like self-scanning check-out items reduce human error and human interaction to streamline the shopping process. Surveillance systems and bar code data entry allows management to control consumer and work processes at a distance (control). While McDonaldization has resulted in improved profits and an increased availability of standardized goods and services to more people worldwide, it has also reduced the variety of goods available in the marketplace while rendering available products uniform, generic, and bland. Think of the difference between a mass-produced shoe and one made by a local cobbler, between a free range chicken from a family-owned farm versus a corporate factory farmer, or a cup of coffee from the local roaster instead of one from a coffee-shop chain. Ritzer also notes that the rational systems, as efficient as they are, are irrational in that they become more important than the people working within them, or the clients being served by them. “Most specifically, irrationality means that rational systems are unreasonable systems. By that I mean that they deny the basic humanity, the human reason, of the people who work within or are served by them” (Ritzer, 2013). Some contemporary trends can be referred to as "de-McDonaldization:" the resurgence of farmer's markets, the 100 mile diet and slow-cooking movement, micro-breweries and shop-local campaigns. As a corporate model, Starbucks is often seen as an alternative chain that has abandoned the one-size-fits-all, standardized of service of McDonald's in a way that is more suited to late modern sensibilities. Principally, it moved away from the mediocre or low quality products of fast food restaurants, refocused on providing comforts for consumers (over-stuffed couches, wooden furniture, wifi, artwork, popular music), branded itself as a kinder, gentler, and caring corporation (fair-trade coffee, calling employees "partners," etc.) and created a "theatrics" that provides an "experience" of being in an old-fashioned, local coffee-shop (Ritzer, 2013). Nevertheless Starbucks still clearly fits, and operates in accordance with, the four McDonaldization principles of efficiency, predictability, calculability and control, while somehow convincing customers to pay $4 for a coffee. It is also famous for ruthlessly eliminating local competition. On the other hand, with its recent advertising campaigns, changes in menu, and products emphasizing individuality, even McDonald's might be seen as de-McDonaldizing itself.

Making Connections: Sociological Research

Secrets of the McJob

[caption id="attachment_2515" align="aligncenter" width="800"] Figure 7.23 A fast food breakfast sandwich from Tim Hortons, the largest fast-food chain in Canada (followed by Subway in second place). 40% of Canadians say they have breakfast out, largely because they do not have time to make breakfast or because of the convenience of getting something on the way to work (Bush, 2023). (Photo courtesy of Calgary Reviews/Flickr). CC BY 2.0[/caption] People often talk about bureaucracies disparagingly, and no organizations have taken more heat than fast-food restaurants. The book and movie Fast Food Nation: The Dark Side of the All-American Meal by Eric Schossler (2001) paints an ugly picture of what goes in, what goes on, and what comes out of fast-food chains. From their environmental impact to their role in the North American obesity epidemic, fast-food chains are connected to numerous societal ills. Furthermore, working at a fast-food restaurant is often disparaged, and even referred to dismissively, as a McJob rather than a real job. But business school professor Jerry Newman (2007) went undercover and worked behind the counter at seven fast-food restaurants to discover what really goes on there. His book, My Secret Life on the McJob, documents his experience. Newman found, unlike Schossler, that these restaurants have much good alongside the bad. Specifically, he asserted that the employees were honest and hard-working, the management was often impressive, and the jobs required a lot more skill and effort than most people imagined. In the book, Newman cites a pharmaceutical executive who states that a fast-food service job on an applicant’s résumé is a plus because it indicates the employee is reliable and can handle pressure. The fast food sector is an important industry, employing 394,134 people or 3.7% of Canadians 2021 (Bush, 2023). 28.3% of Canadians have worked directly in the food service industry and almost half of the population have either worked in the industry themselves or someone in their family has or still does. Four out of five people see fast-food restaurants as an important first job source. So what is the verdict? Are these McJobs and the organizations that offer them still serving a useful role in the economy and people’s careers? Or are they dead-end jobs that typify all that is negative about McDonaldization?

Media Attributions

Figure 7.20 Bureaucracy illustration by Harald Groven, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY-SA 2.0 licence.
Figure 7.21 (a) Brownie and Cub compare badges by Girl Guides of Canada, via Flickr, is used under CC BY 2.0 licence; (b) Alouette Correctional Centre by Province of British Columbia, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY-NC-ND 2.0 licence.
Figure 7.22 McDonald's in Luxor, Egypt by Sean Ellis, via Flickr, is used under CC BY 2.0 licence.
Figure 7.23 Tim Hortons Breakfast BELT Bagel Sandwich by Calgary Reviews is used under a CC BY 2.0 licence.

7.5 A Sociological Analysis of the Holocaust

hfriedman — Thu, 10 Aug 2023 21:58:46 +0000

[caption id="attachment_661" align="alignleft" width="273"] Figure 7.24 Anti-Christ (1942), by Polish-Jewish artist Arthur Szyk (1894-1951) (Image courtesy of The Arthur Szyk Society/Wikimedia Commons.) CC BY-SA 4.0[/caption] This chapter concludes with a sociological analysis of the Holocaust to indicate the significance of some of the sociological dynamics of group behaviour. In sociology the group is always more than the sum of its parts. This chapter has examined this with regard to how individuals change their behaviour when they are around others in different types of group structure. Chapter 1. An Introduction to Sociology noted how being in a crowd affected people very differently during the exuberance of the 2010 Vancouver Olympics and the riots of the 2011 Stanley Cup final. Chapter 6. Social Interaction has shown how being a member of a social group influences people to conform, to engage in groupthink or to choose in-group and out-group attachments. Social networks are also deeply influential. Depending on where one is located in a social network, individuals are enabled or inhibited, to a lesser or greater degree, to share and receive resources of various sorts from friends, friends of friends, and friends of friends of friends, in ways which change peoples behaviours, attitudes and beliefs. Formal organizations structure the relationships between individuals in consistent and impersonal ways to be able to achieve organizational goals that individuals could not achieve on their own. How does the insight that the group is more than the sum of the parts help to analyze how the Holocaust was possible? The Holocaust (literally "whole burnt") refers to the systematic program of extermination of European Jews and Roma by Nazis between 1941 and 1945. During this period, it is estimated that 6,000,000 Jews and Roma were killed by the Nazis. How was it possible? It is difficult to imagine how the scale of this event could be the product of isolated individuals entering into interaction. It needs to be understood at the level of group behaviour. Clearly, a significant minority of the population of Germany in the 1930s were anti-Semitic, but even among these individuals the concept of the Final Solution would have been unthinkable. Often, the explanation that has been put forward is that the Nazi era in 20th century Germany was a temporary aberration, a period of mass irrationality and social breakdown; an imposition of racism, hatred, and violence on the population by a megalomaniacal madman — Adolf Hitler — devoted to world domination. This explanation has an element of truth in that the combination of war reparations imposed on Germany after the First World War, the hyper-inflation of the 1920s, and the onset of a global capitalist crisis in the 1930s (the Great Depression) created conditions of instability and widespread desperation. Desperate people do not think clearly. However, the sociological analysis of the rise of the Nazis and the implementation of the Holocaust is far more discomforting. Rather than an aberration or irrational outburst, the Holocaust unfolded within the purview of legal norms and on the basis of normal sociological phenomena. The Nazis were democratically elected into power not once but twice (in 1932 and 1933); the suspension of the Weimar constitution and the institution of emergency rule were enacted through formal legal, constitutional means; the imposition of totalitarian rule and the internment of Jews, Gypsies, homosexuals, people with disabilities, and political opponents were enabled by the voluntary contributions of ordinary citizens; and perhaps most perplexingly, all of this was accomplished in one of the most modern, cultured, educated, technologically advanced, and rationalized societies of Europe. Explanations of the behaviour of the perpetrators that relies on the idea that they were sadists, criminals, or madmen have been discredited for lack of evidence. While there were clearly a few individuals in the death camps known for their sadistic cruelty, "by conventional clinical criteria no more than 10 per cent of the SS could be considered 'abnormal'" (Kren and Rappoport, quoted in Bauman, 1989). As Zygmunt Bauman (1989) has argued, the Holocaust could not have occurred without the existence of modern, rational forms of social organization and the modernist desire to improve and "perfect" society:

The Holocaust was not an irrational outflow of the not-yet-fully-eradicated residues of pre-modern barbarity. It was a legitimate resident in the house of modernity; indeed, one who would not be at home in any other house (Bauman, 1989).

Bauman argues in particular that it was the rational, efficient organization of the Nazi bureaucracy which, once the problem of a Judenfrei Germany was posed by Hitler — a Germany "free" of Jews — enabled a series of solutions to be examined and rejected before the Final Solution was settled on. Bureaucracy also provided the three conditions which made overcoming individual emotional and moral aversion to the mass killing possible. Firstly, the violence was authorized according to correct bureaucratic procedures and hierarchical channels of command. Secondly, the violence was routinized by the rule-bound practices and clear division of labour of bureaucratic organization. Thirdly, the victims of the violence were dehumanized and distanced through, not only ideological propaganda and media spin, but also the impersonality inherent in bureaucracy (Bauman, 1989).

At no point of its long and tortuous execution did the Holocaust come in conflict with the principles of rationality. The 'Final Solution' did not clash at any stage with the rational pursuit of efficient, optimal goal implementation. On the contrary, it arose out of a genuinely rational concern, and it was generated by bureaucracy true to its form and purpose (Bauman, 1989).

As this chapter can be read to suggest, the bureaucratic planning and implementation of the Holocaust was supported by a number of other social conditions and properties of group behaviour. In-group and out-group distinctions divided the population into racialized categories of "Aryan" and Jews-Roma-Others. Eugenics and Social-Darwinism described the racialized division of society as a conflict over survival and limited resources. Reference groups created "imaginary" racial and national identities that minimized differences and maximized commonalities within in-groups and communities of comparison. Styles of leadership in a time of economic and political crisis favoured authoritarianism and social order based on domination. Processes of social conformity and groupthink eroded sources of independent thinking, autonomy and pluralism. Social networks expanded the influence of Nazi propaganda and the influence of the Nazi Party in accessing resources and rewards, while also providing a technology of surveillance and a clandestine network of informants. The point is that the Holocaust was the product of the same ordinary sociological phenomena that operate in society today, including the formation of in-groups and out-groups, conformity to structures of authority, groupthink, networks and the "rational" structure of bureaucratic organizational forms. Therefore, an answer to the question about how the Holocaust was possible must begin with a study of Simmel’s forms of collective behaviour. Why do individuals conform to the will of collectivities even when this means overcoming strong personal moral convictions or rational thinking? A sociological answer to this problem begins at the micro-level perspective of interpersonal interactions. In face to face social situations, people are inclined to attune and adjust themselves to each other in finding a common focus of attention. If people achieve feelings of solidarity and agreement with each other in a joint task they leave with feelings of strength, confidence and enthusiasm. If they do not, the feelings are ones of tension and discomfort, which are difficult to sustain and counter to the drive to socialibility (Collins, 2004). Social behaviour at the micro-level is weighted to conformity, but is also episodic and fluid. Where joint actions like the Holocaust extend beyond the immediate, face to face group, sociologists need to examine the properties of groups, networks and formal organizations at meso- and macro-levels to understand how the effect of the whole is more than the sum of the individual parts.

Media Attributions

Figure 7.24 File:Arthur Szyk (1894-1951). Anti-Christ (1942), New York.jpg by Polish-Jewish artist Arthur Szyk (1894-1951), courtesy of The Arthur Szyk Society, via Wikimedia Commons, is used under a CC BY-SA 4.0 licence.

Chapter 7 Resources and Activities

hfriedman — Thu, 10 Aug 2023 22:03:05 +0000

Key Terms

aggregate: A collection of people who exist in the same place at the same time, but who do not interact or share a sense of identity.authoritarian leader: A leader who issues orders and demands compliance from subordinates. bureaucracy: A formal organization characterized by a hierarchy of authority, a clear division of labour, explicit rules, impersonality and meritocracy. category: People who share similar characteristics but who are not otherwise socially connected. coercive organization: Organization that people do not voluntarily join, such as prison or a mental hospital. collective effervescence: The elevated feeling experienced by individuals when they come together as a group conformity: The extent to which an individual complies with group or societal norms. contents: The specific drives, needs, purposes, or interests of individuals that motivate them to interact with others. core discussion group: The group of close, personal contacts with whom one confides on personal matters and with whom one chooses to spend free time. democratic leader: A leader who encourages group participation and consensus-building before acting. division of labour: Organizational structure in which each individual has a specialized task to perform. dyad: A two-member group. explicit rules: Rules that are explicitly stated, written down, and standardized. expressive function: A group function that serves an emotional need. expressive leader: A leader who is concerned with process and with ensuring everyone’s emotional well-being. formal organizations: Large, impersonal organizations. formal sociology: The study of how specific social contents are organized into regular patterns of social coordination. forms: The patterns of behaviour that guide or regulate individuals’ actions in different social settings. glass ceiling: An invisible barrier that prevents women from achieving positions of leadership. group: Any collection of at least two people who interact with some frequency and who share a sense that their identity is aligned with the group. groupthink: The tendency to conform to the attitudes and beliefs of the group despite individual misgivings. hierarchy of authority: A clear chain of command. ideal type: An abstract model of a recurring social phenomenon that describes the form and logical relation of components. impersonality: The absence of personal feelings in the conduct of organizational tasks. in-group: A group a person belongs to and feels is an integral part of their identity. instrumental function: A group function that serves achieving a task or goal efficiently and effectively. instrumental leader: A leader who is goal oriented with a primary focus on accomplishing tasks. iron law of oligarchy: The theory that an organization is ruled by a few elites rather than through collaboration. laissez-faire leader: A hands-off leader who allows members of the group to make their own decisions. leadership function: The role of the leader in determining how an organization decides what its goals are and how it will attain them. leadership style: The style a leader uses to achieve goals or elicit action from group members. McDonaldization: The increasing presence of the fast-food business model of control, predictability, calculability and efficiency in common social institutions. macro-level of analysis: A research focus on the properties of large scale, society-wide, social interactions. meso-level of analysis: A research focus on the characteristics of local networks, groups, and organizations. micro-level of analysis: A research focus on the social dynamics of small groups and face-to-face interaction. meritocracy: An organization principle where group membership and advancement are based on merit as shown through proven and documented skills. normative or voluntary organizations: Organizations that people choose to join to pursue shared interests or because they provide intangible rewards. out-group: A group that an individual is not a member of and may compete with. primary groups: Small, informal groups that provide the individual with intimacy and support. pure sociability: The experience and attraction to the act of being together for its own sake, regardless of the content of the interaction. realistic conflict theory: An explanation of in-group/out-group behaviour which predicts that antagonism will develop between groups if there is a competition for a resource in which only one group can be the winner and in the absence of superordinate goals requiring cooperation. reference groups: Groups to which an individual compares herself or himself. scapegoating: A process in which a dominant group displaces their unfocused aggression and violence onto a subordinate group secondary groups: Large, impersonal groups that are task-focused and time-limited. six degrees of separation: Any two individuals on Earth can be linked on average by six network connections. significant other: An individual who has a large impact on a person's socialization or plays a formative role in shaping their life. social network: A collection of people tied together by a specific configuration of connections through which resources are exchanged. three degrees of influence: An individual in a network is influenced by their immediate social contacts, their social contacts' contacts, and their social contacts' contacts' contacts. total institution: An organization in which participants live a controlled life focused on resocialization. tragedy of culture: The tendency for the products of culture to detach themselves from lived experience and become increasingly complex, specialized, alienating, or oppressive. triad: A three-member group. utilitarian organization: An organization that people join to fill a specific material need.

Section Summary

7.1 How is society possible? Georg Simmel argues that “there is no such thing as society as such” because society is nothing except for the ongoing interactions between individuals at any particular moment. Nevertheless the forms of interaction can be analyzed independently of the contents of interaction. Whether at a micro, meso, or macro level of analysis, the whole is more than the sum of its parts. 7.2 Groups Groups largely define how people think of themselves and their place in the world. There are two main types of groups: primary and secondary. Primary groups are small, long-term, intimate, and expressive, whereas secondary groups are large and instrumental in focus. People divide into in-groups and out-groups and use reference groups as standards of comparison to define themselves—as both who they are and who they are not. Sometimes groups can be used to exclude people or as a tool that strengthens prejudice. The size and dynamic of a group greatly affects how members act. Primary groups rarely have formal leaders, although there can be informal leadership. Groups generally are considered large when there are too many members for a simultaneous discussion. In secondary groups, there are two types of leadership functions, with expressive leaders focused on emotional health and wellness, and instrumental leaders more focused on results. Further, there are different leadership styles: democratic leaders, authoritarian leaders, and laissez-faire leaders. Within a group, conformity is the extent to which people want to go along with the norm. Groupthink is the tendency to conform to the attitudes and beliefs of the group despite individual reservations. A number of experiments have illustrated how strong the social pressure to conform can be. It is worth considering real-life examples of how conformity and obedience can lead people to ethically and morally suspect acts. 7.3 Networks Social networks are collections of people tied together by a specific configuration of connections through which resources like information, goods, diseases and feelings flow. The structure of the connections, and the function and degree of contagion of the resources that flow through them, determine what the network is capable of and how it influences its members. 7.4 Formal Organizations In modern societies, large organizations are organized as bureaucracies based on hierarchy of authority, clear division of labour, explicit rules, impersonality and meritocracy. They fall into three main categories: normative/voluntary, coercive, and utilitarian. Despite their focus on rational organization and efficiency, the outcome of bureaucratic organization is often contradictory in contemporary society. While the pace of change and technology are requiring people to be more nimble and less bureaucratic in their thinking, large bureaucracies like hospitals, schools, and governments are more hampered than ever by their organizational format. At the same time, the past few decades have seen the development of a trend to bureaucratize and streamline local institutions. Over the last 50 years, main streets across the country increasingly resemble each other; instead of a Bob’s Coffee Shop and Jane’s Clothing Boutique there is a Dunkin Donuts and a Gap store. This trend has been referred to as the McDonaldization of society. 7.5 A Sociological Analysis of the Holocaust The Holocaust is a traumatic example of how sociological principles of group behaviour can explain attrocities. The Holocaust would not have been possible without the formation of in-groups and out-groups, conformity to structures of authority, groupthink, networks and the rational structure of bureaucratic organizational forms.

Questions

Quiz: Groups and Organizations

7.1 How is society possible?

Which of the following is an example of a social phenomenon that would be best understood at the meso-level of analysis?
1. The gender differences in facial expressions of couples on first dates.
2. The impact of social class on voter preference.
3. The informal networks that form within bureaucratic structures.
4. The effect of new technologies on knowledge transfer between First World and Third World nations.
An example of a social form and a social content would be:
1. An employment application and an employment history.
2. Sexual desire and flirtation relationship.
3. Cooperation and conflict.
4. A hockey game and having fun.

7.2. Groups

What role do secondary groups play in society?
1. They are task-based, filling practical needs.
2. They provide intimacy and emotional resources.
3. The members provide a voluntary, family-like support system outside the home
4. They allow individuals to challenge their beliefs and prejudices.
When a high school student gets teased by her basketball team for receiving an academic award, she is dealing with competing .
1. Primary groups
2. Out-groups
3. Reference groups
4. Secondary groups
Which of the following is NOT an example of an in-group?
1. The Ku Klux Klan
2. A university club
3. A synagogue
4. A high school
What is a group whose values, norms, and beliefs come to serve as a standard for one's own behaviour?
1. Secondary group
2. Formal organization
3. Reference group
4. All of the above
A parent who is worrying over her teenager’s dangerous and self-destructive behaviour and low self-esteem may wish to look at her child’s .
1. Reference group
2. In-group
3. Out-group
4. All of the above
Who is more likely to be an expressive leader?
1. The sales manager of a fast-growing cosmetics company
2. A high school teacher at a youth correctional facility
3. The director of a summer camp for chronically ill children
4. A manager at a fast-food restaurant
Which of the following is NOT an appropriate group for democratic leadership?
1. A fire station
2. A college classroom
3. A high school prom committee
4. A homeless shelter
In Asch’s study on conformity, what contributed to the ability of subjects to resist conforming?
1. A very small group of witnesses
2. The presence of an ally
3. The ability to keep one’s answer private
4. All of the above
Which type of group leadership has a communication pattern that flows from the top down?
1. Authoritarian
2. Democratic
3. Laissez-faire
4. All of the above

7.3 Networks

In terms of network analysis, two people who have just had a baby have turned from a to a .
1. Primary group; secondary group
2. Dyad; triad
3. Couple; family
4. De facto group; nuclear family
Networks can be characterized by the structure of ties, the functions of ties, and .
1. Who is connected to whom.
2. The content of the resources that pass between nodes
3. Social media platforms.
4. The degree of transmissibility of resources.

7.4 Formal Organizations

Which of these is an example of a total institution?
1. Jail
2. High school
3. Nazi Party
4. All of the above
Why do people join utilitarian organizations?
1. Because they feel an affinity with others there
2. Because they receive a tangible benefit from joining
3. Because they have no choice
4. Because they feel pressured to do so
Which of the following is NOT a characteristic of bureaucracies?
1. Coercion to join
2. Hierarchy of authority
3. Explicit rules
4. Division of labour
What are some of the intended positive aspects of bureaucracies?
1. Increased productivity
2. Increased efficiency
3. Equal treatment for all
4. All of the above
What are some of the unintended negative aspects of bureaucracies?
1. Horizontalization.
2. Undermines efficient oligarchical decision-making.
3. Red tape.
4. All of the above
What is a disadvantage of the McDonaldization of society?
1. There is less variety of goods.
2. There is an increased need for employees with postgraduate degrees.
3. There is less competition so prices are higher.
4. There are fewer jobs so unemployment increases.

[Quiz answers at end of chapter]

Short Answer

7.1. How is society possible?

Choose an example of a social activity like hockey, business or dating. How would this activity be approached at a micro, meso, and macro level of analysis?
Think of a recent social encounter in which you interacted with one or more people. What purely individual drives, needs, purposes, or interests (i.e., contents) drew you together? Can you describe the characteristics of the form of the interaction (e.g., cooperation, competition, division of labour, polite, informal, etc.)? Were there a set of rules that structured the encounter? If so, were they implicit or explicit? Can you list them? What would have happened if you had broken a rule?

7.2 Groups

How has technology changed your primary groups and secondary groups? Do you have more (and separate) primary groups due to online connectivity? Do you believe that someone, like Levy, can have a true primary group made up of people she has never met? Why or why not?
Compare and contrast two different political groups or organizations, such as the MeToo, Black Lives Matter, Anti-Vaxxer or White Nationalist movements. How do the groups differ in terms of leadership, membership, and activities? How do the group’s goals influence participants? Do they have in-groups and out-groups? Explain your answer.
The concept of hate crimes has been linked to in-groups and out-groups. Can you think of an example where people have been excluded or tormented due to this kind of group dynamic?
Describe a time you were led by a leader using, in your opinion, a leadership style that did not suit the situation. When and where was it? What could she or he have done better?

7.3 Networks

From personal experience, describe how the group dynamics between two people changes when a third person joins the group (or vice versa, when one person leaves a group of three). Do your observations corroborate Simmel's analysis of dyads and triads?
How often do you get valuable information from a friend? From a friend of a friend? How significant do network connections seem to be in your life, i.e., with regard to your political preferences, your body weight and dietary choices, your life style, etc.?
How many friends would you call "close"? How many friends would your parents and grand parents call close? Does this correspond with Marsden’s research that the size of one's "core discussion group" decreases as one ages?

7.4 Formal Organizations

What do you think about fast-food restaurants? Do you think there is a trade-off between the loss of local diversity and a cheap, low quality, standardized service? Is that the best framework to analyze their role in society? Have you ever worked in a fast-food restaurant? What did you learn?
Think of an interaction you have had with a bureaucracy, either as an employee or as a client. Did you encounter any of the irrational aspects of bureaucracy? Which aspect applies best to your interaction and why?
Where do you prefer to shop, eat out, or grab a cup of coffee? Large chains like Walmart or smaller retailers? Starbucks or a local restaurant? What do you base your decisions on? How does McDonaldization influence your experience?

Further Research

7.2 Groups Information about cyberbullying causes and statistics from the Cyberbullying Research Centre. Take the quiz What is your leadership style? by Kendra Cherry (updated on October 05, 2021) at Verywell Mind. Explore the Stanford Prison experiment on conformity on the official Stanford Prison Experiment website. 7.3 Networks If you have a Facebook account, you might be interested in downloading the networking software “Touchgraph” from Christakis and Fowler’s website to see a visual representation of your own network connections. 7.4 Formal Organizations As mentioned above, the concept of McDonaldization is a growing one. 7.5 A Sociological Analysis of the Holocaust For more on Zygmunt Bauman's analysis of the Holocaust, see his lecture Lessons of the Holocaust from January 27, 2012 at Radbout University, Netherlands.

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7.4 Formal Organizations

Bauman, Z. (1989). Modernity and the holocaust. Cornell University Press.

Bush, O. (2023, Feb. 4). Fast Food Statistics in Canada. Made in CA. https://madeinca.ca/fast-food-canada-statistics/#:~:text=Fast%20Food%20Statistics%20for%20Canadians&text=In%202021%2C%20there%20were%2031%2C577,an%20important%20first%20job%20source

Etzioni, A. (1975). A comparative analysis of complex organizations: On power, involvement, and their correlates. Free Press.

Goffman, E. (1961). Asylums: Essays on the social situation of mental patients and other inmates. Aldine.

Michels, R. (1949). Political parties. Free Press. (Original work published 1911.)

Newman, J. (2007). My secret life on the McJob. McGraw-Hill.

Ritzer, G. (2013). The McDonaldization of society: 20th anniversary edition. Sage.

Schlosser, E. (2001). Fast food nation: The dark side of the all-American meal. Houghton Mifflin Company.

United States Department of Labor. Bureau of labor statistics occupational outlook handbook, 2010–2011 Edition. http://www.bls.gov/oco/ocos162.htm

Weber, M. (1946). Bureaucracy. In H.H. Gerth and C.W. Mills (Eds.) From Max Weber: Essays in sociology (pp. 196-244). Oxford University Press. (Original work published 1922.)

Weber, M. (1968). Economy and society: An outline of interpretative sociology. Bedminster. (Original work published 1922.)

7.5 A Sociological Analysis of the Holocaust Bauman, Z. (1989). Modernity and the Holocaust. Cornell University Press. Collins, R. (2004). Interaction ritual chains. Princeton University Press.

Solutions to Quiz: Groups and Organizations

1 C, | 2 D, | 3 A, | 4 C, | 5 D, | 6 C, | 7 D, | 8 C, | 9 A, | 10 D, | 11 A, | 12 B, | 13 D, | 14 A, | 15 B, | 16 A, | 17 D, | 18 C, | 19 A, [Return to quiz]

8.1. Deviance and Social Control

hfriedman — Thu, 10 Aug 2023 22:28:46 +0000

[caption id="attachment_1403" align="aligncenter" width="799"] Figure 8.3 Much of the appeal of dressing in drag comes from the humour inherent in seeing everyday norms violated. (Photo courtesy of Vicki Burton/Flickr.) CC BY-SA 2.0[/caption] What, exactly, is deviance? What is the relationship between deviance and crime? According to sociologist William Graham Sumner (1840–1910), deviance is a violation of norms. More specifically, it is a violation of established contextual, cultural, or social norms, whether folkways, mores, or codified law (1906). As discussed in Chapter 3. Culture, folkways are norms based on everyday cultural customs concerning practical matters like how to hold a fork, what type of clothes are appropriate for different situations, or how to greet someone politely. Mores are more serious moral injunctions that are broadly recognized in a society, like lying or stealing. Codified laws are norms that are specified in explicit codes and enforced by government bodies. A crime is therefore an act of deviance that breaks not only a norm, but a law. Deviance can be as minor as picking one’s nose in public or as major as committing murder. John Hagen provides a typology to classify deviant acts in terms of their perceived harmfulness, the degree of consensus concerning the norms violated, and the severity of the response to them (1994). The most serious acts of deviance are consensus crimes about which there is near-unanimous public agreement. Acts like murder and sexual assault are generally regarded as morally intolerable, injurious, and subject to harsh penalties. Conflict crimes are acts like prostitution or eating psychedelic mushrooms, which may be illegal but about which there is considerable public disagreement concerning their seriousness. Social deviations are acts like abusing serving staff or behaviours arising from mental illness or addiction, which are not illegal in themselves but are widely regarded as serious or harmful. People agree that these behaviours call for institutional intervention. Finally there are social diversions like riding skateboards on sidewalks, overly tight leggings, or facial piercings that violate norms in a provocative way but are generally regarded as distasteful, or for some cool, but harmless. The point is that the question, “What is deviant behaviour?” cannot be answered in a straightforward manner. No act or person is intrinsically deviant. This follows from two key insights of the sociological approach to deviance, which distinguish it from moral and legalistic approaches. Firstly, deviance is defined by its social context. This means that where norms differ — locally, cross-culturally or historically — what constitutes deviance also differs. To understand why some acts are deviant and some are not, it is necessary to understand what the social context is, what the existing rules are, and how these rules came to be established. If the rules change, what counts as deviant also changes. As rules and norms vary across cultures and time, it makes sense that notions of deviance also change. Fifty years ago, public schools in Canada had strict dress codes that, among other stipulations, often banned women from wearing pants to class. Today, it is socially acceptable for women to wear pants, but less so for men to wear skirts. In a time of war, acts usually considered morally reprehensible, such as taking the life of another, may actually be rewarded. Much of the confusion and ambiguity regarding the use of violence in hockey has to do with the different sets of rules that apply inside and outside the arena. Acts that are acceptable and even encouraged on the ice would be punished with jail time if they occurred on the street. Whether an act is deviant or not depends on society’s definition of that act. Acts are not deviant in themselves. The second sociological insight follows closely from the first. Deviance is not an intrinsic (biological or psychological) attribute of individuals, nor an intrinsic quality of the acts themselves, but a product of social processes. The norms that define deviance are themselves continually defined and redefined through ongoing social processes — moral, political, legal, cultural, etc. Similarly, to become deviant means to be assigned a deviant identity or to actively assume a deviant identity. It is the outcome of a process of identity formation. It is not a single rule breaking act that defines someone as deviant. Being deviant is to incorporate rule-breaking into ones life on an ongoing basis. As discussed later in this chapter, it is a central tenet of symbolic interactionist labeling theory, that individuals become criminalized through contact with the criminal justice system (Becker, 1963). The well-known problem of using imprisonment to respond to criminal offenders is that prison influences individual behaviour and self-understanding, but often not in the way intended. Incarceration has a latent function. Prisons can be agents of socialization into a life of crime. The act of imprisonment itself modifies individual behaviour to make individuals more criminal. If the insight of the sociological research into the social characteristics of those who have been arrested or processed by the criminal justice system — variables such as gender, age, race, and class — is added to this, it is evident that social variables and power structures are key to understanding who chooses a criminal career path. In sum, an individual's deviant status is ascribed to them through social processes. Individuals are not born deviant, but become deviant through their interaction with reference groups, institutions, and authorities. Through social interaction, individuals are labelled deviant or recognize themselves as deviant.

Making Connections: Sociology in the Real World

Why I Drive a Hearse

[caption id="attachment_567" align="aligncenter" width="1024"] Figure 8.4 When playing in his first band, The Squires, in Winnipeg in the 1960s, Neil Young bought a 1948 Buick Roadmaster hearse to transport the instruments. He named the hearse Mortimer Hearseburg, shortened to Mort. When Mort I died, he bought a 1953 Pontiac hearse, which became Mort II. (Photo courtesy of Greg Gjerdingen/Flickr.) CC BY 2.0[/caption]

When singer/song writer Neil Young left Canada in 1966 to seek his fortune in California as a musician, he drove his famous 1953 Pontiac hearse “Mort II.” He and Bruce Palmer were driving the hearse in Hollywood when they happened to see Stephen Stills and Richie Furray driving the other way, a fortuitous encounter that led to the formation of the band Buffalo Springfield (McDonough, 2002). Later Young wrote the song Long May You Run, which he performed at the closing ceremonies of the 2010 Winter Olympics in Vancouver, as an elegy to his first hearse “Mort”.

Rock musicians are often noted for their eccentricities, but is driving a hearse deviant behaviour? When sociologist Todd Schoepflin ran into his childhood friend Bill who drove a hearse, he wondered what effect driving a hearse had on his friend and what effect it might have on others on the road. Would using such a vehicle for everyday errands be considered deviant by most people? Schoepflin interviewed Bill, curious to know why he drove such an unconventional car. Bill had simply been on the lookout for a reliable winter car; on a tight budget, he searched used car ads and stumbled on one for the hearse. The car ran well and the price was right, so he bought it.

Bill admitted that others’ reactions to the car had been mixed. His parents were appalled and he received odd stares from his coworkers. A mechanic once refused to work on it, stating that it was “a dead person machine.” On the whole, however, Bill received mostly positive reactions. Strangers gave him a thumbs-up on the highway and stopped him in parking lots to chat about his car. His girlfriend loved it; his friends wanted to take it tailgating; and people offered to buy it.

Could it be that driving a hearse is not really so deviant after all? Schoepflin theorized that, although viewed as outside conventional norms, driving a hearse is such a mild form of deviance that it actually becomes a mark of distinction. Conformists find the choice of vehicle intriguing or appealing, while nonconformists see a fellow oddball to whom they can relate. As one of Bill’s friends remarked, “Every guy wants to own a unique car like this and you can certainly pull it off.” Such anecdotes are a reminder that although deviance is often viewed as a violation of norms, it is not always viewed in a negative light (Schoepflin, 2011).

[caption id="attachment_172" align="aligncenter" width="300"] Figure 8.5 A hearse with the licence plate “LASTRYD.” How would you view the owner of this car? (Photo courtesy of Brian Teutsch/Flickr.) CC BY 2.0[/caption]

Social Control and Regulation

Social Control as Sanction

When a person violates a social norm, what happens? A driver caught speeding can receive a speeding ticket. A student who texts in class gets a warning from a professor. An adult belching loudly is avoided. All societies practice social control, the regulation and enforcement of norms. Social control can be defined broadly as an organized action intended to change or correct people’s behaviour (Innes, 2003). The underlying goal of social control is to maintain social order, the ongoing, predictable arrangement of practices and behaviours on which society’s members base their daily lives. Think of social order as an employee handbook, and social control as the incentives and disincentives used to encourage or oblige employees to follow those rules. When a worker violates a workplace guideline, the manager steps in to enforce the rules. One means of enforcing rules are through sanctions. Sanctions can be positive as well as negative. Positive sanctions are rewards given for conforming to norms. A promotion at work is a positive sanction for working hard. Negative sanctions are punishments for violating norms. Being arrested is a punishment for shoplifting. Both types of sanctions play a role in social control. Sociologists also classify sanctions as formal or informal. Although shoplifting, a form of social deviance, may be illegal, there are no laws dictating the proper way to scratch one’s nose. That does not mean picking one's nose in public will not be punished; instead, nose-pickers will encounter informal sanctions. Informal sanctions emerge in face-to-face social interactions. For example, wearing flip-flops to an opera or swearing loudly in church may draw disapproving looks or even verbal reprimands, whereas behaviour that is seen as positive — such as helping an old man carry grocery bags across the street — may receive positive informal reactions, such as a smile or pat on the back. Formal sanctions, on the other hand, are ways to officially recognize and enforce norm violations. If a student is caught plagiarizing the work of others or cheating on an exam, for example, they might be expelled. Someone who speaks inappropriately to the boss could be fired. Someone who commits a crime may be arrested or imprisoned. On the positive side, a soldier who saves a life may receive an official commendation, or a CEO might receive a bonus for increasing the profits of the corporation. Not all forms of social control are adequately understood through the use of sanctions, however. Donald Black (b. 1941) identified four key styles of social control, each of which defines deviance and the appropriate response to it in a different manner (1976). Penal social control functions by prohibiting certain social behaviours and responding to violations with punishment. Compensatory social control obliges an offender to pay a victim to compensate for a harm committed. Therapeutic social control involves the use of therapy to return individuals to a normal state. Conciliatory social control aims to reconcile the parties of a dispute and mutually restore harmony to a social relationship that has been damaged. While penal social controls emphasize the use of sanctions, compensatory, therapeutic and conciliatory social controls emphasize processes of restoration and healing. The latter are types of social control that sociologists refer to as disciplinary. [caption id="attachment_834" align="alignleft" width="214"] Figure 8.6 Machiavelli: “If an injury has to be done to a man it should be so severe that his vengeance need not be feared.” The ruthlessness with which Machiavelli advised the prince to govern his relationships with subjects and rivals has earned its own adjective in common usage: Machiavellian. (Image courtesy of Wikipedia Commons.) Public Domain[/caption]

Social Control as Government and Discipline

Michel Foucault (1926-1984) notes that from a period of early modernity onward, European society became increasingly concerned with social control as a practice of government (Foucault, 2007). In this sense of the term, government does not simply refer to the activities of the state, but to all the practices by which individuals or organizations seek to govern the behaviour of others or themselves. Government refers to the strategies by which one seeks to direct or guide the conduct of another or others. In the 15th and 16th centuries, numerous treatises were written on how to govern and educate children, how to govern the poor and beggars, how to govern a family or an estate, how to govern an army or a city, how to govern a state and run an economy, and how to govern one’s own conscience and conduct. These treatises described the burgeoning arts of government, which defined the different ways in which the conduct of individuals or groups might be directed. Niccolo Machiavelli’s The Prince (1532), which offers advice to the prince on how best to conduct his relationship with his subjects, is the most famous of these treatises. The common theme in the various arts of governing proposed in early modernity was the extension of Christian monastic practices involving the detailed and continuous government and salvation of souls. The principles of monastic government were gradually expanded and applied to a variety of non-monastic areas. People needed to be governed in all aspects of their lives. It was not, however, until the 19th century and the invention of modern institutions like the prison, public school, modern army, asylum, hospital, and factory, that the means for extending government and social control widely through the population were developed. Foucault describes these modern forms of government as disciplinary social control because they each rely on the detailed continuous training, control, and observation of individuals to improve their capabilities: to transform criminals into law abiding citizens, children into educated and productive adults, recruits into disciplined soldiers, patients into healthy people, etc. (1979). Foucault argues that the ideal of discipline as a means of social control is to render individuals docile. That does not mean that they become passive or sheep-like, but that disciplinary training simultaneously increases their abilities, skills, and usefulness while making them more compliant and manipulable. [caption id="attachment_835" align="aligncenter" width="400"] Figure 8.7 Presidio Modelo prison, Cuba, built between 1926 and 1928 was based on Bentham’s panopticon design. (Photo courtesy of Friman/Wikimedia Commons.) CC BY SA 3.0[/caption] The chief components of disciplinary social control in modern institutions like the prison and the school are surveillance, normalization, and examination (Foucault, 1979). Surveillance refers to the various means used to make the lives and activities of individuals visible to authorities. In 1791, Jeremy Bentham (1748-1832) published his book on the ideal prison, the panopticon or “seeing machine.” Prisoners' cells would be arranged in a circle around a central observation tower where they could be both separated from each other and continually exposed to the view of prison guards. In this way, Bentham proposed, social control could become automatic because prisoners would be induced to monitor and control their own behaviour. Similarly, in a school classroom, students sit in rows of desks immediately visible to the teacher at the front of the room. In a store, shoppers can be observed through one-way glass or video monitors. Contemporary surveillance expands the capacity for observation using video or electronic forms of surveillance to render the activities of a population visible. London, England holds the dubious honour of being the most surveilled city in the world. The city’s “ring of steel” is a security cordon in which over half a million surveillance cameras are used to monitor and record traffic moving in and out of the city centre. The practice of normalization refers to the way in which norms, such as the level of math ability expected from a grade 2 student, are first established and then used to assess, differentiate, and rank individuals according to their abilities (e.g., as an A student, B student, C student, etc.). Individuals’ progress in developing their abilities, whether in math skills, good prison behaviour, health outcomes, or other areas, is established through constant comparisons with others and with natural and observable norms. Minor sanctions are used to continuously modify behaviour that does not comply with correct conduct: Rewards are applied for good behaviour and penalties for bad. Periodic examinations through the use of tests in schools, medical examinations in hospitals, inspections in prisons, year-end reviews in the workplace, etc. bring together surveillance and normalization in a way that enables each individual and each individual’s abilities to be assessed, documented, and known by authorities. On the basis of examinations, individuals can be subjected to different disciplinary procedures more suited to them. Gifted children might receive an enriched educational program, whereas poorer students might receive remedial lessons. Foucault describes disciplinary social control as a key mechanism in creating a normalizing society. The establishment of norms and the development of disciplinary procedures to correct deviance from norms become increasingly central to the organization and operation of institutions from the 19th century onward. To the degree that “natural” or sociological norms are used to govern our lives more than laws and legal mechanisms, society can be said to be controlled through normalization and disciplinary procedures. Whereas the use of formal laws, courts, and the police come into play only when laws are broken, disciplinary techniques enable the continuous and ongoing social control of an expanding range of activities in our lives through surveillance, normalization, and examination. While people may never encounter the police because of breaking a law, if they work, go to school, or end up in hospital, they are routinely subject to disciplinary control through most of the day.

Social Control as Risk Management

[caption id="attachment_170" align="aligncenter" width="300"] Figure 8.8 The contents of a needle exchange kit. (Image courtesy of Todd Huffman/Flickr.) CC BY 2.0[/caption] Many recent types of social control have adopted a model of risk management in a variety of areas of problematic behaviour. Risk management refers to interventions designed to reduce the likelihood of undesirable events occurring based on an assessment of probabilities of risk. Unlike the crime and punishment model of penal social sanctions, or the rehabilitation, training, or therapeutic models of disciplinary social control, risk management strategies do not seize hold of individual deviants but attempt to restructure the environment or context of problematic behaviour in order to minimize the risks to the general population. For example, the public health model for controlling intravenous drug use does not focus on criminalizing drug use or obliging users to rehabilitate themselves to "kick drugs" (O'Malley, 1998). It argues that fines or imprisonment do not curtail drug users propensity to continue to use drugs, and that therapeutic rehabilitation of drug use is not only expensive but unlikely to succeed unless drug users are willing to quit. Instead, it calculates the risk of deaths from drug overdoses and the danger to the general population from the transmission of disease (like HIV and hepatitis C) and attempts to modify the riskiest behaviours through targeted interventions. Programs like needle exchanges (designed to prevent the sharing of needles) or safe-injection-sites (designed to provide sanitary conditions for drug injection and immediate medical services for overdoses) do not prevent addicts from using drugs but minimize the harms resulting from drug use by modifying the environment in which drugs are injected. Reducing risks to public health is the priority of the public health model. In the case of crime, the new penology strategies of social control are also less concerned with criminal responsibility, moral condemnation, or rehabilitative intervention and treatment of individual offenders (Feely & Simon, 1992). Rather, they are concerned with techniques to identify, classify, and manage groupings of offenders sorted by the degree of dangerousness they represent to the general public. In this way, imprisonment is used to incapacitate those who represent a significant risk, whereas probation, restorative justice and various levels of surveillance are used for those who represent a lower risk. Examples include sex offender tracking and monitoring, or the use of electronic monitoring ankle bracelets for low-risk offenders. New penology strategies seek to regulate levels of deviance, not intervene or respond to individual deviants or the social determinants of crime. Similarly, situational crime control redesigns spaces where crimes or deviance could occur to minimize the risk of crimes occurring there (Garland, 1996). Using alarm systems, CCTV surveillance cameras, adding or improving lighting, broadcasting irritating sounds, or making street furniture uncomfortable are all ways of working on the cost/benefit analysis of potential deviants or criminals before they act rather than acting directly on the deviants or criminals themselves.

Media Attributions

Figure 8.3 A Group of Dorothies getting ready for Brighton Pride 2013 by Vicki Burton, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY-SA 2.0 licence.
Figure 8.4 Pontiac Hearse or Ambulance by Greg Gjerdingen, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY 2.0 licence.
Figure 8.5 Last Ryde by Brian Teutsch, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY 2.0 licence.
Figure 8.6 Cover page of 1550 edition of Machiavelli's Il Principe and La Vita di Castruccio Castracani da Lucca, via Wikipedia, is in the public domain. (Original source: BNCF, info:sbn/BA1E011276)
Figure 8.7 Inside one of the prison buildings at Presidio Modelo by Friman, via Wikipedia, is used under a CC BY SA 3.0 licence.
Figure 8.8 Needle Exchange by Todd Huffman, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY 2.0 licence.

8.2. Theoretical Perspectives on Crime and Deviance

hfriedman — Thu, 10 Aug 2023 22:30:59 +0000

[caption id="attachment_571" align="aligncenter" width="800"] Figure 8.9 Do the masked criminals in The Joker's criminal gang (The Dark Knight (Nolan, 2008)) have back stories that help explain their choice of a life of crime? Or is crime a spontaneous, in the moment, kind of decision? (Photo courtesy of Brecht Bug/Flickr.) CC BY-NC-ND 2.0[/caption] Why do crime and deviance occur? How does one become "a criminal" or "a deviant"? How does crime affect society and how does society affect crime? How do sociologists explain crime? Since the early days of sociology, crime and deviance have been seen as social problems that call for sociological research and explanation in order to find solutions. Sociologists have developed theories attempting to explain what causes deviance and crime and what they mean to society. These theories can be grouped according to the three major sociological types of knowledge: positivism, critical sociology and interpretive sociology (see Chapter 1. An Introduction to Sociology). Positivist types of theory focus on identifying the background variables in an offender's social environment that determine or predict criminal and deviant behaviour. Crime or deviance are taken as relatively straightforward to define. They are simply rule-breaking or law-breaking acts, which can be linked to objective variables in the offenders social backgrounds. With critical sociology the picture gets more complicated. Critical types of theory focus on the historical context of class, gender, racial, colonial and other power relations in society to explain crime and deviance. Why are certain acts punished as criminal or deviant and certain acts not? Why are certain types of crime or deviance prevalent in one community, gender or social strata and not in others? Institutional regulation, the criminal justice system, and crime itself are seen as arms of different types of power, sometimes as extensions of power and sometimes as resistance. Finally, interpretive types of theory focus on how the meanings of criminality or deviance get established. Key to understanding crime and deviance is not simply the objective fact of law-breaking or rule-breaking, but the intentions of the individuals involved, the variable meanings the acts or behaviours hold for people, and the social processes through which acts and individuals get defined as criminal or deviant. As Jack Katz (1988) puts it, "What are people trying to do when they commit a crime?" should be the first thing a sociologist asks. The different paradigms within these types of knowledge lead to different ways of researching and addressing the problems of crime and deviance.

Positivism

[caption id="attachment_590" align="alignleft" width="263"] Figure 8.10 Face measurements based on Cesare Lombroso's criminal anthropology (Photo courtesy of Nicolasbuenaventura/ Wikimedia Commons.) CC BY-SA 3.0[/caption] Sociologists who follow the positivist approach view the social world as a place governed by predictable and regular social patterns that can be uncovered through systematic observation. They are concerned with describing law-like relationships between variables that can predict outcomes: if this, then that. What are the background variables — age, family circumstances, economic position, racial or ethnic background, gender, etc. — that cause criminal or deviant behaviours or predict their likelihood in the future? The emphasis in positivism is on identifying factors that are directly observable or measurable, which implies that infractions themselves are straightforward to define. Tappan (1947) defines crime, for instance, as an intentional act that violates criminal law and is subject to penalization by the state. This is a relatively easy thing to identify through crime statistics and victimization surveys. Early positivism relied on a biological or psychological defect model of crime and deviance to explain law-breaking and rule-breaking behaviours. As Box (1981) describes it, "people who break the rules of society were [seen as] defective, and ... the root of this defect lay within them." It was noted at the beginning of the chapter, for example, that Cesare Lombroso (1835–1909) founded the 19th century school of positivism by attempting to isolate specific physiological characteristics of “degeneracy” that could distinguish “born criminals” from normal individuals (Rimke, 2011). Similarly, from the point of view of psychology, deviants could be distinguished by personality defects or traumas that cognitively or libidinally prevented them from adjusting to normal rule-following behaviour. The idea of the sociopath is a case in point. In sociological positivism, the background variables identified in explanations of crime and deviance are not usually individual defects but "social defects." "Deviant behaviour [is] not to be perceived as the manifestation of a defective human being, but as the indicator of a defective social environment" (Box, 1981). Background variables like social disorganization, absence of social controls, and social strain (discussed below) are expected to predict a higher likelihood of criminal or deviant behaviour. There are numerous frameworks in positivist sociology for identifying which variables of social environment are key. For example, Pratt and Cullen's (2005) meta-analysis of 214 empirical studies discussed the relative strengths of seven different macro-level predictors of crime derived from seven different positivist theories including social disorganization theory, strain theory, economic deprivation theory, routine activity theory, deterrence theory, social support theory and subcultural theory. Their findings showed the strongest empirical support for explanations based on indicators of concentrated disadvantage, whereas explanations that emphasized lack of deterrence (increased policing, "tough on crime" policies) had the weakest support. Four influential positivist theories of deviance are Durkheim's functionalist theory, social disorganization theory, control theory and strain theory.

Émile Durkheim and Functionalism

Within positivism, the functionalist paradigm has been a productive source of explanatory frameworks for crime and deviance. Sociologists who follow the functionalist approach analyse the functions of different social structures, norms or patterns of behaviour in the maintenance of society, understood as a systematic whole. This, oddly enough, includes crime and deviance, which are persistent social facts in all societies. Deviance, by definition, would appear to be the opposite of normal, yet Émile Durkheim (1858-1917) believed that deviance is a necessary, normal and functional part of normal society. Crime and deviance are disruptive, sometimes brutally so, but they also perform important functions. Durkheim was aware of the diversity of acts or behaviours that different societies defined as criminal or deviant. He therefore defined crime by the one common external property it shared across different cultures and periods of history: crime is an act that offends the collective conscience and evokes collective punishment. "[W]e note the existence of certain acts, all presenting the external characteristic that they evoke from society the particular reaction called punishment. We constitute them as a separate group, to which we give a common label; we call every punished act a crime..." (1938 (1895)). Crime and deviance are not defined by their individual motivations or by specific rules and infractions but by the collective response they evoke. As such, crime and deviance have four important functions in supporting the social solidarity or cohesiveness of societies. They have: (1) a boundary-setting function, marking the moral boundaries that members of society should not cross; (2) a group solidarity function, uniting the group against a common enemy; (3) an adaptive function, allowing society to change its boundaries in response to new circumstances and innovative crimes (for example, the "sit in" protests of the Civil Rights Movement); and (4) a tension-reduction function, reducing the internal tensions of a society by projecting them onto criminal or deviant groups or scapegoats (Kramar, 2011). Therefore, for Durkheim, the persistent patterns of crime and deviance observed in society could be explained by the functions they performed in maintaining society as a whole. These functions did not cause crime and deviance per se, but they explained why they existed and what their role in society was. It suggests that if crime and deviance did not exist they would have to be invented, otherwise substitutes for these functions would have to be found.

Social Disorganization Theory and Control Theory

Developed by researchers at the University of Chicago in the 1920s and 1930s, social disorganization theory asserts that crime is most likely to occur in communities with weak social ties and the absence of social control. What they observed from the Chicago court records of juvenile offenders was that rates of crime were not evenly distributed across Chicago. High crime rates were concentrated in particular zones of the city and these rates remained stable over time, regardless of which particular individuals or groups resided there. In other words, crime rates seemed to be products of the areas, not the people per se. As the different ethnic, immigrant and racialized groups transitioned out of these zones and moved to other parts of the city, their crime rates decreased accordingly but the rates in the high crime zones remained stable. This lead the Chicago School sociologists to propose a social ecology theory of the city in which, like the biotic communities of a natural ecosystem, different groups of people occupied specific niches in an over all system. Human communities were complex systems of mutual dependence that, like ecosystems, go through stages of succession from disruption to climax (or stable) communities. They termed the disrupted areas zones of transition. These had emerged near the center of Chicago along the transportation conduits into the city and between the established working class neighbourhoods and the manufacturing district. 1920s and 1930s Chicago was a city in flux. The city’s poorest and newest residents tended to live in these transitional, economically deprived zones, where there was a fractious mixture of racialized groups, immigrant ethnic groups, and non-English speakers. The Chicago School sociologists proposed that the zones themselves were socially disorganized. They were sites of poor social control and regulation because their populations were fluid and transient and conventional institutions of control like family, schools, work, churches, and voluntary community organizations had not become established there (Shaw and McKay, 1942). In a certain way, this is the opposite of Durkheim’s thesis. Rather than deviance being a force that reinforces moral and social solidarity, it is the absence of moral and social solidarity that provides the conditions for social deviance to emerge. [caption id="attachment_177" align="alignleft" width="300"] Figure 8.11 Proponents of social disorganization theory believe that individuals who grow up in impoverished and transient areas are more likely to participate in deviant or criminal behaviours. (Photo courtesy of Phillies1fan777 /English Wikipedia.) Public Domain[/caption] Social disorganization theory points to the built environment and overall social organization of cities as the cause of deviance. A person is not born a criminal but becomes one over time, based on factors in their social environment. This theme was taken up by Travis Hirschi’s (1935-2017) control theory, which examines social disorganization from the point of view of the individual. According to Hirschi, social control is directly affected by the strength of social bonds that tie an individual to the institutional life of society (1969). Many people would be willing to break laws or deviate from the rules to reap the rewards of pleasure, excitement, and profit, etc. if they had the opportunity to do so. Those who do have the opportunity are those who are only weakly controlled by the type of social bonds that tie others to mainstream society and give them a stake in it. Similar to Durkheim’s theory of anomie (Chapter 4. Society and Modern Life), deviance is seen to result where disconnection from society predominates over social integration. Individuals who believe they are a part of society or believe they have a future in society are less likely to commit crimes against it. Hirschi identified four types of social bond that connect people to society (1969):

Attachment measures the degree of connection to others. When one is closely attached to other people, one worries about their opinions. People conform to society’s norms in order to gain approval (and prevent disapproval) from family, friends, colleagues and romantic partners.
Commitment refers to the investments people make in conforming to conventional behaviour. A well-respected local businesswoman who volunteers at her synagogue and is a member of the neighbourhood block organization has more to lose from committing a crime than a woman who does not have a career or ties to the community. There is a cost/benefit calculation in the decision to commit a crime in which the costs of being caught are much higher for some than others.
Similarly, levels of involvement, or participation in socially legitimate activities, lessen a person’s likelihood of deviance simply due to lack of opportunity. Children who are members of Little League baseball teams have less time and opportunity to engage in deviant behaviour. "The person involved in conventional activities is tied to appointments, deadlines, working hours, plans, and the like, so the opportunity to commit deviant acts rarely arises" (Hirschi, 1969).
The final bond, belief, is an agreement on common values in society. If a person views social values as beliefs, they will conform to them. An environmentalist is more likely to pick up trash in a park because a clean environment is a social value to that person.

Thus each of the types of bond Hirschi identifies describes a background variable which predicts who is more or less likely to engage in criminal acts. An individual who grows up under conditions where ties to legitimate institutions and authorities are weak, difficult to establish, or distant from the individual's lived reality and future prospects is more likely to become a criminal than an individual from a privileged background who has a lot more at stake and a lot more to lose by breaking the law. The latter has "skin in the game", whereas, for the former, the mutual dependencies and complex relationships that form the basis of a healthy “ecosystem” of social control do not get established. Research into social disorganization theory can greatly influence public policy. How can socially disorganized communities be reorganized? Evidence from Pratt and Cullen's (2005) meta-analysis suggests that social disorganization at the neighbourhood level is a stronger predictor of crime than variables concerning the implementation of "harder" law and order criminal justice policies (with the exception of the use of incarceration, which increases crime rates). The public policy implications of the sociological research therefore suggest that rather than using the police to crack down on crime in designated neighbourhoods, public spending and private investment should be used on programs physically located in the most economically deprived neighbourhoods and run by people from those neighbourhoods. This serves to create not only local employment but local institutions of community control, whose absence is in fact the source of the problem of social disorganization. Investments in community based agencies work to strengthen ties within the community and between people in the community and external social services. Research shows that social control is least effective when imposed by outside forces (Figueira-McDonough, 1991). In a similar vein, funding family preservation programs, which focus on keeping families intact and empowered rather than punishing individual offenders, strengthen families' abilities to resist social disorganization (Nelson, Landsman and Duetelman, 1990). However, in proposing that social disorganization is essentially a moral problem of anomie — that it is shared moral values and social integration that hold communities together — questions about historical relations of economic inequality, racism, and power do not get asked.

Robert Merton: Strain Theory

[caption id="attachment_601" align="aligncenter" width="593"] Figure 8.12 Al Capone or "Scarface" (1899-1947), the famous prohibition era Chicago gangster. Robert Merton (1938) writes that within the context of social strain, "Capone represents the triumph of amoral intelligence over morally prescribed 'failure,' when the channels of vertical mobility are closed or narrowed." (Photo courtesy of the Miami Police Department/Wikimedia Commons.) Public Domain[/caption] Sociologist Robert Merton (1910-2003) agreed that deviance is, ironically, a normal behaviour in modern society, but expanded on Durkheim’s ideas by developing strain theory (1938). He noted that social strains or contradictory forces are built into the structure of society when access to the legitimate means of achieving socially acceptable goals like material or financial success was not evenly distributed. A kind of anomie or normlessless emerged in segments of North American society because of a dysfunctional relationship or disequilibrium between values and norms. The North American value system glorifies the value and prestige of wealth, while its normative system defines and regulates acceptable means of attaining wealth: a good job, a good education, a good network of contacts, a good familial background, a good neighbourhood, etc. For the majority of people this works without too much conflict. However, not everyone in North American society stands on equal footing. In a class based society not everyone has access to the legitimate means of obtaining success. A person may have the socially acceptable goal of financial success but lack a socially acceptable way to reach that goal. This is a cause of mental and moral conflict for many. According to Merton’s theory, a person growing up in a neighbourhood where conventional occupational opportunities are limited to unskilled, manual labour will see few opportunities to "get ahead" through legal means. Similarly, an entrepreneur who can not afford to launch his own company may be tempted to embezzle from his employer for start-up funds. When motivated by success but confronted with barriers to attaining it, individuals are caught in a quandary or strain that is built in to the structure of North American society. They are tempted to abandon the norms and rules and adopt alternative, illegitimate solutions (what Merton refered to as "innovations") to attain the universally revered standards of success. The discrepancy between the reality of structural inequality and the high cultural value placed on economic success creates a strain that has to be resolved by some means.

Table 8.1. Five Possible Modes of Adjustment or Adaptation by Individuals to Social Strain (Merton, 1938)
	Cultural goals	Institutionalized means
1. Conformity	+	+
2. Innovation	+	−
3. Ritualism	−	+
4. Retreatism	−	−
5. Rebellion	+/−	+/−

Merton (1938) in fact defined five ways that people adapt to this strain between socially accepted goals and socially accepted ways to pursue them. These are indicated in Table 8.1 in which "+" indicates acceptance, "−" indicates rejection, and "+/−" indicates "rejection and substitution of new goals and standards."

Conformity: The majority of people in society choose to conform to institutionalized means of attaining success. They pursue their society's valued goals to the extent that they can through socially accepted means.
Innovation: Those who innovate pursue goals they cannot reach through legitimate means by substituting criminal or deviant means.
Ritualism: People who ritualize lower their goals until they can reach them through socially acceptable ways. These "social ritualists" like middle management bureaucrats, hard workers who accept they will never get ahead or people who "go through the motions" focus on conformity to the accepted means of goal attainment while abandoning the distant, unobtainable dream of success.
Retreatism: Others retreat from the structural strain and reject both society’s goals and accepted means. Some street people, hermits, religious cloisters, voluntary simplicity advocates or "back-to-the-landers" have withdrawn from society’s goal of financial success. They drop out.
Rebellion: Some people rebel, seeking to replace a society’s goals and means with an alternate or revolutionary model.

With respect to crime and deviance, the second category "innovation" is the most relevant. In a class divided society, many youth from poor backgrounds are exposed to the high value placed on material success in capitalist society but face insurmountable odds to achieving it, so turning to illegal means to achieve success is a rational, more effective, in fact normal, solution to the problem. As Merton sums up, "On the one hand, they are asked to orient their conduct toward the prospect of accumulating wealth and on the other, they are largely denied effective opportunities to do so institutionally" (Merton, 1938). Al Capone's ruthless choice of purely instrumental means over moral means to achieve success is a rational, if anomic, choice within a dysfunctional society.

Critical Sociology

Critical sociology examines macro-level social and economic factors as the causes of crime and deviance. Unlike positivists, critical sociologists do not see these factors as objective social facts, but as evidence of operations of power and entrenched social inequalities. The normative order and the criminal justice system are not simply neutral or “functional” with regard to the collective interests of society. Institutions of normalization, law, and the criminal justice system have to be seen in context as mechanisms that actively maintain the power structure of the political-economic order. The rich, the powerful, and the privileged have unequal influence on who and what gets labelled deviant or criminal, particularly in instances where their privilege or interests are being challenged. As capitalist society is based on the institution of private property, for example, it is not surprising that theft is a major category of crime. By the same token, when street people, addicts, or hippies drop out of society, they are labelled deviant and are subject to police harassment because they have refused to participate in the productive labour that is the basis of capital accumulation and profit. Richard Quinney (1977) examined the role of law, policing and punishment in modern society. He argued that, as a result of inequality, many crimes can be understood as crimes of accommodation, or ways in which individuals cope with conditions of inequality and oppression. Predatory crimes like break and enter, robbery, and drug dealing are often simply economic survival strategies. Personal crimes like murder, assault, and sexual assault are products of the strains of living under stressful conditions of scarcit, deprivation and humiliation. Defensive crimes like economic sabotage, illegal strikes, civil disobedience, and eco-terrorism are direct political challenges to social injustice. [caption id="attachment_1412" align="alignleft" width="300"] Figure 8.13 Corporate crime as a crime of domination. (Figure courtesy of Anonymous9000/Flickr.) CC BY 2.0[/caption] On the other hand, crimes committed by people in power are often crimes of domination. Crimes of control are committed by police and law enforcement, such as violations of rights, over-policing minority communities, illegal surveillance and use of excessive force. Crimes of government are committed by elected and appointed officials of the state through misuse of state powers, including corruption, misallocation of funds, political assassinations and illegal wars. Crimes of economic domination comprise white collar and corporate crime, including embezzlement, fraud, price-fixing, insider trading, tax evasion, unsafe work conditions, pollution, and marketing of hazardous products. Crimes of social injury include practices of institutional racism and economic exploitation, violations of basic human rights, or denials of gender, sexual and racial equality, that are often not considered unlawful. Those in power define what crime is and who is excluded from full participation in society as a matter of course. Quinney pointed out that crimes of domination are not criminalized and policed to the degree that crimes of accommodation are, even though the harms they pose to society are greater and affect more people. Inequality in normative regulation, law, policing and punishment is compounded in Canada through the legacy of colonialism. Although racial inequality has been formally eliminated by law and policy, racialized minorities are overrepresented in the criminal justice system in large part due to historical colonial narratives linking criminality and race (Mawani and Sealy, 2011). While crime rates have been declining overall, incarceration rates for Indigenous people and Blacks have increased, as has the use of racial profiling and the unequal application of discretionary powers by police and criminal justice authorities. A pattern of prejudice, racial bias and stereotyping is pervasive within the administration of justice. Critical sociologists argue that this is not so much a product of a few "bad seeds" within the criminal justice system, but of the institutional repercussions of colonialism, the process whereby Europeans established control over other people's territories and lives. As the formal structures of colonial segregation were dismantled — i.e.,slavery, the Reserve system, residential schools,legal disenfranchisement, etc. — informal post-colonial segregation was reestablished to control the "freed" populations, who continue to be defined by the same colonial narratives as dangerous, violent, irrational, child-like, unassimmilable, un-civil, or degenerate Others. Garland (1985) describes one outcome of this colonial legacy as the penal welfare complex. This refers to a system of control that effectively uses the prison and criminal justice system to manage the surplus, largely racialized, underclass of people who have been excluded from normal circuits of civility. Generations of people find themselves caught in a vicious circle of broken households, incarcerated parents or family members, engagement in minor crimes (petty theft, drinking alcohol in public, loitering, drugs, etc.), prison, parole, and back to prison because of parole violations. In the era of neoliberal capitalism, welfare budgets are cut and imprisonment expands, leading to the construction of a semi-permanent quasi-criminal population managed by police, judges, parole officers and social workers.

Crime and Social Class

While positivist theories often emphasize crime and deviance associated with the underprivileged, there is in fact no clear evidence that crimes are committed disproportionately by the poor or lower classes. There is an established association between the underprivileged and serious street crimes like armed robbery or assault, but these do not constitute the majority of crimes in society, nor the most serious crimes in terms of their overall social, personal, and environmental harms. On the other hand, "suite crimes" or crimes committed by the wealthy and powerful remain an underpunished and costly problem within society. White-collar crime refers to "crime committed by a person of respectability and high social status in the course of his [or her] occupation” (Sutherland, 1949). Corporate crime refers to crimes committed by corporate employees or owners in the pursuit of profit or other organization goals. White collar crime benefits the individual involved whereas corporate crime benefits the company or corporation. Both types of crime are more difficult to detect than street crime because the transactions take place in private and are more difficult to prosecute because the criminals can secure expert legal advice on how to bend the rules. In the United States it has been estimated that the yearly value of all street crime is roughly 5 per cent of the value of corporate crime or “suite crime” (Snider, 1994). Comparable data is not compiled in Canada; however, the Canadian Department of Justice reported that the total value of property stolen or damaged due to property crime in 2008 was an estimated $5.8 billion (Zhang, 2008), which would put the cost of corporate crime at $116 billion (if the same ratio holds true in Canada). For example, Revenue Canada estimates that wealthy Canadians had a combined total of between $75.9 billion and $240.5 billion in 2013 concealed in untaxed offshore tax havens (Canada Revenue Agency, 2018). In 2020, the Canada Revenue Agency was reported as pursuing an estimated $4.4 billion in taxes from individuals and corporations suspected of concealing wealth in offshore tax havens (Nardi, 2020). PricewaterhouseCoopers reports that 36 per cent of Canadian companies were subject to white-collar crime in 2013 (theft, fraud, embezzlement, cybercrime). One in ten lost $5 million or more (McKenna, 2014). Recent high-profile Ponzi scheme and investment frauds run into tens of millions of dollars each, destroying investors’ retirement savings. Vincent Lacroix was sentenced to 13 years in prison in 2009 for defrauding investors of $115 million; Earl Jones was sentenced to 11 years in prison in 2010 for defrauding investors of $50 million; Weizhen Tang was sentenced to 6 years in prison in 2013 for defrauding investors of $52 million. These were highly publicized cases in which jail time was demanded by the public (although as nonviolent offenders the perpetrators are eligible for parole after serving one-sixth of their sentence). However, in 2011–2012 prison sentences were nearly twice as likely for the typically lower-class perpetrators of break and enters (59 per cent) as they were for typically middle- and upper-class perpetrators of fraud (35 per cent) (Boyce, 2013). This imbalance based on class power can also be put into perspective with respect to homicide rates (Samuelson, 2000). In 2005, there were 658 homicides in Canada recorded by police, an average of 1.8 a day. This is an extremely serious crime, which merits the attention given to it by the criminal justice system. However, in 2005 there were also 1,097 workplace deaths that were, in principle, preventable. Canadians work on average 230 days a year, meaning that there were on average five workplace deaths a day for every working day in 2005 (Sharpe & Hardt, 2006). Estimates from the United States suggest that only one-third of on-the-job deaths and injuries can be attributed to worker carelessness (Samuelson, 2000). In 2005, 51 per cent of the workplace deaths in Canada were due to occupational diseases like cancers from exposure to asbestos (Sharpe & Hardt, 2006). The Ocean Ranger oil rig collapse that killed 84 workers off Newfoundland in 1982 and the Westray Mine explosion that killed 26 workers in Nova Scotia in 1992 were due to design flaws and unsafe working conditions that were known to the owners. However, whereas corporations are prosecuted for regulatory violations governing health and safety, it is rare for corporations or corporate officials to be prosecuted for the consequences of those violations. “For example, a company would be fined for not installing safety bolts in a construction crane, but not prosecuted for the death of several workers who were below the crane when it collapsed (as in a recent case in Western Canada)” (Samuelson, 2000). Corporate crime is arguably a more harmful type of crime than street crime, yet white-collar criminals are treated relatively leniently. Fines, when they are imposed, are typically absorbed as a cost of doing business and passed on to consumers, and many crimes, from investment fraud to insider trading and price fixing, are simply not prosecuted. For example, the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime estimated that law enforcement fail to apprehend money launderers 99.8% of the time (UNODC, 2011). From a critical sociology point of view, this is because white-collar crime is committed by elites who are able to use their power and financial resources to evade punishment. Here are some examples:

An expert panel estimated that annual money laundering activity in Canada in 2018 was $46.7 billion and $7.4 billion in British Columbia (Maloney, Somerville and Unger, 2019). The use of real estate as a means to launder money is estimated to be a major contributer to the inflation of real estate prices in Vancouver, increasing property values by approximately 5% and contributing to the affordability crisis. However because of laws protecting the privacy of financial transactions and property ownership information, law enforcement agencies have difficulty tracing who has committed money-laundering crime, where the crime has been committed, or even that a crime has been committed at all.
The KPMG offshore tax avoidance scheme involved creating shell companies for Canadian multimillionaires and billionaires in the Isle of Man, where clients could "give away" their wealth and get back regular tax-free "gifts," thus avoiding paying federal taxes. Because of difficultities in prosecuting the cases, the Canada Revenue Agency offered secret amnesty to some clients who had been using the scheme and "settled out of court" with others (Cashore and Zalac, 2021; Cashore, Ivany & Findlay, 2017).
In the United States, not a single criminal charge was filed against a corporate executive after the financial mismanagement of the 2008 financial crisis. The American Security and Exchange Commission levied a total of $2.73 billion in fines and out-of-court settlements, but the total cost of the financial crisis was estimated to be between $6 and $14 trillion (Pyke, 2013).
In Canada, three Nortel executives were charged by the RCMP’s Integrated Market Enforcement Team (IMET) with fraudulently altering accounting procedures in 2002–2003 to make it appear that Nortel was running a profit (thereby triggering salary bonuses for themselves totalling $12 million), but were acquitted in 2013. The accounting procedures were found to inflate the value of the company, but the intent to defraud could not be proven. The RCMP’s IMET, implemented in 2003 to fight white-collar crime, managed only 11 convictions over the first nine years of its existence (McFarland & Blackwell, 2013).
Canadian pipeline company Enbridge’s 20,000-barrel spill of bitumen (tar sands) oil into the Kalamazoo River, Michigan in 2010 was allowed to continue for 17 hours and involved the company twice re-pumping bitumen into the pipeline. The U.S. National Transportation Safety Board report noted that the spill was the result of “pervasive organizational failures,” and documents revealed that the pipeline operators were more concerned about getting home for the weekend than solving the problem (Rusnell, 2012). No criminal charges were laid.

[caption id="attachment_178" align="alignleft" width="300"] Figure 8.14 In the United States, from 1986 until 2010, the punishment for possessing crack, a “poor person’s drug,” was 100 times stricter than the punishment for cocaine use, a drug favoured by the wealthy. (Photo courtesy of Wikimedia Commons.) Public Domain[/caption]

Feminist Contributions

Women who are regarded as criminally deviant are often seen as being doubly deviant. They have broken the law but they have also broken gender norms about appropriate female behaviour, whereas men’s criminal behaviour is seen as consistent with their aggressive, self-assertive character. This double standard explains the tendency to medicalize women’s deviance, to see it as the product of physiological or psychiatric pathology. For example, in the late 19th century, kleptomania was a diagnosis used in legal defences that linked an extreme desire for department store commodities with various forms of female physiological or psychiatric illness. The fact that “good” middle- and upper-class women, who were at that time coincidentally beginning to experience the benefits of independence from men, would turn to stealing in department stores to obtain the new feminine consumer items on display there, could not be explained without resorting to diagnosing the activity as an illness of the “weaker sex” (Kramar, 2011). Feminist analysis focuses on the way gender inequality influences the opportunities to commit crime and the definition, detection, and prosecution of crime. In part the gender difference revolves around patriarchal attitudes toward women and the disregard for matters considered to be of a private or domestic nature. For example, until 1969 abortion was illegal in Canada, meaning that hundreds of women died or were injured each year when they received illegal abortions (McLaren & McLaren, 1997). It was not until the Supreme Court ruling in 1988 that struck down the law that it was acknowledged that women are capable of making their own choice, in consultation with a doctor, about the procedure. Similarly, until the 1970s two major types of criminal deviance were largely ignored or were difficult to prosecute as crimes: sexual assault and spousal assault. Through the 1970s, women worked to change the criminal justice system and establish rape crisis centres and battered women’s shelters, bringing attention to domestic violence. In 1983 the Criminal Code was amended to replace the crimes of rape and indecent assault with a three-tier structure of sexual assault (ranging from unwanted sexual touching that violates the integrity of the victim to sexual assault with a weapon or threats or causing bodily harm to aggravated sexual assault that results in wounding, maiming, disfiguring, or endangering the life of the victim) (Kong et al., 2003). Holly Johnson (1996) reported that in the mid-1990s, when violence against women began to be surveyed systematically in Canada, 51 per cent of Canadian women had been the subject to at least one sexual or physical assault since the age of 16. The goal of the amendments was to emphasize that sexual assault is an act of violence, not a sexual act. Previously, rape had been defined as an act that involved penetration and was perpetrated against a woman who was not the wife of the accused. This had excluded spousal sexual assault as a crime and had also exposed women to secondary victimization by the criminal justice system when they tried to bring charges. Secondary victimization occurs when the women’s own sexual history and her willingness to consent are questioned in the process of laying charges and reaching a conviction, which as feminists pointed out, increased victims' reluctance to lay charges. In particular, feminists challenged the twin myths of rape that were often the subtext of criminal justice proceedings presided over largely by men (Kramar, 2011). The first myth is that women are untrustworthy and tend to lie about assault out of malice toward men, as a way of getting back at them for personal grievances. The second myth, is that women will say no to sexual relations when they really mean yes. Typical of these types of issues was the judge’s comment in a Manitoba Court of Appeal case in which a man pleaded guilty to sexually assaulting his twelve- or thirteen-year-old babysitter:

The girl, of course, could not consent in the legal sense, but nonetheless was a willing participant. She was apparently more sophisticated than many her age and was performing many household tasks including babysitting the accused’s children. The accused and his wife were somewhat estranged (as cited in Kramar, 2011).

Because the girl was willing to perform household chores in place of the man’s estranged wife, the judge assumed she was also willing to engage in sexual relations. In order to address these types of issue, feminists successfully pressed the Supreme Court to deliver rulings that restricted a defence attorney’s access to a victim’s medical and counselling records and rules of evidence were changed to prevent a woman’s past sexual history being used against her. Consent to sexual discourse was redefined as what a woman actually says or does, not what the man believes to be consent. Feminists also argued that spousal assault was a key component of patriarchal power. Typically it was hidden in the household and largely regarded as a private, domestic matter in which police were reluctant to get involved. Interestingly women and men report similar rates of spousal violence — in 2009, 6 per cent had experienced spousal violence in the previous five years — but women are more likely to experience more severe forms of violence including multiple victimizations and violence leading to physical injury (Sinha, 2013). In order to empower women, feminists pressed lawmakers to develop zero-tolerance policies that would support aggressive policing and prosecution of offenders. These policies oblige police to lay charges in cases of domestic violence when a complaint is made, whether or not the victim wished to proceed with charges (Kramar, 2011). In 2009, 84 per cent of violent spousal incidents reported by women to police resulted in charges being laid. However, according to victimization surveys only 30 per cent of actual incidents were reported to police. The majority of women who did not report incidents to the police stated that they dealt with them in another way, felt they were a private matter, or did not think the incidents were important enough to report. A significant proportion, however, did not want anyone to find out (44 per cent), did not want their spouse to be arrested (40 per cent), or were too afraid of their spouse (19 per cent) (Sinha, 2013).

Interpretive Sociology

Interpretive sociology is a theoretical approach that can be used to explain how societies and/or social groups come to view behaviours as deviant or conventional. The key emphasis is on the way that the meanings which guide behaviour are constructed in the course of social interactions and become attached to things and people. Research focuses on the social processes through which specific activities and identities are socially defined as "deviant" and then come to be “lived” as deviant. Deviance is something that, in essence, is learned. In interpretive research, crime, deviance and deviants are not approached as quantifiable things or objects, but as the products of processes of criminalization, Othering and identity formation.

Criminalization is "the process by which behaviors and individuals are transformed into crime and criminals" (Michalowski, 1985). For example, Becker (1963) notes the processes whereby moral entrepreneurs and authorities come to decide that specific activities are criminal, as well as the sequence of interactions with the criminal justice system that a person goes through in being assigned a criminal identity.
Othering is the process in which an individual becomes recognized and stigmatized as socially deviant. In Othering, a deviant, abnormal or Other group is defined in opposition to a "normal" group. Negative or deviant characteristics are attributed to behaviours, individuals or groups that set them apart as abnormal, different or "other." This is a process that involves power relations because not all groups have the power to determine what heir social identity is. For example, Michel Foucault describes the institutional "dividing practices" used in psychology, medicine and criminology to objectify the subjects under their control in relation to norms of sanity, health, and innocence that the institutions themselves define: the "mad and the sane, the sick and the healthy, the criminals and the 'good boys'" (Foucault, 1994).
Identity formation is the process in which an individual creates and sustains a self-image and position in the world. In the study of crime and deviance, identity formation describes the process in which an individual goes from committing an act of deviance or rule breaking to assuming a deviant identity in which rule breaking is a matter of course. It involves a process of aligning subjective self-understanding with external definitions of self.

To sum up, social groups and authorities create deviance by first making the rules and then applying them to people who are thereby labelled as outsiders (Becker, 1963). Deviance is not an intrinsic quality of individuals but is created through the social interactions of various authorities, institutions and individuals.

Deviance as Learned Behaviour

In the early 1900s, sociologist Edwin Sutherland (1883-1950) sought to understand how deviant behaviour developed among people. Since criminology was a young field, he drew on other aspects of sociology including social interactions and group learning (Laub, 2006). His conclusions established differential association theory, stating that individuals learn deviant behaviour from those close to them who provide models of and opportunities for deviance. According to Sutherland, deviance is less a personal choice and more a result of differential socialization processes. Differential association refers to the balance of a persons criminal and non-criminal associations. "A person becomes delinquent because of an excess of definitions favourable to violation of the law over definitions unfaviourable to violation of law" (Sutherland and Cressey, 1977). In other words, having a social milieu in which most of ones contacts encourage or normalize criminality predicts the likelihood of becoming criminal, whereas a social milieu where ones contacts discourage criminality predict the opposite. A teenager whose friends shoplift is more likely to view shoplifting as acceptable. [caption id="attachment_1405" align="aligncenter" width="1024"] Figure 8.15 Howard Becker playing piano at a club on 63rd Street in Chicago, circa 1950. (Photo courtesy of Howard S. Becker.) Used with Permission.[/caption] The concept of deviance as learned behaviour can be illustrated by Howard Becker’s (b. 1928) study of marijuana users in the jazz club scene of Chicago in the 1950s (1953). Becker paid his way through graduate studies by performing as a jazz pianist and took the opportunity to study his fellow musicians. He conducted 50 interviews and noted that becoming a marijuana user involved a social process of initiation into a deviant role that could not be accounted for by either the physiological properties of cannabis or the psychological needs (for intoxication, escape, fantasy, etc.) of the individual. Rather the “career” of the marijuana user involved a sequence of changes in attitude and experience learned through social interactions with experienced users before cannabis could be regularly smoked for pleasure. Regular cannabis use was a social achievement that required the individual to pass through three distinct stages. Failure to do so meant that the individual would not assume a deviant role as a regular user of cannabis.

Firstly, individuals had to learn to smoke cannabis in a way that would produce real effects. Many first-time users do not feel the effects. If they are not shown how to inhale the smoke or how much to smoke, they might not feel the drug had any effect on them. Their “career” might end there if they are not encouraged by others to persist.
Secondly, they had to learn to recognize the effects of “being high” and connect them with drug use. Although people might display different symptoms of intoxication — feeling hungry, elated, rubbery, etc. — they might not recognize them as qualities associated with the cannabis or even recognize them as different at all. Through listening to experienced users talk about their experiences, novices are able to locate the same type of sensations in their own experience and notice something qualitatively different going on.
Thirdly, they had to learn how to enjoy the sensations. They had to learn how to define the situation of getting high as pleasurable. Smoking cannabis is not necessarily pleasurable and often involves uncomfortable experiences like loss of control, impaired judgement, insecurity, distorted perception, and paranoia. Unless the experiences can be redefined as pleasurable, the individual will not become a regular user. Often experienced users are able to coach novices through difficulties and encourage them by telling them they will learn to like it. It is through differential association with a specific set of individuals that a person learns and assumes a deviant role. The role needs to be learned and its value recognized before it can become routine or normal for the individual.

Procurement into prostitution involves a similar process, one which is manipulated by the procurers or pimps. Hodgson (1997) describes two methods of procurement that pimps use to draw girls into a life of prostitution. After judging a girl's level of vulnerability, they deploy either a seduction method, providing affection, attention and emotional support for the most isolated girls, or a stratagem method, promising wealth, glamour and excitement for those who are less vulnerable. After a girl has "chosen" to stay with the "family," they are socialized step by step to comply to the roles, rules and expectations of the world of prostitution. Their former identity is neutralized and attachment to previously learned values and norms is weakened through a process that begins with (a) training in the rules of the sex trade by the pimp's "wife-in-law" or "main lady," (b) turning the first trick, which deepens the girl's identification with street culture and the other prostitutes, and (c) the use of violence to enforce compliance when the girl has second thoughts and the relationship with the pimp deteriorates. At each stage the girl finds herself more deeply entrenched in a world of norms, values and behaviours that are strongly stigmatized in the dominant culture. While various levels of coercion are present, the process of learning, internalizing and acknowledging the deviant self-image and social role of the prostitute is necessary for continued participation in prostitution.

Labeling Theory

Although many people violate norms from time to time, few people would consider themselves deviant. Often, those who do, however, have gradually come to believe they are deviant because they been labelled “deviant” by society. Labeling theory examines the ascribing of a deviant behaviour to another person by members of society. Thus, what is considered deviant is determined not so much by the behaviours themselves or the people who commit them, but by the reactions of others to these behaviours. As a result, what is considered deviant changes over time and can vary significantly across cultures. As Becker put it, “deviance is not a quality of the act the person commits, but rather a consequence of the application by others of rules and sanctions to the offender. The deviant is one to whom the label has successfully been applied; deviant behaviour is behaviour people so label” (1963). It is important to note that labeling theory does not address the initial motives or reasons for the rule-breaking behaviour, which might be unknowable, but the outcome of criminal justice procedures that process offenders as deviants. It does not attempt to answer the questions of why people break the rules so much as why particular acts or particular individuals are labelled deviant while others are not. How do certain acts get labelled deviant and what are the consequences? Sociologist Edwin Lemert expanded on the concepts of labeling theory, identifying two types of deviance that affect identity formation. Primary deviance is the initial violation of norms that does not result in any long-term effects on the individual’s self-image or interactions with others. Speeding is a deviant act, but receiving a speeding ticket generally does not make others view the offender as a bad person, nor does it alter offender's own self-concept. Individuals who engage in primary deviance still maintain a feeling of belonging in society and are likely to continue to conform to norms in the future. However, primary deviance can morph into secondary deviance. Secondary deviance occurs when a person’s self-concept and behaviour begin to change after their actions are labelled as deviant by members of society. The person may begin to take on and fulfill the role of a “deviant” as an act of rebellion against the society that has labelled that individual as such. For example, consider a high school student who often cuts class and gets into fights. The student is reprimanded frequently by teachers and school staff, and soon enough, develops a reputation as a “troublemaker.” As a result, the student might take these reprimands as a mark of status and start acting out even more, breaking more rules, adopting the troublemaker label and embracing this deviant identity. Secondary deviance can be so strong that it bestows a master status on an individual. A master status is a label that describes the chief characteristic of an individual. Some people see themselves primarily as doctors, artists, or grandfathers. Others see themselves as beggars, convicts, or addicts. The criminal justice system is ironically one of the primary agencies of socialization into the criminal “career path.” The labels “juvenile delinquent” or “criminal” are not automatically applied to individuals who break the law. A teenager who is picked up by the police for a minor misdemeanour might be labelled as a “good kid” who made a mistake and who then is released after a stern talking to, or they might be labelled a juvenile delinquent and processed as a young offender. In the first case, the incident may not make any impression on the teenager’s personality or on the way others react to them. In the second case, being labelled a juvenile delinquent sets up a set of responses to the teenager by police and authorities that lead to criminal charges, more severe penalties, and a process of socialization into the criminal identity. In detention in particular, individuals learn how to assume the identity of serious offenders as they interact with hardened, long-term inmates within the prison culture (Wheeler, 1961). The act of imprisonment itself modifies behaviour, to make individuals more criminal. Aaron Cicourel’s (b. 1928) research in the 1960s showed how police used their discretionary powers to label rule-breaking teenagers who came from homes where the parents were divorced as juvenile delinquents and to arrest them more frequently than teenagers from “intact homes” (1968). Judges were also found to be more likely to impose harsher penalties on teenagers from divorced families. Unsurprisingly, Cicourel noted that subsequent research conducted on the social characteristics of teenagers who were charged and processed as juvenile delinquents found that children from divorced families were more likely to be charged and processed. Divorced families were seen as a cause of youth crime. This set up a vicious circle in which the research confirmed the prejudices of police and judges who continued to label, arrest, and convict the children of divorced families disproportionately. The labeling process acted as a self-fulfilling prophecy in which police found what they expected to see. Once a label is applied it can become a self-fulfilling prophecy. Self-fulfilling prophecies refer to the mechanisms put in play by the act of labeling, which "conspire to shape the person in the image people have of him" (Becker, 1963). A person may or may not fit the label given, but through a series of processes eventually does. Becker notes several elements in the process in which a label becomes a self-fulfilling prophecy. Firstly, someone who has been labelled a criminal or deviant based on committing a specific act of deviance or crime is often considered as criminal and deviant in other respects as well. Their entire personality is tainted. They are considered, at their core, "to be a person 'without respect for the law'" (Becker, 1963). Secondly, once characterized as such, a person tends to get cut off and isolated from participation in conventional social life even if, prior to the labeling, their deviant activity did not affect their participation. The use of intravenous drugs might not affect a user's work performance but the public knowledge and subsequent reaction to their drug use will most likely lead to them losing their job. The person who is labelled as an addict is seen as "weak-willed" and unemployable, whether actual job performance is affected or not. Thirdly, as a consequence of the resulting social isolation, the labelled person finds it difficult not to break other norms and laws, which they had otherwise no intention of breaking. They are also more likely to turn to social support from criminal or deviant subcultures where the support from conventional society has been withdrawn. To continue to enjoy the pleasures of using prohibited drugs, the user is obliged to turn to the black market where drugs are expensive and dangerous and forge relationships there. "Hence the treatment of the addict's deviance places him in a position where it will probably be necessary to resort to deceit and crime in order to support his habit. The behavior is a consequence of the public reaction to the deviance rather than a consequence of the inherent qualities of the deviant act" (Becker, 1963).

Micro sociology: The Foreground of Crime and Deviance

Much of the sociological explanation of crime and deviance focuses on the background variables that lead or make it likely that individuals will break rules. Positivist sociology often examines background factors like broken homes, employment status, neighbourhood or social strain, etc. as causes of criminality or deviance. Critical sociology examines structural inequalities based on class, gender or race, etc. as the historical context of crime and deviance. Micro-sociologists do not necessarily disagree, but emphasize that crime or rule-breaking, whatever its likelihood predicted by background variables, always takes place in a particular situation and a particular moment in time. They draw attention to the foreground variables of rule breaking: the immediate circumstances of the violation, the opportunities and impediments to rule breaking that are present, the different motives, experiences and interpretations of the people involved, and the moods and emotional process of perpetrators (or victims). Without these foreground factors the crime or violation would not take place. As Katz (1988) puts it, something "in the moment" must exist to propel an individual to commit a crime. Each crime has unique situational or micro-sociological variables that provide the foreground of the crime.

By way of explanation, I will propose for each type of crime a different set of individually' necessary and jointly sufficient conditions, each set containing (1) a path of action — distinctive practical requirements for successfully committing the crime, (2) a line of interpretation — unique ways of understanding how one is and will be seen by others, and (3) an emotional process — seductions and compulsions that have special dynamics (Katz, 1988).

Katz notes in particular that there is an emotional quality that accompanies different types of crime: the hot-blooded murder, the furtive sneakiness of shoplifting, the hardening of the stickup "hardman," etc. Each type of crime has its own "seductions and compulsions"— a distinctive and compelling feeling or attraction to the perpetrator in the moment that leads them to overcome resistance. Types of moral emotion such as "humiliation, righteousness, arrogance, ridicule, cynicism, defilement, and vengeance" (Katz, 1988) are especially central to experiences of criminal rule breaking. One of the most compelling attractions of rule breaking is to overcome a challenge and "prove oneself" in some fashion. The highschool shooter seeks to overcome the humiliation of having his masculinity challenged by committing an act of exaggerated violent masculinity. The teenage shoplifter engages in a "thrilling melodrama about the self" in being able to demonstrate personal competence and get away with shoplifting under the noses of adults. These claims to "moral existence," as Katz describes them, (i.e.,claims to self-validity, self-righteousness or self-vindication, etc.), are compelling motivators in the moment of the act. [caption id="attachment_1430" align="alignleft" width="225"] Figure 8.16 A macro-level explanation of gun violence might point to the culture of violence or the availability of weapons as a cause. A micro-level explanation focuses on the situational processes or pathways that make gun violence possible. Collins (2008) argues that most gun violence is incompetent because of the difficulties people have overcoming the confrontational tension/fear barrier. (Figure courtesy of Daniel Grosvenor/Flickr.) CC BY-NC-ND 2.0 [/caption] Similarly, Collins (2008) argues that micro-sociological or situational variables have to be taken into account in explaining violence. Although background conditions of poverty, racial discrimination, toxic masculinity, family disorganization, abuse, stress, frustration or exposure to media violence, etc. might predispose someone to violence, they are not sufficient to explain specific acts of violence. Micro-sociological evidence shows that in order for violence to take place in actual face-to-face situations, a person has to overcome powerful barriers that are built in to the processes of social interaction itself. He refers to this as a confrontational tension/fear barrier. Violence is difficult to accomplish because the natural tendency in any social interaction is agreement. Dischord and confrontation cause tension, which is uncomfortable and usually avoided, but if the confrontation escalates towards violence, a potent physiological "cocktail" in the form of fear, anxiety and adrenalin kicks in as a barrier to the confrontation going further. "No matter how motivated someone may be, if the situation does not unfold so that confrontational tension/fear is overcome, violence will not proceed" (Collins, 2008). This applies to ordinary street violence, domestic violence and other criminal violence, as well as professional violence such as police violence or military combat, where direct confrontations take place face to face. Violence is correspondingly easier the more distant the combatants are from each other. For example, Collins describes the escalation of tensions and "bluster" that lead to street fights. Tensions escalate in a confrontation when the individuals start breaking the codes of conversational turn taking and start talking over each other. The argument gets louder and more heated as each person tries to control the "conversational space," interrupting the other and disrupting the other's ability to speak. The cognitive content of the dispute tends to dissipate and is replaced by staccato utterances, insults, and swearing, which have more dramatic impact. However, usually the confrontation will end before coming to violence. One person will leave "in a huff" even if it means loss of face, or the exchange will become boring and lose energy, for both the participants and the audience. Only if specific situational conditions are met will the confrontation become violent.

[C]onfrontations bring tension and fear, which inhibits effective violence; emotional tension gets released into violent attack only where there is a weak victim, or where the conflict is hedged round with social supports to make it a staged fight fought within socially enforced limits. Thus bluster is likely to lead onward to a fight in one of these two circumstances: First, if one side feels much stronger than the other, at least at that moment, the stronger launches an attack. The bluster itself may provide the test of who is weaker; wavering or cringing in the face of bluster, or retreating from it, is one thing that can trigger an attack. Second, if there is a highly interested audience, witnessing the buildup of boast and bluster, the scene is set for a fight, and the principals may not be able to back out of it if they wished (Collins, 2008).

As a result, Collins defines violence micro-sociologically as a process: “a set of pathways around confrontational tension and fear” (Collins, 2008). From the micro-sociological perspective, it is important for sociology to determine the situational circumstances of rule-breaking or crime in forming an explanation therefore: "I suggest that a seemingly simple question be asked persistently in detailed application to the facts of criminal experience: what are people trying to do when they commit a crime?" (Katz, 1988).

Media Attributions

Figure 8.9 Joker Mask Crime Clown Thug Goon 7241 by Brecht Bug, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY-NC-ND 2.0 licence.
Figure 8.10 Face measurements based on Lombroso's criminal anthropology by Nicolasbuenaventura, via Wikimedia Commons, is used under a CC BY-SA 3.0 licence.
Figure 8.11 File:Camden NJ poverty.jpg by Phillies1fan777 at English Wikipedia, is in the public domain. (Uploaded by Apollo1758.)
Figure 8.12 Mug shot of Capone in Miami, Florida, 1930 by Miami Police Department, via Wikipedia, is in the public domain.
Figure 8.13 Spy vs Sci 573 by Anonymous9000, via OpenVerse, is used under a CC BY 2.0 licence.
Figure 8.14 Cocaine Fact Sheet via US Drug Enforcement Agency/ Department of Justice, is in the public domain.
Figure 8.15 63rd St. by Howard Becker (Used by permission of Howard Becker).
Figure 8.16 Chopper by Daniel Grosvenor, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY-NC-ND 2.0 licence.

8.3. Crime and the Law

hfriedman — Thu, 10 Aug 2023 22:32:55 +0000

What Is Crime?

[caption id="attachment_1410" align="alignright" width="237"] Figure 8.17 From criminal to iconic figure on the $10 bill. "Viola Desmond was a successful black businesswoman who was jailed, convicted and fined for defiantly refusing to leave a whites-only area of a movie theatre in 1946. Her court case was an inspiration for the pursuit of racial equality across Canada" (Bank of Canada, 2018.) Public Domain[/caption] Although deviance is a violation of social norms, it is not always punishable, and it is not necessarily bad. Crime, on the other hand, is a behaviour that violates official law and is punishable through formal sanctions. Walking to class backwards is a deviant behaviour. Driving with a blood alcohol percentage over the province’s limit is a crime. Like other forms of deviance, however, ambiguity exists concerning what constitutes a crime and whether all crimes are, in fact, “bad” and deserve punishment. For example, in 1946 Viola Desmond refused to sit in the balcony designated for blacks at a cinema in New Glasgow, Nova Scotia, where she was unable to see the screen. She was dragged from the cinema by two men who injured her knee, and she was then arrested, obliged to stay overnight in the male cell block, tried without counsel, and fined. The court ruling ended up ignoring the laws concerning racial segregation in Canada, which was the reason why she was removed from the cinema. Instead her crime was determined to be tax evasion because she had not paid the 1 cent difference in tax between a balcony ticket and a main floor ticket. She took her case to the Supreme Court of Nova Scotia where she lost. In hindsight, and long after her death, she was posthumously pardoned, because the application of the law was clearly in violation of norms of social equality. As noted above, all societies have informal and formal ways of maintaining social control. Within these systems of norms, societies have legal codes that maintain formal social control through laws, which are rules adopted and enforced by a political authority. Those who violate these rules incur negative formal sanctions in the form of fines, jail or court ordered retribution. Normally, punishments are relative to the degree of the crime and the importance to society of the value underlying the law. There are, however, other factors that influence criminal sentencing.

Types of Crimes

Not all crimes are given equal weight. Society generally socializes its members to view certain crimes as more severe than others. As discussed earlier, John Hagen distinguished between serious consensus crimes, like murder and sexual assault, about which there is near-unanimous public agreement, and conflict crimes, like prostitution or recreational drugs, which may be illegal but about which there is considerable public disagreement concerning their seriousness. Even within the category of crimes on which there is consensus, there is disagreement about levels of seriousness and punishment. For example, most people would consider murdering someone to be far worse than stealing a wallet and would expect a murderer to be punished more severely than a thief. In modern North American society, crimes are typically classified as one of two types based on their severity. Violent crimes (also known as “crimes against a person”) are based on the use of force or the threat of force. Rape, murder, and armed robbery fall under this category. Nonviolent crimes involve the destruction or theft of property, but do not use force or the threat of force. Because of this, they are also sometimes called “property crimes.” Larceny, car theft, and vandalism are all types of nonviolent crimes. If you use a crowbar to break into a car, you are committing a nonviolent crime; if you mug someone with the crowbar, you are committing a violent crime. As noted earlier in the section on critical sociological approaches, when people think of violent and non-violent crime, they often picture street crime, or offenses committed by ordinary people against other people or organizations, usually in public spaces. An often overlooked category of non-violent crime is corporate crime (or "suite crime"), crime committed by white-collar workers in a business environment. Embezzlement, insider trading, ponzi schemes and fraud are all types of corporate crime. Although these types of offences rarely receive the same amount of media coverage as street crimes, they can be far more damaging. The 2008 world economic recession was the ultimate result of a financial collapse triggered by corporate crime. An often-debated third type of crime is victimless crime. These are called victimless because the perpetrator is not explicitly harming another person. As opposed to battery or theft, which clearly have a victim, a crime like drinking a beer at age 17 or selling a sexual act do not result in injury to anyone other than the individual who engages in them, although they are illegal. While some claim acts like these are victimless, others argue that they actually do harm society. Prostitution may foster abuse toward women by clients or pimps. Drug use may increase the likelihood of employee absences. Such debates highlight how the interpretation of the deviant and criminal nature of actions develops through ongoing public discussion.

Making Connections: Sociological Research

Hate Crimes

[caption id="attachment_180" align="aligncenter" width="800"] Figure 8.18 In Canada, there were 1,332 reported victims of hate crimes in 2011. The General Social Survey suggests that only one-third of hate motivated incidences are reported to police. (Source: Allen & Boyce, 2013.) Stats Can Open Licence Agreement[/caption] In the early morning of January 4, 1998, Nirmal Singh Gill, a 65-year-old Sikh caretaker in Surrey, B.C. was beaten to death in the parking lot of the Guru Nanak Sikh temple by five white-supremacist skinheads, aged 17 to 25, as he was about to open the temple for early morning worship. The skinheads were part of a group that called itself White Power. They had been to an all-night drinking party when they decided they were going to vandalize some cars in the temple parking lot. They encountered the caretaker Nirmal Singh Gill and took turns attacking him. In trial it came out that the eldest of the skinheads had recently been released from the military because of his racist beliefs. Another had a large Nazi flag pinned to the wall of his apartment. In a telephone call intercepted during the investigation that led to the skinheads’ arrest, one skinhead was recorded as saying, “Can’t go wrong with a Hindu death cause it always sends a f’n message” (R. v. Miloszewski, 1999). Gill was not Hindu, but Sikh. Attacks motivated by hate based on a person’s race, religion, or other characteristics are known as hate crimes. The category of hate crimes grew out of the provisions in the Criminal Code that prohibit hate propaganda (sections 318 and 319) including advocating genocide, public incitement of hatred, or the willful promotion of hatred against an identifiable group. In 1996, section 718.2 of the Criminal Code was amended to introduce hate motivation as an aggravating factor in crime that needed to be considered in sentencing (Silver et al., 2004). In 2009 Statistics Canada's General Social Survey on Victimization reported that 5 per cent of the offenses experienced by victims of crime in Canada were believed by the victims to be motivated by hate (approximately 399,000 incidents in total) (Perreault & Brennan, 2010). However, police reported hate crimes totaled only 1,473 incidents in 2009. About one-third of the General Social Survey respondents said they reported the hate-motivated incidents to the police. In 2011 police-reported hate crimes had dropped to 1,322 incidents. The majority of these were racially or ethnically motivated, but many were based on religious prejudice (especially anti-Semitic) or sexual orientation. A significant portion of the hate-motivated crimes (50 per cent) involved mischief (vandalism, graffiti, and other destruction of property). This figure increased to 75 per cent for religious-motivated hate crimes. Violent hate crimes constituted 39 per cent of all hate crimes (22 per cent accounted for by violent assault specifically). Sexual-orientation-motivated hate crimes were the most likely to be violent (65 per cent) (Allen & Boyce, 2013). The number of police-reported hate crimes in Canada increased by 37% during the first year of the pandemic, rising from 1,951 incidents in 2019 to 2,669 in 2020 (Statistics Canada, 2021). This marks the largest number of police-reported hate crimes since comparable data became available in 2009. Police-reported hate crimes targeting race or ethnicity almost doubled (+80%) compared with the previous year, accounting for the vast majority of the national increase in hate crimes.

Crime Statistics

What crimes are people in Canada most likely to commit, and who is most likely to commit them? The first step to understanding criminal statistics, is understanding how these statistics are collected. Since 1962, Statistics Canada has been collecting and publishing an archive of crime statistics known as the Uniform Crime Reports Survey (UCR). These annual publications contain data from all the police agencies in Canada. Although the UCR contains comprehensive data on police reports, it fails to take into account the fact that many crimes go unreported due to the victims' unwillingness to report them, largely based on fear, shame, or distrust of the police. The accuracy of the data collected by the UCR also varies greatly. Because police and other authorities decide which criminal acts they are going to focus on in their policing strategies, the data reflects the priorities of the police rather than actual levels of crime per se. For example, if police decide to focus on gun-related crimes, chances are that more gun-related crimes will be discovered and counted. Similarly, changes in legislation that introduce new crimes or change the categories under which crimes are recorded will also alter the statistics. To address some of these problems, in 1985, Statistics Canada began to publish a separate report known as the General Social Survey on Victimization (GSS). The GSS is a self-report study. A self-report study is a collection of data acquired using voluntary response methods, based on telephone interviews. In 2019, for example, survey data were gathered from 20,000 respondents across Canada on the frequency and type of crime they experience in their daily lives (Statistics Canada, 2019). The surveys are thorough, providing a wider scope of information than was previously available. This allows researchers to examine crime from more detailed perspectives and to analyze the data based on factors such as the relationship between victims and offenders, the consequences of the crimes, and substance abuse involved in the crimes. Demographics are also analyzed, such as age, ethnicity, gender, location, and income level. The GSS reports a higher rate of crime than the UCR, especially for less serious crimes, because not all crime is reported to the police. In the 2009 GSS on Victimization, only 31 per cent of criminal incidents experienced by respondents were reported to police (Perreault & Brennan, 2010). Though the GSS is a critical source of statistical information, disadvantages exist. “Non-response,” or a victim’s failure to participate in the survey or a particular question, is among them. Inability to contact important demographics, such as those who do not have access to phones or who frequently relocate, also skews the data. For those who participate, memory issues can be problematic for the data sets. Some victims’ recollection of the crimes can be inaccurate or simply forgotten over time. A third statistical measure, the Crime Severity Index was introduced by Statistics Canada in 2009 (Statistics Canada, 2009). This measures changes in the amounts of serious crime, or the overall seriousness of crime in a given year, by calculating a rate based on weighting the relative seriousness of crimes committed. Crimes that receive higher sentences are considered more serious than other types of crime, so 1st degree murder and sexual assault are weighted the highest, whereas disturbing the peace and cannabis possession are weighted relatively low. Because traditional crime rate measures are heavily influenced by fluctuations in high-volume, less serious offenses —about 40% of police-reported crime in Canada comes from two relatively less serious offenses: thefts under $5,000 and mischief — the Crime Severity Index provides a standardized measure of whether serious crime is increasing or decreasing. The Index is standardized to “100," using 2006 as a base year. Figures higher than 100 would indicate that crime is more severe than it was in 2006. Figures less than 100 mean that crime is less severe than it was in 2006.

The Declining Crime Rate in Canada

While none of these measures can take into account all of the crimes committed in the country, some general trends may be noted. Crime rates were on the rise after 1960, but following an all-time high in the 1980s and 1990s, rates of violent and nonviolent crimes started to decline. In 2012 they reached their lowest level since 1972 (Perreault, 2013). [caption id="attachment_617" align="aligncenter" width="851"] Figure 8.19 The crime rates for all types of crime in Canada, including violent crime, have been declining since 1992, with a slight uptick between 2014 and 2019. Why? (Source: Moreau, Jaffray and Armstrong, 2020.) Stats Can Open Licence Agreement[/caption]

In 2012, approximately 2 million crimes occurred in Canada. Of those, 415,000 were classified as violent crimes, the majority being assault and robbery. The rate of violent crime reached its lowest level since 1987, led by decreases in sexual assault, common assault, and robbery. The homicide rate fell to its lowest level since 1966. An estimated 1.58 million nonviolent crimes also took place; the most common being theft under $5,000 and mischief. The major contribution to the declining crime rate has been decreases in nonviolent crime, especially decreases in mischief, break-ins, disturbing the peace, theft of a motor vehicle, and possession of stolen property. As noted above, however, only 31 per cent of violent and nonviolent crimes were reported to the police. Since 2012, crime rates have increased slightly. In 2019, there were over 2.2 million police-reported Criminal Code incidents (not including traffic violations), about 164,700 more incidents than in 2018. At 5,874 incidents per 100,000 population, the police-reported crime rate—which measures the volume of crime—increased 7% in 2019. This rate, however, was still 9% lower than a decade earlier in 2009 (Moreau, Jaffray and Armstrong, 2020). [caption id="attachment_1427" align="aligncenter" width="580"] Figure 8.20 Crime Severity Indexes based on police reported crime rates from 2000 to 2020 in Canada. The base index was set at 100 for 2006. Severe crime shows a similar pattern declining until 2014, rising to 2009 levels, and then dropping again by 8% in the first year of the COVID-19 pandemic. It is interesting to note that although the crime severity index heavily weights homicides in its calculation, homicides in Cananda in 2020 increased to their highest reported level since 1991, (even taking into account the 22 victims of the Nova Scotia attacks, the largest mass murder in Canadian history) (Statistics Canada, 2021b). (Figure courtesy of Statistics Canada, 2021a.) Stats Can Open Licence Agreement[/caption] What accounts for the general decreases in the crime rate since the early 1990s? During the period of lowest crime rates, opinion polls showed that a majority of Canadians believed that crime rates, especially violent crime rates, were rising (Edmiston, 2012), even though the statistics showed a steady decline since 1991. Where is the disconnect? There are three primary reasons for the decline in the crime rate. Firstly, it reflects the demographic changes to the Canadian population. The post-war baby boom continued into the early 1960s but the birth rate fell afterwards and has remained low since the 1970s. As most crime is committed by people aged 18 to 34 and this age cohort has declined in size since 1991, it makes sense statistically that the crime rate has fallen. Property crimes, which are predominantly associated with teenagers and young adults, leveled off during the 80’s, while violent crimes, associated with teenagers and young adults but also middle aged adults, decreased in the 90s. The number of people aged 20 to 34 dropped by 18% Canada between 1990 and 1999 (Oimet, 2004). Secondly, male unemployment is highly correlated with the crime rate, especially property crimes. Unemployment rates were high in the 1980s and again in the early 1990s, correlating with trends in property crime (Pottie Bunge, Johnson and Baldé, 2005). Following the recession of 1990–1991, better economic conditions improved male unemployment. The total unemployment rate dropped by 27% in Canada between 1991 and 1999, meaning that the economic situation for young adults improved (Oimet, 2004). Thirdly, police methods have arguably improved since 1991, including having a more targeted approach to particular sites and types of crime. Strategies such as "hot-spot policing " and "focused deterrence," as well as collaboration with non-police organizations such as private security, neighbourhood watch programs, local health professionals, community and municipal groups, and other government organizations have proven effective (Council of Canadian Academies, 2014). Similarly, the shift to community policing and a more problem solving rather than reactive approaches improves relationships between police and citizens and lowers crime rates (Pottie Bunge, Johnson and Baldé, 2005). A fourth, more controversial, reason for declining crime rates was the legalization of abortion in Canada in 1969. Levitt (2004) argues that legalizing abortion resulted in fewer unwanted children who would have been at a greater risk of crime when they reached their teen and adult years. [caption id="attachment_182" align="aligncenter" width="630"] Figure 8.21 Kingston Penitentiary was opened in 1835 and officially closed in 2013. (Photo courtesy of R. Orville Lyttle/Flickr.) CC BY SA 2.0[/caption]

Corrections

The corrections system, more commonly known as the prison system, is tasked with supervising individuals who have been arrested, convicted, and sentenced for a criminal offence. At the end of 2011, approximately 38,000 adults were in prison in Canada, while another 125,000 were under community supervision or probation (Dauvergne, 2012). By way of contrast, seven million Americans were behind bars in 2010 (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2011). Canada’s rate of adult incarceration in 2011 was 140 per 100,000 population. In the United States in 2008, the incarceration rate was approximately 1,000 per 100,000 population. More than 1 in 100 U.S. adults were in jail or prison, the highest benchmark in U.S. history. While Americans account for 5 per cent of the global population, they have 25 per cent of the world’s inmates, the largest number of prisoners in the world (Liptak, 2008). While Canada’s rate of incarceration is far lower than that of the United States, there are nevertheless some disturbing features of the Canadian corrections system. As noted in Chapter 1. An Introduction to Sociology, from 2010 to 2011, Indigenous Canadians were 10 times more likely to be incarcerated than the non-Indigenous population. While Indigenous people accounted for about 4 per cent of the Canadian population, in 2013, they made up 23.2 per cent of the federal penitentiary population. Indigenous women made up 33.6 per cent of incarcerated women in Canada. This problem of overrepresentation of Indigenous people in the corrections system — the difference between the proportion of Indigenous people incarcerated in Canadian correctional facilities and their proportion in the general population — continues to grow appreciably despite a Supreme Court ruling in 1999 (R. vs. Gladue) that the social history of Indigenous offenders should be considered in sentencing. Section 718.2 of the Criminal Code states, "all available sanctions other than imprisonment that are reasonable in the circumstances should be considered for all offenders, with particular attention to the circumstances of Aboriginal offenders." Prison is supposed to be used only as a last resort. Nevertheless, between 2003 and 2013, the Indigenous population in prison grew by 44 per cent (Correctional Investigator Canada, 2013). Hartnagel (2004) summarised the literature on why Indigenous people are overrepresented in the criminal justice system. Firstly, Indigenous people are disproportionately poor and poverty is associated with higher arrest and incarceration rates. Unemployment in particular is correlated with higher crime rates. Secondly, Indigenous lawbreakers tend to commit more detectable street crimes than the less detectable white collar or suite crimes of other segments of the population. Thirdly, the criminal justice system disproportionately profiles and discriminates against Indigenous people. It is more likely for Indigenous people to be apprehended, processed, prosecuted, and sentenced than non-Indigenous people. Fourthly, the legacy of colonization has disrupted and weakened traditional sources of social control in Indigenous communities. The informal social controls that effectively control criminal and deviant behaviour in intact communities have been compromised in Indigenous communities due to the effects of forced assimilation, the residential school system, and migration to poor inner city neighbourhoods. Although black Canadians are a smaller minority of the Canadian population than Indigenous people, they experience a similar problem of overrepresentation in the prison system. Blacks represent approximately 2.9 per cent of the Canadian population, but accounted for 9.5 per cent of the total prison population in 2013, up from 6.3 per cent in 2003–2004 (Correctional Investigator Canada, 2013). A survey revealed that blacks in Toronto are subject to racial profiling by the police, which might partially explain their higher incarceration rate (Wortley, 2003). Racial profiling occurs when police single out a particular racial group for extra policing, including a disproportionate use of stop-and-search practices (i.e.,"carding"), undercover sting operations, police patrols in racial minority neighbourhoods, and extra attention at border crossings and airports. Survey respondents revealed that blacks in Toronto were much more likely to be stopped and searched by police than were whites or Asians. Moreover, in a reverse of the situation for whites, older and more affluent black males were more likely to be stopped and searched than younger, lower-income blacks. As one survey respondent put it: “If you are black and drive a nice car, the police think you are a drug dealer or that you stole the car. They always pull you over to check you out” (Wortley, 2003).

Prisons and their Alternatives

Recent public debates in Canada on being "tough on crime" often revolve around the idea that imprisonment and mandatory minimum sentences are effective crime control practices. It seems intuitive that harsher penalties will deter offenders from committing more crimes after their release from prison. However research shows that punitive "tough on crime" policies do not reduce crime rates (Pottie Bunge, Johnson and Baldé, 2005; Pratt and Cullen, 2005). Nor does serving prison time reduce the propensity to re-offend after the sentence has been completed. In general the effect of imprisonment on recidivism — the likelihood for people to be arrested again after an initial arrest — was either non-existent or actually increased the likelihood of re-offence in comparison to non-prison sentences (Nagin, Cullen, & Jonson, 2009). In particular, first time offenders who are sent to prison have higher rates of recidivism than similar offenders sentenced to community service (Nieuwbeerta, Nagin, & Blockland, 2009). Moreover, the collateral effects of the imprisonment of one family member include negative impacts on the other family members and communities, including increased aggressiveness of young sons (Wildeman, 2010) and increased likelihood that the children of incarcerated fathers will commit offences as adults (van de Rakt & Nieuwbeerta, 2012). As noted above, some researchers have spoken about a penal-welfare complex to describe the creation of inter-generational criminalized populations who are excluded from participating in society or holding regular jobs on a semi-permanent basis (Garland, 1985). The painful irony for these groups is that the petty crimes like theft, public consumption of alcohol, drug use, etc. that enable them to get by in the absence of regular sources of security and income are increasingly targeted by zero tolerance and minimum sentencing policies of crime control. There are a number of alternatives to prison sentences used as criminal sanctions in Canada including fines, electronic monitoring, probation, and community service. These alternatives divert offenders from forms of penal social control, largely on the basis of principles drawn from labelling theory. They emphasize to varying degrees compensatory social control, which obliges an offender to pay a victim to compensate for a harm committed; therapeutic social control, which involves the use of therapy to return individuals to a normal state; and conciliatory social control, which reconciles the parties of a dispute to mutually restore harmony to a social relationship that has been damaged. Many non-custodial sentences involve community-based sentencing, in which offenders serve a conditional sentence in the community, usually by performing some sort of community service. The argument for these types of programs is that rehabilitation is more effective if the offender is in the community rather than prison. A version of community-based sentencing is restorative justice conferencing, which focuses on establishing a direct, face-to-face connection between the offender and the victim. The offender is obliged to make restitution to the victim, thus “restoring” a situation of justice. Part of the process of restorative justice is to bring the offender to a position in which they can fully acknowledge responsibility for the offence, express remorse, and make a meaningful apology to the victim (Department of Justice, 2013). In special cases where the parties agree, Aboriginal sentencing circles involve victims, the Aboriginal community, and Aboriginal elders in a process of deliberation with Aboriginal offenders to determine the best way to find healing for the harm done to victims and communities. The emphasis is on forms of traditional Aboriginal justice, which center on healing and building community rather than retribution. These might involve specialized counseling or treatment programs, community service under the supervision of elders, or the use of an Aboriginal nation’s traditional penalties (Aboriginal Justice Directorate, 2005). It is difficult to find data in Canada on the effectiveness of these types of programs. However, a large meta-analysis study that examined ten studies from Europe, North America, and Australia was able to determine that restorative justice conferencing was effective in reducing rates of recidivism and in reducing costs to the criminal justice system (Strang et al., 2013). The authors suggest that recidivism was reduced between 7 and 45 per cent from traditional penal sentences by using restorative justice conferencing. Rehabilitation and recidivism are of course not the only goals of the corrections systems. Many people are skeptical about the capacity of offenders to be rehabilitated and see criminal sanctions more importantly as a means of (a) deterrence to prevent crimes, (b) retribution or revenge to address harms to victims and communities, or (c) incapacitation to remove dangerous individuals from society.

Media Attributions

Figure 8.17 Viola Desmond, Halifax, Nova Scotia by Winnipeg Free Press, via Wikimedia Commons, is in the public domain.
Figure 8.18 Police reported hate crimes by type of motivation, Canada, 2011, Chart 2, by Allen and Boyce (2020), via Statistics Canada. Use is governed by the Statistics Canada Open Licence Agreement.
Figure 8.19 Police reported crime rates, Canada, 1962-2019 by Moreau, Jaffray and Armstrong (2020), via Statistics Canada. Use is governed by the Statistics Canada Open Licence Agreement.
Figure 8.20 Crime Severity Indexes based on police reported crime rates from 2000 to 2020 in Canada by Statistics Canada. (2021a). Use is governed by the Statistics Canada Open Licence Agreement.
Figure 8.21 Kingston ON - Dominion Penitentiary by R Orville Lyttle, via Flickr, is used under CC BY SA 2.0 licence.

8.4. Public Policy Debates on Crime

hfriedman — Thu, 10 Aug 2023 22:33:59 +0000

[caption id="attachment_836" align="alignleft" width="300"] Figure 8.22 Violent crime lends itself to spectacular media coverage that distorts its actual threat to the public. (Photo courtesy of Fox Features Syndicate/Wikimedia Commons.) Public Domain[/caption] The sociological study of crime, deviance, and social control is especially important with respect to public policy debates. In 2012 the Conservative government passed the Safe Streets and Communities Act, a controversial piece of legislation because it introduced mandatory minimum sentences for certain drug or sex related offenses, restricted the use of conditional sentencing (i.e., non-prison punishments), imposed harsher sentences on certain categories of young offender, reduced the ability for Canadians with a criminal record to receive a pardon, and made it more difficult for Canadians imprisoned abroad to transfer back to a Canadian prison to be near family and support networks. The legislation imposed a mandatory six-month sentence for cultivating six marijuana plants, for example. Noting that the mandatory minimum sentencing disproportionately affected Indigenous and Black Canadians, the Liberal government passed Bill C-22 in 2021, which repealed mandatory minimum sentencing for 14 offenses in the criminal code, including all 6 provisions that applied to the Controlled Drugs and Substances Act (Department of Justice Canada, 2021). Approximately 39 per cent of Black inmates and 20 per cent of Indigenous prisoners in federal prisons were serving sentences dictated by mandatory minimums. Supreme court rulings had already struck down two mandatory minimums for firearm offenses in 2015, declaring them "cruel," and drug-related minimums in 2016, on the grounds that they violated the Charter of Rights and Freedoms. However, the Bill C-22 reform leaves 52 offenses with mandatory minimums in place. Government policy shifts back and forth between a punitive approach to crime control and preventive strategies such as drug rehabilitation, prison diversion, and social reintegration programs. Why? Part of the reason has to do with the discourses surrounding crime. Despite the evidence that rates of serious and violent crime have been falling in Canada, in 2011 Justice Minister Rob Nicholson said, “Unlike the Opposition, we do not use statistics as an excuse not to get tough on criminals. As far as our Government is concerned, one victim of crime is still one too many” (Galloway, 2011). What accounts for the appeal of “getting tough on criminals” policies at a time when rates of crime, and violent crime in particular, are falling and in 2012 were at their lowest level since 1972 (Perreault, 2013)? Crime rates have since risen but remain lower than they were in 2009 (Moreau, Jaffray and Armstrong, 2020). One reason is that violent crime is a form of deviance that lends itself to spectacular media coverage that distorts its actual threat to the public. Television news broadcasts frequently begin with chaos news — crime, accidents, natural disasters — that present an image of society as a dangerous and unpredictable place. However, the image of crime presented in the headlines does not accurately represent the types of crime that actually occur. Whereas the news typically reports on the worst sorts of violent crime, violent crime made up only 22 per cent of all police-reported crime in 2019 (down 3 per cent from 2009), and homicides made up only one-tenth of 1 per cent of all violent crimes in 2019 (Moreau, Jaffray and Armstrong, 2020). An analysis of television news reporting on murders in 2000 showed that while 44 per cent of CBC news coverage and 48 per cent of CTV news coverage focused on murders committed by strangers, only 12 per cent of murders in Canada are committed by strangers. Similarly, while 24 per cent of the CBC reports and 22 per cent of the CTV reports referred to murders in which a gun had been used, only 3.3 per cent of all violent crime involved the use of a gun in 1999. In 1999, 71 per cent of violent crimes in Canada did not involve any weapon (Miljan, 2001). The issue is that the news is a commercial product used to sell newspapers and advertising. "If it bleeds, it leads" is the adage that describes the financial motivation to publish the most dramatic crime news because it sells more subscriptions and receives more views. Czerny and Swift (1988) argue that the commercial media distort the content of the news in a number of ways. Typically stories emphasize:

the intense (stories are selected to play up drama and action)
the unambiguous (complex issues and lived experiences are simplified into straightforward moral stories of good and bad)
the familiar (stories are made to fit in with common sense understandings and prejudices)
the marketable (stories are packaged to appeal to consumer tastes, often with sex and violence imagery)

This distortion is amplified by the use of on-line sources where about 60% of Canadians report getting their news most of the time (Canadian Journalism Foundation, 2019). In particular, emotional responses to stories rather than critical analysis influence people's decisions to "retweet" a story (Stieglitz & Dang-Xuan, 2013). Emotions have also been shown to be contagious in on-line environments and are linked to rumor spreading behaviour (Kramer et al., 2014; Oh et al. 2013; Pröllochs et al., 2021). Vosoughi et al.'s (2018) research showed that on social media platforms like Twitter "falsehood diffused significantly farther, faster, deeper, and more broadly than the truth in all categories of information." Media distortion can create the conditions for moral panics around crime. A moral panic occurs when a relatively minor or atypical situation of deviance arises that is exaggerated and distorted by the media, police, or members of the public. It thereby comes to be defined as a general threat to the civility or moral fibre of society (Cohen, 1972). As public attention is brought to the rule breakers, more instances are discovered, dire predictions are made, and the rule breakers are rebranded as “folk devils” who endanger and disrupt society. Authorities then react by taking social control measures disproportionate to the original acts of deviance. Relatively isolated occurences of deviance get caught up in an amplification cycle. As Cohen sums up, "It is the perception of threat and not its actual existence that is important" (Cohen, 1972). [caption id="attachment_1452" align="aligncenter" width="820"] Figure 8.23 The Mods (left) and Rockers (right) were the subject of Stanley Cohen's Folk Devils and Moral Panics: The creation of the Mods and Rockers (1972). (Images courtesy of Sergio Calleja/Wikimedia Commons; and Phil Sellens/Wikimedia Commons.) CC BY-SA 2.0; CC BY 2.0[/caption] Stanley Cohen's (1972) original example of the phenomenon was the Mods and Rockers confrontations in Margate, Brighton, Clacton and Bournemouth — oceanside resort towns in England — in the 1960s. The Mods and Rockers became well known as distinctive British youth subcultures, but only after some minor incidents of scuffling and stone throwing in the streets of Clacton on Easter, 1964, were blown up in the national newspapers: "Day of Terror by Scooter Groups" (Daily Telegraph), ‘Youngsters Beat Up Town – 97 Leather Jacket Arrests’ (Daily Express), "Wild Ones Invade Seaside – 97 Arrests" (Daily Mirror) (Cohen, 1972). The publicity set the scene for further confrontations between the groups in seaside towns throughout the summer, the heavy deployment of combined police forces, the extension of police powers, calls for banning Mod/Rocker clothing and long hair, and demands for the Home Secretary to hold an inquiry and take firm action. Like subsequent examples of moral panic in Canada over gang violence, unemployed male youth, paedophilia, "nasty girls," high school shootings, satanism, and date rape drugs, etc. (O'Grady, 2014), the Mods and Rockers became visible social types that stood as symbols of social degeneration and of moral boundaries that should not be crossed. In particular, they amplified the public's ambivalent feelings about Britain in the 1960s becoming an ‘affluent society’ and focused them onto young people who were seen to be rejecting adult ideals: "the response was as much to what they stood for as what they did" (Cohen 1972). Panics happen in part because they fulfill a function of reaffirming society’s moral values. In addition to the media, one way in which certain activities or people come to be understood and defined as deviant is through the intervention of moral entrepreneurs. Howard Becker defined moral entrepreneurs as individuals or groups who, in the service of their own interests, publicize and problematize “wrongdoing” and have the power to create and enforce rules to penalize wrongdoing (1963). Judge Emily Murphy, commonly known today as one of the Famous Five feminist suffragists who fought to have women legally recognized as “persons” (and thereby qualified to hold a position in the Canadian Senate), was also a moral entrepreneur instrumental in changing Canada’s drug laws. In 1922 she wrote The Black Candle, in which she raised alarms about the use of cannabis (as well as Chinese opium dens, white slavery, Black train porters selling drugs and pornography, etc.):

[Cannabis] has the effect of driving the [user] completely insane. The addict loses all sense of moral responsibility. Addicts to this drug, while under its influence, are immune to pain, and could be severely injured without having any realization of their condition. While in this condition they become raving maniacs and are liable to kill or indulge in any form of violence to other persons, using the most savage methods of cruelty without, as said before, any sense of moral responsibility…. They are dispossessed of their natural and normal will power, and their mentality is that of idiots. If this drug is indulged in to any great extent, it ends in the untimely death of its addict (Murphy, 1922).

[caption id="attachment_1415" align="alignright" width="206"] Figure 8.24 Reefer Madness was a 1936 American anti-Cannabis propaganda film, part of a successful "moral enterprise" to define cannabis use as a moral threat to society. (Image from Motion Picture Ventures.) Public Domain[/caption] In his analysis of the Marijuana Tax Act in the United States, Becker (1963) shows how moral entrepreneurs like Emily Murphy play an instrumental role in generating public concern about a particular condition, mounting a "symbolic crusade" aided by publicity and the actions of supporting interest groups, and producing a moral enterprise: "the creation of a new fragment of the moral constitution of society." Creating moral panic is one tactic used by moral entrepreneurs to make activities, like marijuana use, seem deviant and in need of social control. The framework for the moral crisis might change through time however. For example, in 2012 the implementation of mandatory minimum sentences for the cultivation of marijuana was framed in the Safe Streets and Communities legislation as a response to the infiltration of organized crime into Canada. For years newspapers uncritically published police messaging on grow-ops and the marijuana trade that characterized the activities as widespread, gang-related, and linked to the cross-border trade in guns and more serious drugs like heroin and cocaine. Television news coverage often showed police in white, disposable hazardous-waste outfits removing marijuana plants from suburban houses, and presented exaggerated estimates of the street value of the drugs. However a Justice Department study in 2011 revealed that out of a random sample of 500 grow-ops, only 5 per cent had connections to organized crime. Moreover, an RCMP-funded study from 2005 noted that “firearms or other hazards” were found in only 6 per cent of grow-op cases examined (Boyd & Carter, 2014). While 76 per cent of Canadians at the time believed that cannabis should be legally available (Stockwell et al., 2006), and several jurisdictions (Washington and Colorado states, and Uruguay) had already legalized cannabis, the Safe Streets and Communities Act appeared to be an attempt to reinvigorate the punitive messaging of the "war on drugs" based on disinformation and moral panic around marijuana use and cultivation.

Conclusions

One of the principle outcomes of these sociological insights is that a focus on the social construction of different social experiences and problems leads to alternative ways of understanding them and responding to them. In the study of crime and deviance, the sociologist often confronts a legacy of entrenched beliefs concerning either the innate biological disposition or the individual psychopathology of persons considered abnormal: the criminal personality, the sexual or gender “deviant,” the "bad seed," the addict, or the mentally unstable individual. However, as Ian Hacking observed, even when these beliefs about "kinds of persons" are products of objective scientific classification, the institutional context of science and expert knowledge is not independent of societal norms, beliefs, and practices (2006). The process of classifying kinds of people is a social process that Hacking called “making up people” (2006) and Howard Becker called “labeling” (1963). Crime and deviance are social constructs that vary according to the definitions of crime, the forms and effectiveness of policing, the social characteristics of criminals, and the relations of power that structure society. Part of the problem of deviance is that the social process of labeling some kinds of persons or activities as abnormal or deviant limits the type of social responses available. The major issue is not that labels are arbitrary, nor that it is possible not to use labels at all, but that the choice of label has consequences. Who gets labelled by whom and the way social labels are applied have powerful social repercussions. Therefore, it is necessary to use the sociological imagination to address crime and deviance both at the individual and social levels. With a deeper understanding of the social factors that produce crime and deviance, it becomes possible to develop a set of strategies that might more effectively encourage individuals to change direction when their acts are harmful to others, to society and to themselves. The sociological study of crime, deviance, and social control is especially important with respect to public policy debates. The political controversies that surround the question of how best to respond to crime are difficult to resolve at the level of political rhetoric. Often, in the news and public discourse, the issue is framed in moral terms; therefore, for example, the policy alternatives get narrowed to the option of either being “tough” on crime or “soft” on crime. Tough and soft are moral categories that reflect a moral characterization of the issue. A question framed by these types of moral categories cannot be resolved by using evidence-based procedures. Posing the debate in these terms narrows the range of options available and undermines the ability to raise questions about which responses to crime actually work. In fact policy debates over crime seem especially susceptible to the various forms of specious reasoning described in Chapter 2. Sociological Research ("Science vs. Non-Science"). The story of the isolated individual whose specific crime becomes the basis for the belief that the criminal justice system as a whole has failed illustrates several qualities of unscientific thinking: knowledge based on casual observation, knowledge based on overgeneralization, and knowledge based on selective evidence. Moral categories of judgement pose the problem in terms that are unfalsifiable and non-scientific. The sociological approach is essentially different. It focuses on the effectiveness of different social control strategies for addressing different types of criminal behaviour and the different types of risk to public safety. Thus, from a sociological point of view, it is crucial to think systematically about who commits crimes and why. It is also crucial to look at the big picture to see why certain acts are considered normal and others deviant, or why certain acts are criminal and others are not. In a society characterized by large inequalities of power and wealth, as well as large inequalities in arrest and incarceration, an important social justice question needs to be examined regarding who gets to define whom as criminal or deviant. This chapter has illustrated the sociological imagination at work by examining the “individual troubles” of criminal behaviour and victimization within the social structures that sustain them. In this regard, sociology is able to advocate policy options that are neither hard nor soft, but evidence-based and systematic.

Media Attributions

Figure 8.22 Cover scan of a Famous Crimes by Unknown at Fox Features Syndicate, via Wikimedia Commons, is in the public domain.
Figure 8.23a Mods a bordo di Lambretta 175 TV 3ª serie del 1962, ampiamente modificata by Sergio Calleja, via Wikimedia Commons, is used under a CC BY-SA 2.0 licence.
Figure 8.23b Mods and Rockers, Hastings by Phil Sellens is used under a CC BY 2.0 licence.
Figure 8.24 Reefer Madness by Motion Picture Ventures, via Wikimedia Commons, is in the public domain.

Chapter 8 Resources and Activities

hfriedman — Thu, 10 Aug 2023 22:38:26 +0000

Key Terms

Aboriginal sentencing circles: The involvement of Indigenous communities in the sentencing of Indigenous offenders. community-based sentencing: Offenders serve a conditional sentence in the community, usually by performing some sort of community service. compensatory social control: A means of social control that obliges an offender to pay a victim to compensate for a harm committed. conciliatory social control: A means of social control that reconciles the parties of a dispute and mutually restores harmony to a social relationship that has been damaged. consensus crimes: Serious acts of deviance about which there is near-unanimous public agreement. conflict crimes: Acts of deviance that may be illegal but about which there is considerable public disagreement concerning their seriousness. confrontational tension/fear barrier: A threshold that needs to be crossed for violence to take place in face to face conflicts. control theory: A theory that states social control is directly affected by the strength of social bonds and that deviance results from a feeling of disconnection from society. corporate crime: Crime committed by white-collar workers in a business environment. corrections system: The system tasked with supervising individuals who have been arrested, convicted, or sentenced for criminal offences. court: A system that has the authority to make decisions about criminal responsibility and sentencing based on law. crime: A behaviour that violates official law and is punishable through formal sanctions. crimes of accommodation: Crimes committed as ways in which individuals cope with conditions of oppression and inequality. criminal justice system: An organization that exists to enforce a legal code. deviance: A violation of contextual, cultural, or social norms. differential association theory: A theory that states individuals learn deviant behaviour from those close to them. disciplinary social control: Detailed continuous training, control, observation, correction and rehabilitation of individuals to improve their capabilities. doubly deviant: Women (or other categories of individual) who break both laws and gender (or other) norms. examination: The use of tests by authorities to assess, document, and know individuals. folkways: Norms based on everyday cultural customs like etiquette. formal sanctions: Penalties for rule breaking that are officially recognized and enforced. government: Practices by which individuals or organizations seek to govern the behaviour of others or themselves. hate crimes: Attacks based on prejudice against a person’s or group's race, religion, sexuality or other characteristics. informal sanctions: Penalties for rule breaking that occur in face-to-face interactions. labelling theory: The ascribing of a deviant identity to another person by members of society. law: Norms that are specified in explicit codes and enforced by government bodies. legal codes: Codes that maintain formal social control through laws. looping effect: The interaction between scientific classifications and targeted “kinds of people,” which influences the behaviour of the people thus classified. master status: A label that describes the chief characteristic of an individual. moral entrepreneur: An individual or group who, in the service of its own interests, publicizes and problematizes “wrongdoing” and has the power to promote, influence, create or enforce rules to penalize wrongdoing. moral panic: An expanding cycle of deviance, media-generated public fears, and police reaction. mores: Serious moral injunctions or taboos that are broadly recognized in a society. negative sanctions: Punishments for violating norms. new penology: Strategies of social control that identify, classify, and manage groupings of offenders by the degree of risk they represent to the general public. nonviolent crimes: Crimes that involve the destruction or theft of property, but do not use force or the threat of force. normalization: The process by which norms are used to differentiate, rank, and correct individual behaviour. normalizing society: A society that uses continual observation, discipline, and correction of its subjects to exercise social control. overrepresentation: The difference between the proportion of an identifiable group in a particular institution (like the correctional system) and their proportion in the general population. panopticon: Institutional architecture that renders subjects visible to a centralized authority; Jeremy Betham's model for the ideal prison. penal social control: A means of social control that prohibits certain social behaviours and responds to violations with punishment. penal-welfare complex: The network of institutions that create and exclude inter-generational, criminalized populations on a semi-permanent basis. police: A civil force in charge of regulating laws and public order at a federal, provincial, or community level. positive sanctions: Rewards given for conforming to norms. primary deviance: A violation of norms that does not result in any long-term effects on the individual’s self-image or interactions with others. psychopathy: A personality disorder characterized by anti-social behaviour, diminished empathy, and lack of inhibitions. racial profiling: The singling out of a particular racial group for extra policing. recidivism: The tendency of offenders to reoffend. restorative justice conferencing: A technique of conciliatory social control which focuses on establishing a direct, face-to-face connection between the offender and the victim. risk management: (1) Interventions designed to reduce the likelihood of undesirable events occurring based on an assessment of probabilities of risk. (2) As a means of social control, the strategies to restructure the environment or context of problematic behaviour in order to minimize the risks to the general population. sanctions: A means of enforcing rules through either rewards o punishments. secondary deviance: A change in a person’s self-concept and behaviour after their actions are labelled as deviant by members of society. secondary victimization: After an initial victimization, secondary victimization is incurred through criminal justice processes. self-fulfilling prophecy: The act of labeling someone as criminal or deviant creates barriers and impediments that make it difficult for them to pass or survive in legitimate society. The label causes itself to become true. self-report study: Collection of data acquired using voluntary response methods, such as questionnaires or telephone interviews. situational crime control: Strategies of social control that redesign spaces where crimes or deviance could occur to minimize the risk of crimes occurring there. social control: The regulation and enforcement of norms. social deviations: Departures from normal behaviour that are not illegal but are widely regarded as harmful. social disorganization theory: Theory that asserts crime occurs in communities with weak social ties and the absence of social control. social diversions: Acts that violate social norms but are generally regarded as harmless. social order: An arrangement of regular, predictable practices and behaviours on which society’s members base their daily lives and expectations. sociopathy: A personality disorder characterized by anti-social behaviour, diminished empathy, and lack of inhibitions. strain theory: A theory that addresses the conflictual relationship between having socially acceptable goals while lacking socially acceptable means to reach those goals. street crime: Crime committed by average people against other people or organizations, usually in public spaces. surveillance: Various means used to make the lives and activities of individuals visible to authorities. therapeutic social control: A means of social control that uses therapy to return individuals to a normal state. traditional Aboriginal justice: A system of justice centred on healing and building or re-establishing community rather than retribution and punishment. twin myths of rape: The notion that women lie about sexual assault out of malice toward men and women will say “no” to sexual relations when they really mean “yes”. victimless crime: Activities against the law that do not result in injury to any individual other than the person who engages in them. violent crimes: Crimes based on the use of force or the threat of force against a person or persons. white-collar crime: Crimes committed by high status or privileged members of society. zones of transition: Areas within the city characterized by high levels of migration, social diversity, and social change.

Section Summary

8.1 Deviance and Control Deviance is a violation of norms. Whether or not something is deviant depends on contextual definitions, the situation, and people’s response to the behaviour. Authorities seek to limit deviance through the use of sanctions and strategies of disciplinary correction or risk management that help maintain a system of social control. 8.2 Theoretical Perspectives on Deviance The three major sociological paradigms offer different explanations for the motivation behind deviance and crime. Positivist explanations develop predictions of criminal or deviant behaviour based individuals' social background variables. Durkheim’s functionalist theory, social disorganization theory, control theory and strain theory are examples of positivist theories. Critical sociologists argue that crime stems from a system of inequality that keeps those with power at the top and those without power at the bottom. Feminist sociologists emphasize that gender inequalities play an important role in determining what types of acts are actually regarded as criminal. Symbolic interactionists focus attention on the socially constructed nature of the labels related to deviance. Crime and deviance are learned from the environment and enforced or discouraged by close contacts and situational processes or variables. 8.3 Crime and the Law Crime is established by legal codes and upheld by the criminal justice system. Although crime rates increased throughout most of the 20th century, they have been dropping since their peak in 1991 because of changes in demographics, employment and policing strategies. The corrections system is the dominant system of criminal punishment but a number of community-based sentencing models offer alternatives that promise more effective outcomes in terms of recidivism. 8.4 Public Policy Debates on Crime Public policy on crime is affected by interest groups, moral entrepreneurs, political actors, media representations, and cycles of moral panic. Sociology can contribute to public policy by providing a basis for evidence based decision making.

Questions

Quiz: Deviance, Crime and Social Control

8.1 Deviance and Control

Which of the following best describes how deviance is defined?
1. Deviance is defined by federal, provincial, and local laws.
2. Deviance is defined by moral philosophy and religious texts.
3. Deviance is defined by acts that cause another harm.
4. Deviance is defined by historical social processes.
In 1946, Viola Desmond was arrested for refusing to sit in the blacks-only section of the cinema in Nova Scotia. This is an example of .
1. A consensus crime.
2. A conflict crime.
3. A social deviation.
4. A social diversion.
A student has a habit of texting during class. One day, the professor stops their lecture and asks the student to respect the other students in the class by turning off their phone. In this situation, the professor used to maintain social control.
1. Informal positive sanctions
2. Formal negative sanction
3. Informal negative sanctions
4. Reintegrative shaming
Public health measures practice risk management to .
1. Increase capacities and skills.
2. Reduce harms.
3. Exercize surveillance.
4. Fulfill prophecies.
School discipline obliges students to sit in rows and listen to lessons quietly in order for them to learn. This strategy of education demonstrates .
1. Compensatory social control.
2. A manifest function.
3. Production of docility.
4. Positive sanctions.

8.2 Theoretical Perspectives on Deviance

A student wakes up late and realizes their sociology exam starts in five minutes. They jump into their car and speeds down the road, where they are pulled over by a police officer. The student explains that they are running late, and the officer lets them off with a warning. The student’s actions are an example of .
1. Primary deviance.
2. Driving while white.
3. Secondary deviance.
4. Master deviance.
According to critical sociology, which of the following people is most likely to commit a crime of accommodation?
1. A student struggling to get better grades
2. An addict who sees a handful of loonies in an unlocked car
3. A professor who is tempted to publish someone else’s work as his own
4. A mechanic who dislikes a customer
According to social disorganization theory, where is crime most likely to occur?
1. A transient community where neighbours do not know each other very well
2. A neighbourhood with poor urban planning
3. In unpatrolled streets or public spaces
4. A class society with individuals who are under strain to be very competitive
Symbolic interactionists argue that crime is linked primarily to .
1. Power relationships.
2. Master status.
3. Rejection of family values.
4. Symbolic gestures of protest or disaffiliation.
According to the concept of crimes of domination, why would a celebrity film producer such as Harvey Weinstein commit a crime?
1. His parents committed similar crimes
2. His power protects him from retribution
3. His power disconnects him from society
4. He is challenging socially accepted norms
A convicted sexual offender is released on parole and arrested two weeks later for repeated sexual crimes. How would labelling theory explain this?
1. The offender has been labelled deviant by society and has accepted this master status
2. The offender has returned to his old neighbourhood and so re-established his former habits
3. The offender has lost the social bonds he made in prison and feels disconnected from society
4. The offender is poor and coping with conditions of oppression and inequality
According to micro-sociology, violence is difficult in practice because .
1. A culture of violence does not actually exist in face-to-face encounters.
2. People are fearful of getting hurt.
3. Violence breaks social norms.
4. Violence has an emotional basis.

8.3 Crime and the Law

Which of the following is an example of corporate crime?
1. Embezzlement
2. Larceny
3. Exploitation
4. Burglary
Spousal abuse is an example of a .
1. Street crime.
2. Crime of domination.
3. Violent crime.
4. Conflict crime.
Which of the following situations best describes crime trends in Canada?
1. Rates of violent and nonviolent crimes were decreasing until 2014 and then increased.
2. Rates of violent crimes are decreasing, but there are more nonviolent crimes now than ever before.
3. Crime rates have been increasing since the 1970s but since 2014 have slightly decreased.
4. Rates of street crime have gone up, but corporate crime has gone down.
What is a disadvantage of crime victimization surveys?
1. They do not take into account the personal circumstances of the criminals.
2. They may be unable to reach important groups, such as those without phones.
3. They do not address the relationship between the criminal and the victim.
4. They only include information not reported to police officers.

8.4 Public Policy Debates on Crime

A moral panic is .
1. A stampede of ethicists to the lunch counter between conference sessions.
2. Anxiety based on existential threats like climate change and system collapse.
3. Anxiety based statistical crime rates.
4. Anxiety based on the actions of folk devils.
People are likely to have distorted views of actual levels of crime or threat to personal safety because of .
1. Moral entrepreneurs.
2. Moral enterprises.
3. Chaos news.
4. All of the above.

[Quiz answers at end of chapter]

Short Answer

8.1 Deviance and Control

Since deviance is culturally defined, most of the decisions people make are dependent on the reactions of others. During the COVID-19 pandemic was wearing a mask or getting a vaccine encouraged or discouraged in your milieu? Would defying the attitudes of your milieu be an example of "consensus" or "conflict" deviance? What were the repercussions for yourself or others of defying the prevailing attitudes of your milieu on this issue?
Deaths from intravenous drug use from a poisoned drug supply is regarded as a crisis in many communities. What do you think the best response to this issue is? Which type of social control strategy does your choice of response best match: sanction, discipline or risk management?

8.2 Theoretical Perspectives on Deviance

Pick a famous politician, business leader, or celebrity who has been arrested recently. What crime did they allegedly commit? Who was the victim? Explain their actions from the point of view of one of the major sociological paradigms. What factors best explain how this person might be punished if convicted of the crime?
Discuss the merits of positivist, critical sociology and interpretive sociology to violent crime.

8.3 Crime and the Law

What are the three different types of statistic used to measure crime rates in Canada? What are the merits and limitations of each of them?
Could you imagine abolishing the prison sysem? Why or why not? Would any of the alternatives to prison be an effective replacement? Why or why not?

8.4 Public Policy Debates on Crime

Recall the crime statistics presented earlier in this chapter. Do they surprise you given the way crime is reported in the media? Or do you find the media generally accurate? Why does the public perceive that crime rates are increasing and believe that punishment should be stricter when actual crime rates are much lower than they were in 1991?
The media's focus on different types of crime topic or criminal waxes and wanes over time. Think about a recent media focus or one that you were aware of in your lifetime. Does it conform to the model of a moral panic? Why/why not?

Further Research

8.1 Deviance and Control Although people rarely think of it in this way, deviance can have a positive effect on society. Check out the Positive Deviance Initiative, a program initiated by Tufts University to promote social movements around the world that strive to improve people’s lives. 8.2 Theoretical Perspectives on Deviance The Vancouver safe injection site is a controversial strategy to address the public health concerns associated with intravenous drug use. Read about the perspectives that promote and critique the safe injection site model at the following websites. Can you determine how the positions expressed by the different sides of the issue fit within the different sociological perspectives on deviance? What is the best way to deal with the problems of addiction?

8.3 Crime and the Law How is crime data collected in Canada? Read about the victimization survey used by Statistics Canada: http://www23.statcan.gc.ca/imdb/p2SV.pl?Function=getSurvey&SDDS=4504.

References

8.0 Introduction to Deviance, Crime, and Social Control Fallon, J. (2013). The psychopath inside: A neuroscientist's personal journey into the dark side of the brain. Current. Hacking, I. (2006, August 16/17). Making up people. London Review of Books, 28(16), 23-26. https://www.lrb.co.uk/the-paper/v28/n16/ian-hacking/making-up-people Hare, R. D. (1999). Without conscience: The disturbing world of the psychopaths among us. Guilford Press. Rimke, H. (2011). The pathological approach to crime. In Kirstin Kramar (Ed.), Criminology: critical Canadian perspectives (pp. 79–92). Pearson. 8.1 Deviance and Control Becker, H. (1963). Outsiders: Studies in the sociology of deviance. Free Press. Black, D. (1976). The behavior of law. Academic Press. Feely, M., & Simon, J. (1992). The new penology: Notes on the emerging strategy of corrections and its implications. Criminology, 30(4), 449–474. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1745-9125.1992.tb01112.x Foucault, M. (1979). Discipline and punish: The birth of the prison. Vintage Books. Foucault, M. (1980). The history of sexuality volume 1: An introduction. Vintage Books. Foucault, M. (2007). The politics of truth. Semiotext(e). Garland, D. (1996). The limits of the sovereign state: Strategies of crime control in contemporary society. British Journal of Criminology, 36(4), 445–471. https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.bjc.a014105 Hagen, J. (1994). Crime and disrepute. Pine Forge Press. Innes, M. (2003). Understanding social control: Deviance, crime and social order. Open University Press. McDonough, J. (2002). Shakey: Neil Young's biography. Random House. O'Malley, P. (1998). Consuming risks: Harm minimization and the government of 'drug-users.' In Russell Smandych (Ed.), Governable places: Readings on governmentality and crime control. Ashgate. Schoepflin, T. (2011, January 28). Deviant while driving? [Blog post]. 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Angus Reid Institute. (2020, Jan. 10). Half of Canadians say crime is rising in their communities, as confidence in police, courts wanes. Angus Reid Institute. https://angusreid.org/justice-system-confidence-2020/

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Edmiston, J. (2012, August 4). Canada’s inexplicable anxiety over violent crime. National Post. http://news.nationalpost.com/2012/08/04/canadas-inexplicable-anxiety-over-violent-crime/

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8.4 Public Policy Debates on Crime

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Solutions to Quiz: Deviance, Crime and Social Control

1 D, | 2 B, | 3 A, | 4 B, | 5 C, | 6 A, | 7 B, | 8 A, | 9 D, | 10 B, | 11 A, | 12 C, | 13 A, | 14 C, | 15 A, | 16 B, | 17 D, | 18 D, [Return to Quiz]

9.1. What Is Social Inequality?

hfriedman — Mon, 14 Aug 2023 15:59:47 +0000

[caption id="attachment_2347" align="alignright" width="400"] Figure 9.3 People in the upper echelons of class society make the decisions, exercise power and earn the most money. (Photo courtesy of Alex Proimos/Flickr.) CC BY-NC 2.0[/caption] Sociologists use the term social inequality to describe the unequal distribution of valued resources, rewards, and social positions in a society. Key to the concept are the notions of social differentiation and social stratification. The question for sociologists is: how are systems of stratification formed? What is the basis of systematic social inequality in society? Social differentiation refers to the social characteristics — social differences, identities, and roles — used to differentiate people and divide them into different categories, such as race, gender, age, class, occupation, and education. These social categories have implications for social inequality. Social differentiation by itself does not necessarily imply a division of individuals into a hierarchy of rank, privilege, and power. However, when a social category like class, occupation, gender, or race puts people in a position where they can claim a greater share of resources or rewards, then social differentiation becomes the basis of social inequality. The term social stratification refers to an institutionalized system of social inequality. It refers to a situation in which social inequality has solidified into an ongoing system that determines and reinforces who gets what, when, and why. Social differentiation based on different characteristics becomes the basis for social inequality. Students may remember the word “stratification” from geology class. The distinct horizontal layers found in rock, called "strata," are a good way to visualize social structure. Society’s layers are made of people, and society’s resources are distributed unevenly throughout the layers. The people with the most resources represent the top layer of the social structure of stratification. Other groups of people, with progressively fewer and fewer resources, represent the lower layers of society. Social stratification assigns people to socio-economic strata based on a process of social differentiation — "these type of people go here, and those type of people go there." The outcome is differences in wealth, income and power. Again, the question for sociologists is how systems of stratification are formed. What is the basis of systematic social inequality in society?

Equality of Condition and Equality of Opportunity

[caption id="attachment_203" align="alignleft" width="300"] Figure 9.4 Strata in the badlands illustrate social stratification. People are sorted, or layered, into social categories. Many factors determine a person’s social standing, such as income, education, occupation, age, race, gender, and physical abilities. (Photo courtesy of Just a Prairie Boy/Flickr.) CC BY 2.0[/caption] In Canada, the dominant ideological presumption about social inequality is that everyone has an equal chance at success. This is the belief in equality of opportunity, which can be contrasted with the concept of equality of condition. Equality of opportunity is the idea that everyone has an equal possibility of becoming successful. It exists when people have the same chance to pursue economic or social rewards. This is often seen as a function of equal access to education, meritocracy (where individual merit determines social standing), and formal or informal measures to eliminate social discrimination. Equality of condition is the situation in which everyone in a society has a similar actual level of wealth, status, and power. Although degrees of equality of condition vary markedly in modern societies, it is clear that even the most egalitarian societies today have considerable degrees of inequality of condition. Ultimately, equality of opportunity means that inequalities of condition are not so great that they greatly hamper a person’s opportunities or life chances. Whether Canada is a society characterized by equality of opportunity, or not, is a subject of considerable sociological debate. To a certain extent, Ted Rogers’ story illustrates the idea of equality of opportunity. His personal narrative is one in which hard work and talent — not inherent privilege, birthright, prejudicial treatment, or societal values — determined his social rank. This emphasis on individual effort is based on the belief that people individually control where they end up in the social hierarchy, which is a key piece in the idea of equality of opportunity. Most people connect inequalities of wealth, status, and power to the individual characteristics of those who succeed or fail. The story of the Aboriginal gang members, although it is also a story of personal choices, casts that belief into doubt. It is clear that the type of choices available to the Aboriginal gang members are of a different range and quality than those available to the Rogers family. The available choices and opportunities are a product of habitus and location within the system of social stratification. While there are always inequalities between individuals in terms of talent, skill, drive, chance, and so on, sociologists are interested in larger social patterns. Social inequality is not about individual qualities and differences, but about systematic inequalities based on group membership, class, gender, ethnicity, and other variables that structure access to rewards and status. In other words, sociologists are interested in examining the structural conditions of social inequality. There are of course differences in individuals’ abilities and talents that will affect their life chances. The larger question, however, is how inequality becomes systematically structured in economic, social, and political life. In terms of individual ability: Who gets the opportunities to develop their abilities and talents, and who does not? Where does "ability" or "talent" come from? As Canadians live in a society that emphasizes the individual (individual effort, individual morality, individual choice, individual responsibility, individual talent, etc.) it is often difficult to see the way in which life chances are socially structured.

Wealth, Income, Power and Status

[caption id="attachment_2349" align="alignright" width="400"] Figure 9.5 The people who live in these houses likely share similar income levels and education. Neighbourhoods often house people of the same social standing. Typically, wealthy families do not live next door to poorer families, though this may vary depending on the particular city and country. (Photo courtesy of Orin Zebest/Flickr.) CC BY 2.0[/caption] Factors that define the layers of stratification vary in different societies. In most modern societies, stratification is indicated by differences in wealth, the net value of money and assets a person has, and income, a person’s wages, salary, or investment dividends. It can also be defined by differences in power (e.g., how many people a person must take orders from versus how many people a person can give orders to, or how many people are affected by one's orders) and status (the degree of honour or prestige one has in the eyes of others). These four factors create a complex amalgam that defines an individual's social standing within a hierarchy. Usually the four factors coincide, as in the case of corporate CEOs, like Ted Rogers, at the top of the hierarchy — wealthy, powerful, and prestigious — and the Aboriginal offenders at the bottom — poor, powerless, and abject. Sociologists use the term status consistency to describe the consistency of an individual’s rank across these factors. Students can also think of someone like the Canadian Prime Minister — who ranks high in power, but with a salary of approximately $320,000 — earns much less than comparable executives in the private sector (albeit eight times the average Canadian salary). The Prime Minister's status or prestige also rises and falls with the fluctuations of politics and public opinion. The Nam-Boyd scale of status, based on education and income, ranks politicians (legislators) at 66/100, the same status as cable TV technicians (Boyd, 2008). There is status inconsistency in the prime minister’s position. Teachers often have high levels of education, which give them high status (92/100 according to the Nam-Boyd scale), but they receive relatively low pay. Many believe that teaching is a noble profession, so teachers should do their jobs for the love of their profession and the good of their students, not for money. Yet no successful executive or entrepreneur would embrace that attitude in the business world, where profits are valued as a driving force. Cultural attitudes and beliefs like these support and perpetuate social inequalities.

Systems of Stratification

Sociologists distinguish between two types of stratification systems. Closed systems accommodate little change in social position. They do not allow people to shift levels and do not permit social relations between levels. Open systems, which are based on achievement, allow movement and interaction between layers and classes. The different systems also produce and foster different cultural values, like the values of loyalty and traditions versus the values of innovation and individualism. The difference in stratification systems can be examined by the comparison between class systems and caste systems.

The Caste System

[caption id="attachment_2534" align="alignleft" width="300"] Figure 9.6 India used to have a rigid caste system. The people in the lowest caste suffered from extreme poverty and were shunned by society. Some aspects of India’s defunct caste system remain socially relevant. The Indian woman in this photo is of a specific Hindu caste. (Photo courtesy of PxHere.) CC0 Public Domain[/caption] Caste systems are closed stratification systems in which people can do little or nothing to change their social standing. A caste system is one in which people are born into their social standing and remain in it their whole lives. It is based on fixed or rigid status distinctions, rather than economic classes per se. As noted above, status is defined by the level of honour or prestige one receives by virtue of membership in a group. Sociologists make a distinction between ascribed status: a status one receives by virtue of being born into a category or group (e.g., caste, hereditary position, gender, race, ethnicity, etc.), and achieved status: a status one receives through individual effort or merits (e.g., occupation, educational level, moral character, etc.). Caste systems are based on a hierarchy of ascribed statuses, because people are born into fixed caste groups. A person's occupation and opportunity for education follow from their caste position. In a caste system, people are assigned roles regardless of their individual talents, interests, or potential. Marriage is endogamous (from endo- ‘within’ and Greek gamos ‘marriage’) which means marriage between castes is forbidden, whereas exogamous marriage is a marriage union between people from different social groups. There are virtually no opportunities to improve one’s social position. Instead, the relationship between castes is bound by institutionalized rules, and highly ritualistic procedures come into play when people from different castes come into contact. People value traditions and often devote considerable time to perfecting the details of ritualistic procedures. The feudal systems of Europe and Japan can, in some ways, be seen as caste systems in that the statuses of positions in the social stratification systems were fixed, and there was little or no opportunity for movement through marriage or economic opportunities. In Europe, the feudal estate system divided the population into clergy (first estate), nobility (second estate), and commoners (third estate), which included artisans, merchants, and peasants. In early European feudalism, it was still possible for a peasant or a warrior to achieve a high position in the clergy or nobility, but later the divisions became more rigid. In Japan, between 1603 and 1867, the mibunsei system divided society into five rigid strata in which social standing was inherited. At the top was the Emperor, then court nobles (kuge), military commander-in-chief (shogun), and land-owning lords (daimyo). Beneath them were four classes or castes: the military nobility (samurai), peasants, craftsmen, and merchants. The merchants were considered the lowest class because they did not produce anything with their own hands. There was also an outcast or untouchable caste known as the burakumin, who were considered impure or defiled because of their association with death: executioners, undertakers, slaughterhouse workers, tanners, and butchers (Kerbo, 2006). The caste system in India from 4,000 years ago until the 20th century probably best typifies the system of stratification. In the Hindu caste tradition, people were expected to work in the occupation of their caste and enter into marriage according to their caste. Originally there were four castes: Brahmans (priests), Kshatriyas (military), Vaisyas (merchants), and Sudras (artisans, farmers). There were also the Dalits or Harijans ("untouchables"). Hindu scripture said, “In order to preserve the universe, Brahma (the Supreme) caused the Brahmin to proceed from his mouth, the Kshatriya to proceed from his arm, the Vaishya to proceed from his thigh, and the Shudra to proceed from his foot” (Kashmeri, 1990). Accepting this social standing was considered a moral duty. Cultural values and economic restrictions reinforced the system. Caste systems promote beliefs in fate, destiny, and the will of a higher power, rather than promoting individual freedom as a value. A person who lives in a caste society is socialized to accept their social standing, and this is reinforced by the society's dominant norms and values. Although the caste system in India has been officially dismantled, its residual presence in Indian society is deeply embedded. In rural areas, aspects of the tradition are more likely to remain, while urban centres show less evidence of this past. In India’s larger cities, people now have opportunities to choose their own career paths and marriage partners. As a global centre of employment, corporations have introduced merit-based hiring and employment to the nation. The caste system has been largely replaced by a class system of structured inequality. Nevertheless, Dalits continue to experience violence and discrimination in hiring or obtaining business loans (Jodhka, 2018).

The Class System

A class system is based on both socio-economic factors and individual achievement. It is at least a partially open system. A class consists of a set of people who have the same relationship to the means of production or productive property — that is, to the things used to produce the goods and services needed for survival, such as tools, technologies, resources, land, workplaces, etc. In Karl Marx’s (1848) analysis, class systems form around the institution of private property, dividing those who own or control productive property from those who do not, who survive on the basis of selling their labour. In capitalist societies, for example, the dominant classes are the capitalist class and the working class. In a class system, social inequality is structural, meaning it is built into the organization of the economy. The relationship to the means of production (i.e., ownership/non-ownership) defines a persistent, objective pattern of social relationships that exists independently of individuals’ personal or voluntary choices and motives. Unlike caste systems, however, class systems are open in the sense that individuals are able to change class position. Individuals are at least formally free to gain a different level of education or occupation than their parents. They can move up and down within the stratification system. They can also socialize with and marry members of other classes, allowing people to move from one class to another. In other words, individuals can move up and down the class hierarchy, even while the class categories and the class hierarchy itself remain relatively stable. It is not impossible for individuals to pass back and forth between classes through social mobility, but the class structure itself remains intact, structuring people's lives, privileges, wealth, and social possibilities. In a class system, one’s occupation is not fixed at birth. Though family background tends to predict where one ends up in the stratification system, personal factors play a role. For example, Ted Rogers Jr. chose a career in media like his father but managed to move upward from a position of modest wealth and privilege in the petite bourgeoisie, to being the fifth-wealthiest bourgeois in the country. On the other hand, his father Ted Sr. chose a career in radio based on individual interests that differed from his own father’s. Ted Sr.’s father, Albert Rogers, held a position as a director of Imperial Oil. Ted Sr. therefore moved downward from the class of the bourgeoisie to the class of the petite bourgeoisie.

Making Connections: Case Study

The Commoner Who Could Be Queen

[caption id="attachment_2537" align="aligncenter" width="600"] Figure 9.7 Prince William, Duke of Cambridge, who is in line to be King of England, married Catherine Middleton, a so-called commoner, meaning she does not have royal ancestry. (Photo courtesy of Gerard Stolk/Flickr.) CC BY-NC 2.0[/caption] On April 29, 2011, in London, England, Prince William, Duke of Cambridge, married Catherine ("Kate") Middleton, a commoner. Throughout its history, it has been rare, though not unheard of, for a member of the British royal family to marry a commoner. Kate Middleton had an upper-middle-class upbringing. Her father was a former flight dispatcher, and her mother was a former flight attendant. The family then formed a lucrative mail order business for party accessories. William was the elder son of Charles, Prince of Wales, and Diana, Princess of Wales. Kate and William met when they were both students at the University of St. Andrews in Scotland (Köhler, 2010). The rules regarding the marriage of royals trace their history to Britain’s formal feudal monarchy, which arose with William of Normandy’s conquest in 1066. Feudal social hierarchy was originally based on landholding. The monarch's family (royalty) was at the top, vassals, nobles and knights (landholders) below the king, and commoners or serfs on the bottom. This was generally a closed system, with people born into positions of nobility or serfdom. Wealth was passed from generation to generation through primogeniture, a law stating that all property was to be inherited by the firstborn son. If the family had no son, the land went to the next closest male relation. Women could not inherit property, and their social standing was primarily determined through marriage. From the late feudal era onward, a royal marrying a commoner was a scandal. In 1937, the British parliament obliged Edward VIII to abdicate his succession to King of the United Kingdom, so he could marry the American divorcée, Wallis Simpson. Not only was she a commoner, but she was also divorced, which contradicted the Church of England doctrine. The rise of capitalism changed Britain’s class structure. The feudal commoner class generated both the new dominant class of the bourgeoisie or capitalists and the new subordinate class of the proletariat or wage labourers. The aristocracy and the royals continued as a class through their wealth and property, but their position in society became increasingly based on status and tradition alone. Today, the British government is a constitutional monarchy, with the prime minister and other ministers elected to their positions. The royal family’s role is largely ceremonial. The historical differences between nobility and commoners have blurred, and the modern class system in Britain is similar to Canada. Since Edward VIII's abdication in 1937, Queen Elizabeth II's sister and several of her children and grandchildren have married commoners. Today, the royal family still commands wealth, power, and a great deal of attention. In 2017, Forbes estimated the total wealth of the royal family to be $88 billion (Rodriguez, 2017). Since Queen Elizabeth II passed away in September 2022, Prince Charles has ascended the throne as king. His wife Camille Parker-Bowles, also a commoner and divorcée, is expected to become "Princess Consort." If Charles had abdicated (chosen not to become king) or died, the position would go to Prince William. If that happened, Kate Middleton would be called Queen Catherine and hold the position of Queen Consort. She would be one of the few queens in history to have earned a university degree (Marquand, 2011). Of note here is, of course, Prince Harry, who married the commoner and divorcée Meghan Markle. Prince Harry is currently 6th in line for the British throne, after Prince William's children. If she succeeded to Queen Consort, Meghan Markle would be the first queen with African heritage. Initially there was a great deal of social pressure on Kate Middleton not only to behave as a royal, but to bear children. The royal family recently changed its succession laws to allow daughters, not just sons, to ascend the throne. Her firstborn son, Prince George, was born on July 22, 2013, so the new succession law is not likely to be tested in the near future. However, behind George is Princess Charlotte (b. 2015) and Prince Louis (b. 2018). Kate’s experience — from commoner to possible queen — demonstrates the fluidity of social class position in modern society.

Social Class

[caption id="attachment_211" align="alignleft" width="300"] Figure 9.8 The traditional working class — Miners in Nanaimo, B.C. (late 19th century). The Nanaimo coal mines were the site of a brutal two-year strike from 1912–1914 against low wages and dangerous working conditions. Source: Miners of Number One Mine, Nanaimo, at the pithead, B-03624 (Image courtesy of the Royal B.C. Museum.) Public Domain[/caption] [caption id="attachment_212" align="alignleft" width="300"] Figure 9.9 The owning class — James and Laura Dunsmuir — shown beside their Italian-style garden at their Hatley Castle residence near Victoria, B.C. (now part of Royal Roads University). James Dunsmuir was heir to his family’s coal fortune and managed the family's coal operations on Vancouver Island from 1876–1910. He was a powerful spokesman for capitalist interests and anti-union efforts in B.C. and spent two years as B.C. Premier from 1900–1902. (Image courtesy of Royal Roads University Archives.) Public Domain[/caption] Social class is both obvious and not so obvious in Canadian society. It is based on subjective impressions, outward symbols, and less visible structural determinants. Can one tell a person’s education level based on clothing? Is opening an $80 bottle of wine for dinner normal, an exceptional occasion, or an insane waste of money? Can one guess a person’s income by the car they drive? There was a time in Canada when people’s class was more visibly apparent. In some countries, like the United Kingdom, class differences can still be gauged by differences in schooling, lifestyle, and even accent. In Canada, however, it is harder to determine class from outward appearances. For sociologists, too, categorizing class is a fluid science. One debate in the discipline is between Marxist and Weberian approaches to social class (Abercrombie & Urry, 1983).

Karl Marx

Marx’s analysis emphasizes a historical materialist approach to the underlying structures of the capitalist economy. Classes are historical formations that distribute people into categories based on the organization and structure of the economy. Marx’s definition of social class rests essentially on one materialist variable: a group’s relation to the means of production (ownership or non-ownership of productive property or capital). Therefore, in Marxist class analysis, there are two dominant classes in capitalism — the working class and the owning class — and any divisions within the classes based on occupation, status, education, etc. are less important than the tendency toward increasing separation and polarization of these two classes. Marx referred to these two classes as the bourgeoisie and the proletariat. The capitalist class (bourgeoisie) lives from the proceeds of owning or controlling productive property (capital assets like factories, technology, software platforms or machinery, or capital itself in the form of investments, stocks, and bonds). The working class (proletariat) live from selling their labour to the capitalists for a wage or salary. Their interests are in conflict, as higher profits depend on lower wages, which accounts for the characteristic power dynamics, conflicts, instabilities and periodic crises of capitalist societies. In addition, he described the classes of the petite bourgeoisie (the little bourgeoisie) and the lumpenproletariat (the sub-proletariat). The petite bourgeoisie are those like small business owners, farmers, and contractors who own some property and perhaps employ a few workers, but still rely on their own labour to survive. The lumpenproletariat are the chronically unemployed or irregularly employed, who are in and out of the workforce. They are what Marx referred to as the “reserve army of labour,” a pool of potential labourers who are surplus to the needs of production at any particular time.

Max Weber

Weber defined social class slightly differently, as the life chances one shares in common with others by virtue of possession of property, goods, skills or opportunities for income (1969). Life chances refer to the ability or probability of an individual to act on opportunities and attain a certain standard of living. Owning property or capital, or not owning property or capital, is still the basic variable that defines a person’s class situation or life chances. However, class position is defined with respect to markets rather than the process of production. It is the value of one’s capital, products or skills in the commodity or labour markets at any particular time that determines whether one has greater or fewer life chances. This yields a model of class hierarchy based on multiple gradations of socio-economic status, instead of a division between two principle classes. Analyses of class inspired by Weber tend to emphasize gradations of status relating to several variables like wealth, income, education, and occupation. Class stratification is not just determined by a group’s economic position, but by the prestige of the group’s occupation, education level, consumption, and lifestyle. It is a matter of status — the level of honour or prestige one holds in the community by virtue of one's social position — as much as a matter of class. Based on the Weberian approach, some sociologists talk about upper, middle, and lower classes (with many subcategories within them) in a way that mixes status categories with class categories. These gradations are often referred to as a group's socio-economic status (SES): their social position relative to others based on income, education, and prestige of occupation. For example, although plumbers might earn more than high school teachers and have greater "life chances" in a particular economy, the status division between blue-collar work (people who “work with their hands”) and white-collar work (people who “work with their minds”) means the plumbers might be characterized as lower class but teachers as middle class. There is a randomness in the division of classes into upper, middle, and lower in the Weberian model. However, this manner of classification based on status distinctions captures something about the subjective experience of class and the shared lifestyle and consumption patterns of class that Marx’s categories often do not. An NHL hockey player receiving a salary of $6 million a year is a member of the working class, strictly speaking. He might even go on strike or get locked out according to the dynamic of capital and labour conflict described by Marx. Nevertheless, it is difficult to see what the life chances of the hockey player have in common with a landscaper or receptionist, despite the fact that they might share a common working-class background.

Class: Materialist and Interpretive Factors

Social class is a complex category to analyze. It has both a strictly materialist quality relating to a group’s structural position within the economic system, and an interpretive quality relating to the formation of status gradations, common subjective perceptions of class, differences of power in society, and class-based lifestyles and consumption patterns. Considering both the Marxist and Weberian models, social class has at least three objective components: a group’s position in the occupational structure (i.e., the status and salary of one's job), a group’s position in the power structure (i.e., who has authority over whom), and a group’s position in the property structure (i.e., ownership or non-ownership of capital). It also has an important subjective component that relates to recognitions of status, distinctions of lifestyle, and ultimately how people perceive their place in the class hierarchy.

Making Connections: Classic Sociologists

Marx and Weber on Social Class: How Do They Differ?

[caption id="attachment_2427" align="alignleft" width="246"] Figure 9.10 Max Weber: Class as common "life chances" based on possession of goods and opportunities for income (Image courtesy of Wikimedia Commons.) CC BY-SA 4.0[/caption] [caption id="attachment_214" align="alignleft" width="274"] Figure 9.11 Karl Marx: Class as relationship to the means of production (Image courtesy of Wikimedia Commons.) Public Domain[/caption] Often, Marx and Weber are perceived as at odds in their approaches to class and social inequality, but it is perhaps better to see them as articulating different styles of analysis. Weber’s analysis presents a more complex model of the social hierarchy of capitalist society than Marx. Weber’s model goes beyond the economic structural class position to include the variables of status (degree of social prestige or honour) and power (degree of political influence). Thus, Weber provides a multi-dimensional model of social hierarchy. As a result, although individuals might be from the same objective class, their position in the social hierarchy might differ according to their status and political influence. For example, women and men might be equal in terms of their class position, but because of the inequality in the status of the genders within each class, women (as a group) remain lower in the social hierarchy. With respect to class specifically, Weber also relies on a different definition than Marx. As noted above, Weber (1969) defines class as the “life chances” one shares in common with others by virtue of one’s possession of goods or opportunities for income. Class is defined with respect to markets, rather than the process of production. As in Marx’s analysis, the economic position that stems from owning property and capital, or not owning property and capital, is still the basic variable that defines one’s class situation or life chances. However, as the value of different types of capital or property (e.g., industrial, real estate, financial, etc.), or the value of different types of opportunity for income (i.e., different types of marketable skills), varies according to changes in the commodity or labour markets, Weber can provide a more nuanced description of an individual’s class position than Marx. A skilled tradesman like a pipe welder might enjoy a higher class position and greater life chances in Northern Alberta where such skills are in demand, than a high school teacher in Vancouver or Victoria where the number of qualified teachers exceeds the number of positions available. If one adds the element of status into the picture, the situation becomes even more complex, as the educational requirements and social responsibilities of the high school teacher usually confer more social prestige than the requirements and responsibilities of the pipe welder. Nevertheless, Weber’s analysis is descriptive rather than analytical. It can provide a useful description of differences between the levels or “strata” in a social hierarchy or stratification system but does not provide an analysis of the formation of classes themselves. On the other hand, Marx’s analysis of class is essentially one-dimensional. It has one variable: the relationship to the means of production. If one is a professional hockey player, a doctor in a hospital, or a clerk in a supermarket, one works for a wage and is therefore a member of the working class. In this regard, his analysis challenges common sense, as the difference between these different “fragments” of the working class seems paramount — at least from the point of view of the subjective experience of class. It would seem that hockey players, doctors, lawyers, professors, and business executives have very little in common with grocery clerks, factory or agricultural workers, tradespeople, or low level administrative staff, despite the fact that they all depend on being paid wages by someone. However, the key point of Marx’s analysis is not to ignore the existence of status distinctions within classes, but to examine class structure dialectically in order to provide a more comprehensive and historical picture of class dynamics. The four components of dialectical analysis were described in Chapter 1. An Introduction to Sociology: (1) Everything in society is related; (2) everything is caught up in a process of change; (3) change proceeds from the quantitative to the qualitative; and (4) change is the product of oppositions and struggles in society. These dialectical qualities are also central to Marx's account of the hierarchical structure of classes in capitalist society. With regard to the first point — everything in society is related — the main point of the dialectical analysis of class is that the working class and the owning class have to be understood in a structural relationship to one another. They emerged together out of the old class structure of feudalism. More significantly for Marx, each exists only because the other exists. The wages that define the wage labourer are paid by the capitalist; the profit and capital accumulated by the capitalist are products of the workers’ labour. In Marx's dialectical model, "everything is caught up in a process of change" occurs because the system is characterized by the struggle of opposites. The classes are structurally in conflict because the contradiction in their class interests is built into the economic system. The bourgeoisie as a class is defined by the economic drive to accumulate capital and increase profit. The key means to achieve this in a competitive marketplace is by reducing the cost of production by lowering the cost of labour (by reducing wages, moving production to lower wage areas, or replacing workers with labour-saving technologies). This conflicts with the interests of the proletariat who seek to establish a sustainable standard of living by maintaining their level of wages and employment in society. While individual capitalists and individual workers might not see it this way, structurally, their class interests clash and define a persistent pattern of management-labour conflict and political cleavage in modern, capitalist societies. So, from the dialectical model, Marx can predict that the composition of classes changes over time: the statuses of different occupations vary, the proportions between workers’ income and capitalists’ profit change, and the types of production and the means of production change (through the introduction of labour-saving technologies, globalization, new products and consumption patterns, etc.). In addition, change proceeds from the quantitative to the qualitative, in the sense that the multiplicity of changes in purely quantitative variables like salary, working conditions, unemployment levels, rates of profitability, product sales, supply and demand, etc., lead to changes in qualitative variables like the subjective experience of inequality and injustice, the political divisions of “left” and “right,” the formation of class-consciousness, and eventually change in the entire economic system through new models of capital accumulation or even revolution. The strength of Marx’s analysis is its ability to go beyond a description of where different groups fit within the class structure at a given moment in time to an analysis of why those groups and their relative positions change with respect to one another. The dialectical approach reveals the underlying logic of class structure as a dynamic system, and the potential commonality of interests and subjective experiences that define class-consciousness. As a result, in an era in which the precariousness of many high status "middle class" jobs has become clearer, the divisions of economic and political interests between the different segments of the working class becomes less so.

Media Attributions

Figure 9.3 Office Politics: A Rise to the Top by Alex Proimos, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY-NC 2.0 licence.
Figure 9.4 Strata in the Badlands by Just a Prairie Boy, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY 2.0 licence.
Figure 9.5 Fort Mason Neighborhood by Orin Zebest, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY 2.0 licence.
Figure 9.6 Woman, construction, worker, temple, india, manual, poor, labourer, labour, via PxHere, is used under a CC0 Public Domain licence.
Figure 9.7 Royal wedding Kate & William by Gerard Stolk, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY-NC 2.0 licence.
Figure 9.8 Item B-03624 - Group of Nanaimo coal miners at the pithead by unknown photographer, [ca. 1870] (Creation) via the Royal BC Museum/ British Columbia Archives Collection (Item B-03624), is in the public domain.
Figure 9.9 James and Laura Dunsmuir in Italian Garden at Hatley Park, by unknown photographer, 1912-1920 (Creation), via Royal Roads University Archives (Reference code CA RRU 025-002-1-3-13), is in the public domain.
Figure 9.10 File:MAX WEBER.jpg by Power Renegadas, via Wikimedia Commons, is used under a CC BY-SA 4.0 licence.
Figure 9.11 Karl Marx by John Mayall, via Wikimedia Commons, is in the public domain.

9.2. Social Inequality

hfriedman — Mon, 14 Aug 2023 16:00:29 +0000

Sociologists define social class as a grouping based on the relationship to the means of production or productive property (i.e., capital). However, individuals' subjective experience of class in 21st century Canada is defined largely by the sense of sharing similar social characteristics like wealth, income, education, occupation, and lifestyle. As noted above, there is dispute within sociology about the relative importance of different criteria for characterizing economic class position. Whether the Marxist emphasis on property ownership is more important than the Weberian emphasis on gradations of occupational status is a matter for debate. Each definition captures some aspects of the experience of inequality in modern society but misses others. Either way, the concept of class implies a shared standard of living based on social factors like wealth, income, education, and occupation. These factors also affect how much power and prestige a person has. In most cases, having more money means having more power, privileges, and opportunities.

Standard of Living

[caption id="attachment_2539" align="alignleft" width="300"] Figure 9.12 More than 235,000 people in Canada experience homelessness in any given year. 25,000 to 35,000 people may experience homelessness on any given night (Strobel et al., 2021) (Image courtesy of Kyle Pearce/Flickr) CC BY-SA 2.0 [/caption]

“When you’ve set up a place to sleep for the night, someone comes along and threatens you or forces you to leave, it’s no way to live. It’s tiring to be forced to move every day or every night when you’re cold and wet and have no place to go.” (Testimony of Drug War Survivors member Harvey Clause, as quoted in Hollett, 2015)

In the last century, Canada has seen a steady rise in the standard of living: the level of wealth available to acquire the material necessities and comforts to maintain one’s lifestyle. Osberg (2021) reports that in the post-war era, the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita in Canada went from $16,179 in 1946 to $60,918 in 2019; an increase in standard of living of almost 400%. The standard of living is unevenly distributed, however, based on factors such as income, employment, class status, poverty rates, and affordability of housing. Because standard of living is closely related to quality of life, it can represent factors such as the ability to afford a home, own a car, and take vacations. It affects health and longevity. Similarly, access to a standard of living that enables people to participate on an equal basis in community life is not equally distributed. The irony of rising standards of living is that one does not have to live in absolute poverty — "a severe deprivation of basic human needs, including food, safe drinking water, sanitation facilities, health, shelter, education and information" (United Nations, 1995) — to be marginalized and socially excluded. Relative poverty refers to the minimum amount of income or resources needed to participate in the "ordinary living patterns, customs, and activities" of a society (Townsend, 1979). People do not need to be destitute to experience the exclusions of living in relative poverty in a wealthy society like Canada. In Canada, a small portion of the population has the means to the highest standard of living. Statistics Canada data from 2012 showed that only 20% of the population earned 50% of all income and held 70% of Canadian’s wealth (Macdonald, 2014). In 2016, the top 87 families held as much wealth as the lowest 12,000,000 Canadians, about one third of the population. The top 87 families were, on average, 4,448 times wealthier than the average Canadian, and 10,000 times wealthier than the median Canadian (the Canadian who was exactly in the middle of the wealth distribution in the country) (Macdonald, 2018). Wealthy people receive the most schooling, have better health, and consume the most goods and services. Wealthy people also wield decision-making power. One aspect of their decision-making power comes from their positions as owners or top executives of corporations and banks. They are able to grant themselves salary raises and bonuses. By 2010, only two years into the economic crisis of 2008, the executive pay of CEOs at Canada’s top 100 corporations jumped by 13% (McFarland, 2011), while negotiated wage increases in 2010 amounted to only 1.8% (HRSDC, 2010). Executive pay has steadily increased since then (Macdonald, 2021). Many people think of Canada as a "middle class" society. They think a few people are rich, a few are poor, and most are pretty well off, existing in the middle of the social strata. But as the data above indicate, the distribution of wealth is not even. Millions of women and men struggle to pay rent, buy food, and find work that pays a living wage. Moreover, the share of the total income claimed by those in the middle-income ranges has been shrinking since the early 1980s, while the share taken by the wealthiest has been growing (Osberg, 2021).

Making Connections: Sociological Research

Measuring Levels of Poverty

[caption id="attachment_630" align="aligncenter" width="1024"] Figure 9.13 Picking bottles in Vancouver, Canada. (Image courtesy of Neil Moralee/Flickr.) CC BY-NC-ND 2.0[/caption] Statistics Canada produces two relative measures of poverty: the low income measure (LIM) and the low income cut-off (LICO) measure. In 2019, a third, absolute measure of poverty — the market basket measure () — was adopted as Canada's Official Poverty Line. According to the , a family lives in poverty if it does not have enough income to purchase a specific basket of goods and services in its community. Sociologists need to be careful in choosing which measure of poverty they use, because each measure produces different estimates of the number of poor in Canada. Low income measure (LIM): The LIM is defined as half the median family income. A person whose income is below that level is said to be on a low income. The LIM is adjusted for family size. Low income cut-off (LICO): The LICO is the income level below which a family would devote at least 20 percentage points more of their income to food, clothing, and shelter than an average family would. People are said to be in the low income group if their income falls below this threshold. The threshold varies by family size and community size, as well as if income is calculated before or after taxes. For example, a single individual in a city with a population of over 500,000 would be said to be living with a low income if their 2019 after-tax income was below $21,899. Market basket measure: The MBM is a measure of the disposable income a family would need to be able to purchase a basket of goods that includes food, clothing, shelter, transportation, and other basic needs. The dollar value of the MBM varies by family size and composition, as well as community size and location. MBM data are available since 2000 only. The three measures produce different results. In 2009, according to each measure, the following numbers of Canadians were living in low income:

LICO—3.2 million (9.6% of the population)
MBM—3.5 million (10.6%)
LIM—4.4 million (13.3%)

Figure 9.14 shows, in a table format, how the three measures also produce different results over time. Using the LICO measure results in a decreasing share of people in low income from 1996 to 2007, followed by a slight upturn in 2008 and 2009. The LIM measure results in a share of people in low income that has increased since 1990. The MBM, which has data starting only in 2000, shows results similar to the LICO but with a sharper upturn in 2008 and 2009. [caption id="attachment_208" align="aligncenter" width="901"] Figure 9.14 "Measuring Levels of Poverty" excerpted from The Conference Board of Canada (2011) (Figure used under the Conference Board of Canada's Terms of Use: http://www.conferenceboard.ca/terms_of_use.aspx)][/caption] Figure 9.14 and Figure 9.15, from 2019 (Statistics Canada, 2021), show that the poverty rate declined from 2018 based on the MBM and LIM measures. According to the market basket measure (MBM), about 3.7 million Canadians, or 10.1% of the population, lived below the poverty line in 2019, down from 11.0% in 2018, whereas the low income measure (LIM) recorded about 4.5 million Canadians, or 12.1% of the population in 2019, slightly down from 12.3% in 2018. Depending on which measure a sociologist uses, the estimated numbers of the poor vary significantly.

Trends in Social Inequality

Sociological research into inequality shows that the gap in income and wealth between the rich and the poor has been increasing in Canada over the last 40 years (Osberg, 2021). In 1982, the median income earner in the top 1% of incomes earned seven times more than the median income earner in the other 99%. In 2010, the median income earner in the top 1% earned ten times more. Moreover, while the median income for the top 1% increased from $191,600 to $283,000 in constant dollars (i.e., adjusted for inflation), the median income for the bottom 99% only increased from $28,000 to $28,400 (Osberg, 2008). In the early 1980s, the top 1% of income earners accounted for 7% of the total income generated in Canada, whereas in 2010 they accounted for 10.6%, down slightly from 12.1% in 2006 (Statistics Canada, 2013). This is similar to the trend in the United States and the United Kingdom. In the US, the top 1% share went from 10.7% to 19.8%, and in the United Kingdom from 5.9% to 12.5% over the same time period (Alvaredo et al. 2018). In Canada, between 1981 and 2019, the average income of the top 1% doubled whereas for those between the median and the 90th percentile income increased only 10% and actually declined for those in the bottom half of the income distribution (Osberg, 2021). For the most wealthy, the top 0.01%, the average income gain was $5,187,956 — a 189% increase during this period. In effect, the incomes for middle-income earners remained flat over the last 40 years, while the incomes for the top 1% increased significantly both in absolute terms and as a proportion of all incomes. [caption id="attachment_648" align="aligncenter" width="824"] Figure 9.15 Share of Aggregate Incomes Received by Each Quintile of Families and Unattached Individuals. (Table courtesy of Osberg, 2021/CCPA.) CC BY-NC-ND 3.0[/caption]

This discrepancy does not simply mean that the very rich are increasing their share of the wealth at the expense of the very poor — the middle classes are also losing their share of the wealth. One way to analyze this trend is to examine the changing distribution of income in Canada over time. In Figure 9.15 (labelled Table 1, above), changes in inequality are measured by looking at how the total annual income is distributed between each fifth (or “quintile”) of Canadian families from the lowest earning to highest earning for different years (Osberg, 2008). If perfect equality of income existed, each quintile would have earned exactly 20% of the total income. Instead, Figure 9.15 shows that between 1951 and 1981 the top 20% of family units received around 42% of total income, but after 1981 this figure steadily increased to 47%. On the other hand, the share of income of the middle 60% of families declined by 4.7%, going from 53.8% in 1981 to 48.9% in 2018. The lowest 20% also lost 0.7% of their already tiny share, going from 4.6% to 3.9%. Although the majority of people in Canada have not seen any growth in real income in four decades, the average income of the top 1% grew by about 200% (Osberg, 2021). Over the period from 1980–2010, the share of the total income received by the top 1% has doubled, the top 0.1% has tripled, and the top 0.01% has quintupled (Yalnizyan, 2010).

Why is this news? For several decades, Lars Osberg notes that the joke was that the study of income inequality was like watching grass grow because nothing ever happened (2008). Between 1946 and 1981, changes in income inequality were small despite the fact the Canadian economy went through a massive transformation. It went from an agricultural base to an industrial base; the population urbanized and doubled in size; the overall production of wealth measured by the GDP increased by 4.5%; and per capita output increased by 227% (Osberg, 2008). As Osberg puts it, the key question was why did economic inequality not change during this period of massive transformation? From 1981 until the present, during another period of rapid and extensive economic change in which the overall production of wealth continued to expand, economic inequality has increased dramatically. What happened? The main explanatory factor is that between 1946 and 1981 real wages increased in pace with the growth of the economy, but since 1981 only the top 20% of families have seen any meaningful increase in real income while the very wealthy have seen huge increases. The taxable income of the top 1% of families increased by 80% between 1982 and 2004 (Osberg, 2008). Neo-liberal policies of reduced state expenditures and tax cuts have been major factors in defining the difference between these two eras. The neo-liberal theory that tax cut benefits to the rich would “trickle down” to the middle class and the poor has proven false. The biggest losers with regard to neo-liberal policy, of course, are the very poor. As Osberg notes, it was not until the 1980s and 1990s that the homeless — those forced to beg in the streets and those dependent on food banks — began to appear in Canada in significant numbers (2008).

Measuring Degrees of Social Inequality

Some have argued that to the degree that equality of opportunity exists, inequality of condition or inequality of “outcome” is perhaps not fair, but it is justifiable. Others have argued that because capitalism is built on the basis of structural inequality, equality of conditions is impossible and growing inequality is inevitable. The idea that equality of opportunity or meritocracy, actually exists and that it leads to a meaningful access to social mobility, the free movement of people from one social position to another, is debatable, as is discussed below. But it is important to note that even if total equality of condition — a world where everyone’s social position and financial rewards would be exactly the same — is unlikely, varying degrees of social inequality are possible. In fact, degrees of social inequality vary significantly historically and between countries based on social policy decisions. [caption id="attachment_649" align="aligncenter" width="1024"] Figure 9.16 Gini Index of Inequality: 1976–2018. "To separate the impact of trends in market incomes from changes in government transfers and taxes, Figure [9.2] shows trends in the Gini Index of Inequality of market income (i.e., labour earnings plus capital income), total income (i.e., market income plus government transfers) and after-tax income (i.e., total income minus any income tax paid) compared to 1976" (Osberg, 2021). (Figure courtesy of Osberg, 2021/CCPA.) CC BY-NC-ND 3.0[/caption]The Gini Index is a measure of income inequality in which zero is absolute equality and one is absolute inequality. The table in Figure 9.16 represents the percentage change in the Gini Index from 1976 to 2018. It shows that Canada’s degree of inequality based on market income increased by 5% between 1980 and 2018 (Osberg, 2021). For a comparative perspective, see the bar graph in Figure 9.17. Canada’s Gini Index (0.303) is much higher than many European countries but is lower than the extremes of inequality in the United States (0.390) and Mexico (0.458), who are Canada's free trade partners in the United States–Mexico–Canada Agreement (USMCA). This comparison indicates that a much greater equality of conditions can exist even under the same pressures of globalization if different social and economic policy models are chosen. Even though the countries with some of the lowest levels of inequality — Norway (0.262), Denmark (0.264), Sweden (0.275), and the Netherlands (0.285) — have progressive tax systems and strong welfare states, they are able to maintain high levels of employment and economic growth while remaining “competitive” in the global economy (Osberg, 2010). If addressing poverty and inequality rather than promoting tax policies that transfer wealth to the rich is a reasonable goal, a variety of viable policy alternatives are available from which Canadians can choose. [caption id="attachment_653" align="aligncenter" width="1920"] Figure 9.17 Gini Coefficients of Income Concentration in 37 OECD Countries, 2019 (or latest available data). Norway (yellow), Denmark (teal), Sweden (blue), Netherlands (green), Canada (purple), UK (red), USA (orange), Mexico (blue). ([Modified] Figure courtesy of OECD, 2021.) OECD Terms and Conditions for Data[/caption]

Media Attributions

Figure 9.12 Genius Scheme by Kyle Pearce, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY-SA 2.0 licence.
Figure 9.13 No Place for Heroe's by Neil Moralee, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY-NC-ND 2.0 licence.
Figure 9.14 "Measuring Levels of Poverty" excerpted from The Conference Board of Canada Canadian Income Inequality: Is Canada becoming more unequal? (2011), used under the Conference Board of Canada's Terms of Use.
Figure 9.15 Table 1: Families and unattached individuals: Income shares from 1951–2018 by Osberg (2021, p. 18) is used under the CC BY-NC-ND 3.0 licence on the CCPA website.
Figure 9.16 Gini Index of Inequality: 1976-2018 [Figure 4] by Osberg (2021, p. 16) is used under the CC BY-NC-ND 3.0 licence on the CCPA website.
Figure 9.17 OECD, 2019, Gini Coefficients of Income Concentration in 37 OECD Countries, Income Inequality Data, https://doi/10.1787/459aa7f1-en, is used under the OECD Terms and Conditions for Data.

9.3 Social Classes in Canada

hfriedman — Mon, 14 Aug 2023 16:02:21 +0000

The concept of social class was discussed earlier in the chapter. Below, the major divisions of Canadian social class and their key subcategories are developed in more detail.

The Owning Class

[caption id="attachment_658" align="aligncenter" width="1024"] Figure 9.18 Inherited wealth is a major source of the wealth and continued reproduction of the owning class. The pie charts show that the proportion of 1st generation members of the group of 87 wealthiest families in Canada declined between 1999 and 2016 while the proportion of 2nd and 3rd generation members increased, meaning that wealth inherited from parent and grandparent generations became more significant in maintaining one's position within this exclusive group (Figure courtesy of Macdonald, 2018/CCPA). CC BY-NC-ND[/caption] The owning class is considered Canada’s highest elite. Members of the owning class can afford to live, work, and play in exclusive places designed for luxury and comfort. Only the very powerful get to see the view from there. In Canada, the richest 87 families account for 0.002% of the population, but in 2016 they had accumulated the equivalent wealth of everyone in Newfoundland and Labrador, Prince Edward Island and New Brunswick combined (including all savings, investments, pensions, houses, cottages, cars, etc. minus mortgages and debts). The combined net worth of these 87 families added up to $259 billion in 2016, which equaled the net worth of the lowest 12 million Canadians (Macdonald, 2018). What is the source of the owning class's wealth? Among the wealthiest families in Canada are also many of the top paid CEOs in the country. For example, among the top 20 wealthiest families, including the Thomsons, Westons, Saputos, Desmarais and Southerns, are nine of the 100 top paid CEOs in the country (Macdonald, 2018). In 2019, the average income of the top 100 CEOs in Canada was $10.8 million (Mcdonald, 2021). It is significant that a large portion of this income is paid in the form of non-cash bonuses like corporate shares and stock options because these are taxed at half the rate of salaries and cash bonuses. In 2019, only 12% of top-100 CEO pay came in the form of a salary while 82% of it came in some form of a bonus. But income from work is not the most important source of wealth for the owning class. In Marx's definition, it is ownership of capital that distinguishes the owning class from the other classes. Ownership of capital increases wealth in three primary ways: (1) capital gains from the buying and selling of assets such as businesses or real estate; (2) dividends from corporate investments and stock shares; (3) interest from investments, such as savings, bonds and GICs (Guaranteed Investment Certificates) (Macdonald, 2018). In Canada, income generated from capital gains and corporate dividends is taxed at about 50% and 75%, respectively, of the tax rate for ordinary wage labour income. In addition, the owning class benefits from numerous "aggressive tax planning approaches" like the use of private corporations, trusts and offshore tax havens to hide income from Canadian taxation (Macdonald, 2018). Finally, inheritance is also a key source of the owning class' wealth. In 2016, within the wealthiest 87 families, 39 (45%) were first generation wealth holders, meaning that they did not inherit their wealth, whereas the other 55% did, sometimes through multiple generations (see Figure 9.14). Incidentally, Canada is the only country in the G7 without inheritance taxes. Canadian society has historically distinguished between “old money” (inherited wealth passed from one generation to the next) and “new money” (first generation wealth holders). While both types may have equal net worth, they have traditionally signified different social standing. People of old money, firmly situated in the upper class for generations, hold high prestige. Their families have socialized them to know the customs, norms, and expectations (or habitus) that come with wealth. New money members of the owning class are not oriented to the customs and mores of the elite. They have not gone to the most exclusive schools. They have not established old money social ties. As a result, people with new money are often ostentatious, flaunting their wealth by buying sports cars and mansions, for example, while still exhibiting behaviours attributed to the middle and lower classes. Toronto politicians Rob and Doug Ford are estimated to hold family assets worth $50 million, yet they present themselves as just “average guys” who stand with their blue-collar constituents against “rich elitist people” (McArther, 2013; Warner, 2014). Before his death in 2016, Rob Ford’s infamous crack cocaine smoking, public binge drinking, and use of foul language would not have made him at home within the circles of old money in Canada, even if they otherwise shared similar class interests and goals. Wealth provides not just access to material goods, but also access to power. Canada’s owning class wields a lot of power. Whereas democracy works on the one person, one vote principle, corporations work on the principle that each share gives its owner a vote in corporate decision making. However, as share ownership is highly concentrated among a few major shareholders, including wealthy families, corporations, and institutional investors, these few shareholders effectively control corporate decision making. As corporate leaders, their investment decisions affect the job status of millions of people. As media owners, they shape the narratives of current events and the collective identity of the nation. As philanthropists, they establish foundations to support social causes they believe in. They also fund think tanks like the C. D. Howe Institute and the Fraser Institute which promote the values and interests of business elites. As campaign contributors, they influence politicians and fund campaigns, which partially explains why tax policies in recent decades have been crafted to serve their economic interests.

Making Connections: Social Policy and Debate

Fractions of the Capitalist Class: The Rise of Carbon Capital

[caption id="attachment_659" align="aligncenter" width="1024"] Figure 9.19 A visual representation of the relationship of the five different segments of the owning class in Canada can be given by mapping the network of interlocking corporate directors who sit on each other's corporate boards. Each node in the network is represented by a shaded dot representing its class segment (Carroll, 2021). (Image courtesy of William Carroll/ AU Press) CC BY-NC-ND 4.0[/caption] Just as social inequality has been growing in Canada, corporate concentration has also been growing. Brennan (2012) showed that the share of corporate profit of the 60 largest Canadian corporations on the Toronto Stock Exchange increased from 35% in 1961 to 60% in 2010. Fewer corporations are controlling the wealth generated in Canada. But it is interesting that the owning class, small as it is, is not completely unified in its hegemonic interests. Hegemony refers to the ability of a dominant group in society to secure consent to its rule by successfully presenting its own interests, values, and norms as the common sense values of everybody. There is often conflict between different "fractional" interests that make up the owning class. In Weber's definition of class, the “life chances” one shares in common with others by virtue of one’s possession of goods or opportunities for income defines ones class position. As the value of different types of capital or property (e.g., industrial, real estate, financial, etc.) goes up and down according to changes in the market, it means that the interests of different types or fractions of capital do not coincide. In his study of the rise to prominence of "carbon capital" — the oil and gas sector in Canada — Carroll (2017/2021) notes that there are at least five distinct class interests or fractions within Canada's owning class, based on competing sectors of the economy: (1) carbon capital, (2) carbon-related industrial capital, including petrochemicals, electricity, steel, transport and the automobile industry, (3) Non-carbon industry, including non-carbon resource extraction, pharmaceuticals and biotech, food and beverage production, equipment manufacture, software, communication and media, (4) commercial capital, including chain stores and the sale of commodities, retail goods and services, and (5) finance capital, including banking, loans, insurance, financial products and services (see Figure 9.15). These interests do not necessarily coincide. For example, the dominance of the interests of carbon capital in the Canadian economy lead to a Canadian version of the process referred to as the "Dutch disease." International investment of capital in Alberta oil and gas drove up the value of the Canadian dollar at the expense of manufacturing in Ontario, which struggled to find markets for its suddenly expensive Canadian-manufactured products. Similarly, the subsequent collapse in international markets for oil and gas lead to capital flight from Canada, as international investors withdrew their capital from Canada to invest in more profitable ventures elsewhere in the world. This had negative consequences for the entire economy, but a lower exchange rate with the US benefited export-oriented manufacturing interests in Eastern Canada. Overall, the hegemonic dominance of the carbon sector in Canada through the first two decades of the 21st century has meant that the interests of carbon capital segment of the owning class are represented as the interests of all Canadians. From a critical sociological perspective, this poses obstacles to transitioning to "a socially just, low-carbon future" in response to climate change (Carroll, 2017/21).

The Middle Class and the Traditional Working Class

[caption id="attachment_667" align="aligncenter" width="1024"] Figure 9.20 The middle class in Canada. (Photo courtesy of Fanboy30/Flickr.) CC BY-NC-SA 2.0[/caption] Many people call themselves middle class, but there are differing ideas about what that means. People with annual incomes of $150,000 call themselves middle class, as do people who annually earn $30,000. That helps explain why some sociologists divide the middle class into upper and lower subcategories. But is the middle class actually a class grouping or is it a status grouping? The divisions of "upper" and "lower" are largely based on gradations of status defined by levels of education, types of work, types of cultural capital, and the lifestyles afforded by income. Therefore upper-middle-class people tend to hold bachelor’s and postgraduate degrees in subjects such as business, management, law, or medicine that lead to occupations in the professions. Professions are occupations that claim high levels of specialized technical and intellectual expertise and are governed and regulated by autonomous professional organizations (like the Canadian Medical Association or legal bar associations). Lower-middle-class members hold bachelor’s degrees or vocational associate’s degrees from two-year community or technical colleges that lead to various types of white-collar, service, administrative, or paraprofessional occupations that do not hold the same level of prestige and power over working conditions of professions. The common denominator that ties the two categories together is the status of white-collar occupations. White-collar refers to the traditional white-collared shirts worn by employees engaged in various types of "mental" or non-manual work, including professional, intellectual, technical, service and administrative work. On this basis the middle class can be distinguished from the traditional working class. The traditional working class is usually equated with blue-collar types of jobs: “wage-workers who are engaged in the production of commodities, the extraction of natural resources, the production of food, the operation of the transportation network required for production and distribution, the construction industry, and the maintenance of energy and communication networks” (Veltmeyer, 1986, p. 83). The work is considered blue-collar because it is hands-on and often physically demanding. The term “blue-collar” comes from the traditional blue coveralls worn by manual labourers. There are some problems with this distinction however. On one hand, as noted earlier, members of the middle class who earn an income from salaries or wages are, in Marx's definition, members of the working class, even if they do not see themselves that way. As wage or salary workers, they are distinct from both the owning class and from the small business people, farmers and ranchers, and private contractors who are Marx's petite bourgeoisie or "small owners." They share a common class position with the traditional working class, which explains to some degree why all middle-income earners, regardless of manual or mental work, have lost a share of the total income with respect to the owning class. Marxist sociologists would explain this as a product of the dynamics of class conflict and class power in Canada. On the other hand, skilled labour and trades in the traditional working class — skilled carpenters, mechanics, plumbers, electricians, pipe welders, etc. — often earn as much or more than white-collar workers and enjoy a higher standard of living. The median income of families and unattached individuals in Canada in 2019 was $62,900 (Statistics Canada, 2021), whereas the average income of electricians and plumbers was $65,890 and $59,222 respectively (2016 figures) (Statistics Canada, 2019). If there is a class distinction to be made within middle-income earners in Canada it might make more sense to describe it in terms of degree of control over one's work circumstances. Abercrombie and Urry (1983) note that there is growing a division within the white-collar occupations between a "service class" of credentialed or professional workers who enjoy relative autonomy and authority at work, and a subordinate group of deskilled nonprofessional white-collar workers such as clerical workers and salespeople who do not. In the lower-middle-class, people hold jobs supervised by members of the upper middle class. They fill technical, lower-level management or administrative support positions. This is roughly parallel to the control that credentialed blue-collar tradespeople enjoy over their work compared to those without trades tickets. Compared to non-trades traditional working-class work, lower-middle-class jobs might carry more prestige and come with slightly higher paycheques. But for both groups, their incomes afford them a decent, mainstream lifestyle, even if they struggle to maintain it. They generally do not have enough income to build significant savings. In addition, their grip on class status is more precarious than in the upper tiers of the class system. When budgets are tight, lower-middle-class people and non-trades traditional working-class workers are often the ones to lose their jobs.

The Working Poor and the Under Class

[caption id="attachment_2357" align="alignleft" width="400"] Figure 9.21 This man is a custodian at a restaurant. His job, which is crucial to the business, does not pay a living wage. (Photo courtesy of David Bruce Jr/Flickr.) CC BY 2.0[/caption] Beneath those in the working class are the working poor. Like some sections of the working class, they have unskilled, low-paying employment. However, their jobs rarely offer benefits or enough income for retirement planning, and their positions are often precarious, seasonal or temporary. They work as migrant farm workers, house cleaners, and day labourers. Some are high school dropouts. Some are illiterate, unable to read job ads. Many do not vote because they do not believe that any politician will help change their situation (Beeghley, 2008). How can people work full work weeks and still be poor? Even working full time, more than a million of the working poor earn incomes too meagre to support a family. In 2012, 1.8 million working people (including 540,000 working full time year round) earned less than Statistic Canada's low income cut-off level or LICO measure or poverty (Johnstone & Cooper, 2013). Minimum wage varies from province to province, from $9.95/h in Alberta to $11/h in Nunavut and Ontario (Retail Council of Canada, 2014). However, it is estimated that a living wage — based on a 35-hour work week — was $19.50/hr in Vancouver in 2019, $22.08/hr in Toronto, and $21.80/hr in Halifax in 2020 (differences due to the difference in cost of living and government policies in these locations) (Ivanova and Saugstad, 2019; Ontario Living Wage Network, 2020; Driscoll and Saulnier, 2020). A living wage is the amount needed to meet a family’s basic needs and enable them to participate in community life (Johnstone & Cooper, 2013). Even for a single person, minimum wage is low. A married couple with children will have a hard time covering expenses. The underclass or Marx's "lumpenproletariat" is Canada’s lowest tier. Members of the underclass live mainly in inner cities. Many are unemployed or underemployed. Those who do hold jobs typically perform menial tasks for little pay. Some of the underclass are homeless. For many, welfare systems provide a much-needed support through food assistance, medical care, housing, and the like, but they live in relative poverty.

Social Mobility

Social mobility refers to the ability to change positions within a social stratification system. When people improve or diminish their economic status in a way that affects social class, they experience social mobility. This is a key concept in describing whether inequalities of condition limit people’s life chances or whether there is actual equality of opportunity. A high degree of social mobility, upwards or downwards, would suggest that the stratification system of a society is in fact "open" and that there is equality of opportunity. Upward mobility refers to an increase — or upward shift — in social class. In Canada, people applaud the rags-to-riches achievements of celebrities like Guy Laliberté who went from street busking in Quebec to being the CEO of Cirque du Soleil, with a net worth of $2.5 billion. Actor and comedian Jim Carey lived with his family in camper van at one point growing up in Scarborough, Ontario, but in 2021 it was estimated that his net worth was about $180 million (Celebrity Net Worth, 2021). Ron Joyce was a beat policemen in Hamilton before he co-founded Tim Hortons. CEO of Magna International Frank Stronach immigrated to Canada from Austria in 1955 with only $50 to his name. There are many stories of people from modest beginnings rising to fame and fortune. But the truth is that relative to the overall population, the number of people who launch from poverty to wealth is miniscule. Still, upward mobility is not only about becoming rich and famous. In Canada, people who earn a university degree, get a job promotion, or marry someone with a good income may move up socially. Downward mobility indicates a lowering of one’s social class. Some people move downward because of business setbacks, unemployment, or illness. Dropping out of school, losing a job, or becoming divorced may result in a loss of income or status and, therefore, downward social mobility. Upward and downward mobility can be refined into intergenerational, intragenerational and structural mobility. Intergenerational mobility explains a difference in social class between different generations of a family. Children may make a higher (or lower) standard of living than their parents and grandparents. Measures of intergenerational mobility describe the likelihood that a child from the bottom or top of the income distribution ends up at the bottom or top of the distribution as an adult. For example, an upper-class executive may have parents who belonged to the middle class. In turn, those parents may have been raised in the lower class. This is different from intragenerational mobility, which describes a change in social class within one's adult life time or differences in mobility between members of the same generation. For example, the change in wealth and prestige experienced by one person may be quite different from that of their siblings. Finally, structural mobility happens when societal changes enable a whole group of people to move up or down the social class ladder. Structural mobility is attributable to changes in society as a whole, not individual changes. In the first half of the 20th century industrialization expanded the Canadian economy, which raised the standard of living of industrial workers and led to their upward mobility as a group. In today’s work economy, the recession and the outsourcing of jobs overseas have contributed to deindustrialization and high unemployment rates among industrial workers. Many people have experienced economic setbacks, creating a wave of downward structural mobility in this segment.

Measuring Social Mobility

Many Canadians believe that people move up in class because of individual efforts and move down by their own doing. This is the myth of the self-made man or woman, a term coined by a United States senator Henry Clay in 1832 (Wyllie, 1954). In the ideal of equality of opportunity, one's access to rewards would exactly equal one's personal efforts and merits toward achieving those rewards. One's class position or other social characteristics (gender, race, ethnicity, etc.) would not skew the relationship between merit and rewards. Others argue that equality of opportunity is itself a myth, designed to keep people motivated to work hard, while getting them to accept social inequality as the legitimate outcome of personal achievement. It is an ideology that masks real and permanent structural inequality in society. The rich stay rich, and the poor stay poor. Data that measures social mobility suggest that the truth is a bit of both. Typically social mobility is measured by comparing either the occupational status or the earnings between parents and children (i.e., intergenerational mobility). If children’s earnings or status remain the same as their parents then there is no social mobility. If children’s earnings or status moves up or down with respect to their parents, then there is social mobility. Corak and colleagues compared “intergenerational earnings elasticity” (IGE) between fathers and sons in Canada and the United States (2010). (Some data are available on daughters as well, but it is less common and therefore difficult to use to make cross-national comparisons). Intergenerational earnings elasticity gives a percentage figure that indicates the degree to which fathers' income predicts sons’ income (i.e., the degree of intergenerational “stickiness” or lack of social mobility). The data show that there is a much lower degree of social mobility in the United States than in Canada. While earnings elasticity (from 2006 data) in the United States was 0.47, meaning that almost one half of the fathers' earning advantage (or disadvantage) was passed on to their sons, in Canada the figure was 0.19, meaning that less than one-fifth of the father’s earnings advantage or disadvantage was passed on. This suggests that Canada has a relatively high rate of social mobility and equality of opportunity compared to the United States, where almost 50 per cent of sons remain at the same income level as their fathers. In an international comparison, the United Kingdom had even lower social mobility than the United States with an earnings elasticity of 0.50, while Finland, Norway, and Denmark had greater social mobility than Canada with earnings elasticities of 0.18, 0.17, and 0.15 respectively. Recent research show that intergenerational mobility in Canada has been declining over time however. Connolly, Haeck and Lapierre (2021) compared the intergenerational mobility of birth cohorts born at 5 year intervals from 1963 to 1982 (i.e., the social mobility of people born in 1963 compared to those born in 1967, compared to those born in 1972, etc.). When people's income is divided into ranks or percentiles, the correlation between an adult child's income and their parent's income has been steadily increasing from 18.9% for those born between 1963 and 1966 to 23.4% for those born between 1982 and 1985. In other words, the greater the correlation between adult children and parents, the lower the social mobility. This was even more pronounced for children of the lowest 20% of earners where the correlation increased from 27.1% to 32.6% between 1963 to 1982. Regionally, Connolly, Haeck and Lapierre (2021) show that social mobility is highest in Atlantic Canada, lowest in Manitoba, and decreased the most in Saskatchewan over this time period. One of the key factors that distinguishes Canada’s degree of social mobility from that of the United States is that the United States has a much greater degree of social inequality to begin with. A higher degree of social inequality is linked to a lower degree of social mobility. This is referred to as the Great Gatsby Curve which predicts that the greater the overall inequality in a society, the lower the intergenerational mobility (Connolly, Haeck and Lapierre, 2021). Therefore, the main factor that contributes to the difference in the intergenerational earnings elasticity figures between Canada and the United States is that there is a great degree of intergenerational social immobility at the lower and higher ranges of the income scale in the United States. For example, over 25 per cent of sons born to fathers in the top 10 per cent of income earners remain in the top 10 percent, compared to about 18 per cent in Canada. On the other hand, in the United States, 22 per cent of sons born to fathers in the bottom 10 per cent of income earners remain in the bottom 10 percent, while another 18 per cent only move up to the bottom 10 to 20 per cent of income earners. The figures for Canada are 16 per cent and 14 per cent respectively (Corak et al., 2010). However, these data also show that Canada has by no means “perfect” social mobility or equality of opportunity. Class background significantly affects one's chances to get ahead. For example, the chance that a son born to a father in the 30 to 40 per cent or 40 to 50 per cent ranges of income earners (i.e., in 2004 families averaging $42,000 or $55,000 a year respectively) would move up into the top 50 per cent of income earners (i.e., families averaging $65,000 a year or more) was about 50 per cent (Yalnizyan, 2007). In contrast, a son from the bottom 20 per cent of income earners had only a 38 per cent chance of moving into the top 50 per cent of income earners. For the bottom 20 per cent of families, 62 per cent of sons remained within the bottom 50 per cent of income earners (Corak et al., 2010).

Media Attributions

Figure 9.18 Inherited wealth among wealthiest Canadians, 1999 & 2016 [Figure 4] by Macdonald (2018) is used under the CC BY-NC-ND 3.0 licence on the CCPA website.
Figure 9.19 The Canadian corporate network, clustered by seven cities, showing five economic sectors. by William Carroll (2021, p. 152), via AU Press is used under a CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 licence.
Figure 9.20 Reservoir Pigs by Fanboy30, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY-NC-SA 2.0 licence.
T-shirt roll call by Mika Meskanen is used under a CC BY-NC 2.0 licence.
Figure 9.21 Restaurant chains outsource cleaning by David Bruce Jr., via Flickr, is used under a CC BY 2.0 licence.

9.4. Theoretical Perspectives on Social Inequality

hfriedman — Mon, 14 Aug 2023 16:01:33 +0000

Social inequality is defined by unequal access to rewards in society. Research has shown a growing gap in wealth and income between the economic elites and all the other segments of the population in Canada and elsewhere over the last 40 years (Osberg, 2021; Alvaredo et al., 2018). In 2021, Forbe's annual list of global billionaires increased by 660 to a new record of 2755 individuals, during a global pandemic which had placed severe economic hardship on the majority of the world's population. Together their wealth added up to $13.1 trillion (US), up $5 trillion from 2020 (Dolan, 2021). In 2020, Oxfam calculated that the world’s 2,153 billionaires had more wealth than lowest 4.6 billion people combined, or more than 60 per cent of the planet’s population (Lawson et al., 2020). Similarly, Canada's top 20 billionaires had become $37 billion wealthier over the first 6 months of the pandemic (CCPA, 2020). What accounts for social inequality? In sociology, the issue is studied from various points of view. Structural functionalists examine the purpose or social function of wealth discrepancies, while critical sociologists examine the accumulation of wealth as a product of the unequal distribution of power in society. Interpretive sociologists are interested in how the meanings of social inequality, status and class are constructed and deployed in the conduct of everyday life. The question of how to account for social inequality opens up several debates in sociology.

Structural Functionalism

In sociology, the structural functionalist perspective examines how society’s structures operate to maintain the overall functioning of the system. Different aspects of society like social inequality persist because they serve a needed purpose. What is the social function of social inequality? In 1945, sociologists Kingsley Davis (1908–1997) and Wilbert Moore (1914–1987) put forward the Davis-Moore thesis, which argued that the greater the functional importance of a social role, the greater must be the reward. The theory argues that systems of social stratification have a social function, which reflects the inherently unequal value of different types of work. Certain tasks in society are more valuable than others. Qualified people who fill those positions must be rewarded more than others. Therefore the function of stratification or social inequality in societies is “the requirement faced by any society of placing and motivating individuals in the social structure. As a functioning mechanism a society must somehow distribute its members in social positions and induce them to perform the duties of these positions." Societies do this through the unequal distribution of rewards, esteem and social prestige between different social positions, which ensures that “the most important positions are conscientiously filled by the most qualified persons" (Davis and Moore, 1945). [caption id="attachment_686" align="aligncenter" width="1024"] Figure 9.22 Who gets to the top of the ladder in society and why? (Image courtesy of Thomas Hawk/Flickr.) CC BY-NC 2.0[/caption] Davis and Moore (1945) presented this theory of stratification as universally applicable to all societies. They argued that “Every society … must differentiate persons in terms of both prestige and esteem, and must therefore possess a certain amount of institutionalized inequality" (Davis and Moore, 1945). However, how inequality manifests differs from society to society. To try to explain this, they outlined two principles to explain variations between systems of stratification in different types of society: (1) the functional importance of a social position for that society, and (2) scarcity of personnel due to the level of specific skills or capacities required for the position. So according to Davis and Moore, a firefighter’s job is both more functionally important and more skilled than, for instance, a grocery store cashier’s job. The cashier position does not require the same skill, commitment and level of training as firefighting. Without the incentive of higher pay and better benefits, why would someone be willing to rush into burning buildings? If pay levels were the same, the firefighter might as well work as a grocery store cashier and not risk their life. Davis and Moore believed that rewarding more important and scarce work with higher levels of income, prestige, and power encourages people to go through lengthy training procedures and to work harder and longer. The more skill required for a job, the fewer qualified people there would be to do that job. Certain jobs, such as cleaning hallways or answering phones, do not require much skill. The employees do not need a university degree. Other work, like designing a highway system or removing a cataract, requires immense skill and years of training. In 1953, Melvin Tumin (1919–1994) countered the Davis-Moore thesis in Some Principles of Stratification: A Critical Analysis. Tumin (1953) questioned what determined a job’s degree of functional importance. The Davis-Moore thesis does not explain why a media personality with little education, skill, or talent becomes famous and rich on a reality show or a campaign trail. Similarly, during the global pandemic of 2020-2021, it was revealed that some of the poorest paid members of society like store clerks and cashiers were in fact the most functionally "essential workers" needed to keep society operating in a time of crisis and lock-down. The thesis also does not explain inequalities in the education system, or inequalities due to race or gender. Contra Davis and Moore, Tumin believed social stratification was dysfunctional because it prevented qualified people from attempting to fill roles. For example, an underprivileged youth has less chance of becoming a scientist, no matter how smart they are, because of the relative lack of opportunity available. The Davis-Moore thesis, though open for debate, was an early attempt to explain why stratification exists. The thesis states that social stratification is necessary to promote excellence, productivity, and efficiency, thus giving people something to strive for. Davis and Moore believed that the stratification system serves society as a whole because it allows everyone to benefit from a functional economy, even if they benefit unequally.

Critical Sociology

[caption id="attachment_217" align="alignleft" width="300"] Figure 9.23 "Towards the Dawn," a 1930s promotional poster for the Saskatchewan Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (CCF) (Image courtesy of the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation/ Wikimedia Commons.) Public Domain[/caption] Critical sociologists are deeply critical of social inequality, asserting that it benefits only some people not all of society. For instance, to a critical sociologist it seems problematic that after a long period of increasing equality of incomes from World War II to the 1970s, the wealthiest 1 per cent of income earners have been increasing their share of the total income of Canadians from 7.7 per cent in 1977 to 13.8 per cent in 2007 (Yalnizyan, 2010). In 1982, the median income earner in the top 1 per cent of incomes earned seven times more than the median income earner in the other 99 percent. In 2010, the median income earner in the top 1 per cent earned ten times more. Moreover, while the median income for the top 1 per cent increased from $191,600 to $283,000 in constant dollars (i.e., adjusted for inflation), the median income for the bottom 99 per cent only increased from $28,000 to $28,400 (Statistics Canada, 2013). Canada’s richest 1 per cent took almost a third (32 percent) of all growth in incomes 2007 (Yalnizyan, 2010). Critical sociologists view this “great U-turn” in income equality over the 20th and 21st centuries as a product of both the ability of corporate elites to grant themselves huge salary and bonus increases and the shift toward neo-liberal public policy and tax cuts (see Chapter 4. Society and Modern Life). Rather than creating conditions in which wealth trickles down, tax cuts and neo-liberal policies tremendously benefit the rich at the expense of the poor. This is an example of the way that stratification perpetuates inequality. Contrary to the analysis of functionalists, huge corporate bonuses continued to be awarded even when dysfunctional corporate and financial mismanagement of the economy led to the global financial crisis of 2008. Nor is it the case that corporate elites work harder to merit more rewards. Over the period of increasing inequality in income, the only group not working more weeks and hours in the paid workforce is the richest 10 per cent of families (Yalnizyan, 2007). Critical sociologists argue that the functionalist explanation of inequality cannot account for the growing gap of wealth and income inequality over the last 40 years. Social functions and scarcity of personnel remain relatively unchanged through this period, whereas the unique historical configuration of globalization, neo-liberal policy, new technologies and markets and the decline of labour unions has enhanced the power of the owning classes. Critical sociologists try to bring awareness to the structural nature of social inequalities, such as how a rich society can have so many poor members. The work of Karl Marx has been an important resource in this analysis. In the 19th century, Marx analyzed the way the owning class or capitalists accumulated profit and wealth in the new industrial economies, while working-class proletarians experienced deep exploitation, alienation, and misery (Marx, 1848). For Marx, differences of wealth and power were products of class structures and class power rather than the qualities of individuals. In particular, ownership and control over private property or capital defined where individuals stood within the class structure and conferred great power on the owners while dispossessing the power of wage earners. He also predicted that the growing collective impoverishment of the working class would lead them, through the leadership of unions, to recognize their common class interests. A common class “consciousness” uniting different types of labour would lead to the revolutionary conditions whereby the working class could remove their “fetters” and overthrow the capitalists. Marx imagined that with the abolition of private property (i.e., privately controlled capital), collective ownership of the means of production would end class conflict forever. A “communist” society that abolished the private ownership of the means of production would remove a key non-democratic source of power and become a true democracy. Marx did not live to see the state socialist systems in the Soviet Union and elsewhere that called themselves communist but ended up replacing capitalist-based inequality with bureaucratic-based inequality, but his analysis of class structure and the control of economic wealth remains a key source of insight into the sources and dynamics of social inequality. Today, the class structure of capitalism still exists. Capitalists own the means of production, and a neo-liberal economic system is in place that keeps them rich and keeps workers poor, especially when capitalism is regarded on a global scale. Moreover, the privileged position of the middle classes, which emerged as a result of the changing nature of the capitalist economy in the 20th century, has been steadily eroded in the 21st century by growing inequalities of wealth and income. Some sociologists argue that the middle class is becoming proletarianized, meaning that in terms of income, property, control over working conditions, and overall life chances, the middle class is becoming more and more indistinguishable from the traditional wage-earning working class (Abercrombie & Urry, 1983). Nevertheless, according to critical sociologists, increasing social inequality is neither inevitable nor necessary. Other critical sociologists focus on social inequalities based on gender, sexuality, colonialism, race and ethnicity as discussed in the chapters ahead. It is important to note that none of these forms of inequality stand alone. They intersect, with one social determinant of inequality like class compounding the effects of others like gender and race. Intersectionality refers to an analysis which examines the overlapping effects of multiple vectors of social inequality. Kimberly Crenshaw argues that the inequality and discrimination experienced by a Black woman in the United States, for example, is more than simply gender inequality and racial inequality added together. As she puts it, "Because the intersectional experience is greater than the sum of racism and sexism, any analysis that does not take intersectionality into account cannot sufficiently address the particular manner in which Black women are subordinated" (Crenshaw, 1989).

Interpretive Sociology

Within interpretive sociology, determining the meanings of social inequality, status and class for individuals is key to being able to explain the nature of social interactions and social identities. The distribution of privileges in society is something that can be objectively measured by various indicators such as income, class position, and surveys of status, etc., but its role in every day life is a matter of lived experience. The meanings attributed to privilege can be examined at a micro and macro level in interpretive sociology. Symbolic interactionism is a paradigm that uses everyday micro-level interactions of individuals to explain the operation of society. This analysis strives to explain how people’s social standing affects their everyday interactions. For example, Erving Goffman (1967) describes the elaborate rituals of deference that come into play when people recognize they have a difference in status. Deference includes ceremonial and symbolic acts and events “by which appreciation is regularly conveyed to a recipient,” including avoidance and presentation rituals. Avoidance rituals are practices people use to keep both a physical and social distance from status superiors. These include the use of politeness, formality and terms of respect. Status or honour places an "ideal sphere" of inviolability around the privileged individual, which is guarded by a "system of deferential stand-off arrangements." For intimates this sphere can be violated more or less freely, like a mother wiping her child's nose, but the greater the status difference, the more this distance is protected by extensive and elaborate taboos against contact. Use of avoidance rituals can therefore be used as a social indicator of status differences in a society. On the other hand, presentation rituals are practices by which individuals display the esteem they hold for others and indicate how they will treat them in an interaction. These include interactions involving salutations, invitations, compliments, and minor services. Noticing someone's new hair style or clothes with a compliment, regardless of what one might actually think about the change, is a kind of group acknowledgement of the new status claimed or undertaken by the recipient. Presentation rituals concretely demonstrate a person's appreciation for the recipient, but as Goffman notes, to the degree that they violate a recipient's privacy or reserve by commenting on personal matters there is an awkward conflict between the two types of deference ritual in interactions between people of unequal status. In most communities, people interact primarily with others who share the same social standing, which may account for why structures of inequality persist through time. It is precisely because of social stratification that people tend to live, work, and associate with others like themselves; people who share their same income level, educational background, or racial background, and even tastes in food, music, and clothing. The built-in system of social stratification groups similar people together. George Homans' (1961) examined the interactions between students at the New York State Training School for Girls to try to explain this phenomena from a micro-level perspective. He developed the concept of social exchange as the explanation for why the girls tended to spend their leisure time with status equals rather than with superiors or inferiors. Homans' exchange theory suggests that human behaviour can be modeled on the basis of calculated social exchanges of resources including tangible gifts, but also more intangible resources like favours, time, attention, etc. The principle is that a norm of reciprocity governs exchanges, meaning that, in an equal relationship, the gifts given equal the gifts received. Inequality in status is therefore understood as a product of unequal exchanges of gifts: there are net creditors and debtors in relationships. If spending time with a person is a form of gift giving, then persons of higher status give more than persons of lower status because their time is considered to be more valuable. Therefore, for the girls at the school and others, people tend not to spend time with people of either higher or lower status because it is difficult to feel comfortable when one is aware of being a either debtor or creditor in the relationship (or is uncertain of ones status with respect to the other). Symbolic interactionists also note that people’s appearance reflects their perceived social standing. Housing, clothing, and transportation indicate social status, as do hairstyles, taste in accessories, and personal style. On a broader, macro-scale of interpretive sociology, Pierre Bourdieu’s (1930–2002) concept of cultural capital suggests that the cultural “assets” embodied in people's appearance, such as education and taste, are accumulated and passed down between generations in the same manner as financial capital or wealth (1984). This capital marks individuals from an early age by such things as knowing how to wear a suit or having an educated manner of speaking. In fact the children of parents with a postsecondary degree are 60 per cent likely to attend university themselves, while the children of parents with less than a high school education have only a 32 per cent chance of attending university (Shaienks & Gluszynski, 2007). This relates back to Bourdieu's concept of habitus, discussed at the beginning of the chapter. Habitus is in a sense the physical embodiment of cultural capital, the deeply ingrained habits, skills, and dispositions that people possess due to the cultural capital inherited through their family upbringing and location in the social hierarchy. Cultural capital is capital also in the sense of an investment, as it is expensive and difficult to attain while eventually "paying off" by providing access to better occupations, financial rewards, life styles, health and privileges. Bourdieu argued that the privilege accorded to those who hold cultural capital is a key means of reproducing the power of the ruling classes. People with the “wrong” cultural attributes have difficulty attaining the same privileged status or the same ability move freely within a social milieu. Cultural capital becomes a key measure of distinction between social strata. For example, cultural capital and habitus also apply to people's “taste” in cultural objects such as art, food, and clothing. Matters of taste are often key markers of distinction, which people detect in each other almost immediately. [caption id="attachment_702" align="aligncenter" width="495"] Figure 9.24 Imelda Marcos, the wife of the Philippine dictator Ferdinand Marcos, was reputed to be one of the ten wealthiest woman in the world in 1975. When her husband was deposed in 1986, the couple fled leaving behind 2,000 to 3,000 shoes from world renowned designers Ferragamo, Givenchy, Chanel, and Christian Dior. (Image courtesy of Vince Lamb/Flickr.) CC BY-NC-SA 2.0[/caption] In the Theory of the Leisure Class (1899), Thorstein Veblen (1857-1929) described the activity of conspicuous consumption as the tendency of people to buy things as a display of status rather than out of need. Conspicuous consumption refers to buying certain products to make a social statement about status. Carrying pricey but eco-friendly water bottles could indicate a person’s social standing. Some people buy expensive trendy sneakers even though they will never wear them to jog or play sports. A $17,000 car provides transportation as easily as a $127,000 Tesla Model S, but the luxury car makes a social statement that the less-expensive car can not live up to. All of these symbols of social inequality are worthy of examination by interpretive sociologists because their social significance is determined by the shared meanings people recognize in them. [caption id="attachment_701" align="aligncenter" width="800"] Figure 9.25 J. Gooch, Canadian hip hop artist from Windsor. (Photo courtesy of Liam Higgins/Flickr.) CC BY-NC-ND 2.0[/caption] In North American culture, displays of conspicuous consumption can be complex. For example, Randall Collins (2008) describes the dynamic of visual appearance according to the "street code" of Black inner city poverty areas in the United States. The street code is a product of the experience of unreliable police protection in which each individual attempts to demonstrate to others their ability to take care of themselves, using violence if necessary. In terms of individual self-presentation through clothing style, grooming and accessories, it has two contradictory implications. On one hand, 1990s street style for Black males involved wearing baggy pants low on the hips, untied sneakers or work boots, and caps worn backwards. These were counter-cultural markers or displays that rejected the conventions and symbols of success in white mainstream society. On the other hand, wearing expensive athletic suits and shoes, or prestigious brand-named gear, was meant as a conspicuous claim to status within that community. It meant that owner had overcome poverty by "street means" rather than selling out, and since ostentatious displays of wealth marked one as a potential target of theft, wearing these symbolic objects also communicated the ability to protect oneself as a kind of "visual boast." They signified street status. The irony of hip hop style being picked up by white youth far from the inner city worlds where it developed was that it carried a meaning or counter-cultural gesture of survival under conditions of oppression, which itself became a treasured symbol of prestige and conspicuous consumption under more affluent conditions.

Media Attributions

Figure 9.22 Inequality of the Drifting Chain by Thomas Hawk, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY-NC 2.0 licence.
Figure 9.23 Towards the Dawn by the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation by the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation, via Wikimedia Commons, is in the public domain.
Figure 9.24 Imelda Marcos shoes by Vince Lamb used under a CC BY-NC-SA 2.0 licence.
Figure 9.25 Josh Gooch [23/25] by Liam Higgens, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY-NC-ND 2.0 licence.

Chapter 9 Resources and Activities

hfriedman — Mon, 14 Aug 2023 16:06:00 +0000

Key Terms

absolute poverty: A severe deprivation of basic human needs, including food, safe drinking water, sanitation facilities, health, shelter, education and information.achieved status: A status received through individual effort or merits (e.g., occupation, educational level, moral character, etc.). ascribed status: A status received by virtue of being born into a category or group (e.g., hereditary position, gender, race, etc.). avoidance rituals: Ritualized practices by which people keep both a physical and social distance from status superiors. blue-collar: Relating to manual work or workers. bourgeoisie: In capitalism, the owning class who live from the proceeds of owning or controlling capital. caste system: A system in which people are born into a social standing that they will retain their entire lives. class: A group who shares a common social status based on their economic position or relationship to the means of production. class system: A stratification system based on class structure and individual achievement. conspicuous consumption: Buying and using products to make a statement about social standing. cultural capital: Cultural assets in the form of knowledge, education, and taste that can be transferred intergenerationally. Davis-Moore thesis: An argument that social inequality provides positive functional incentives in the occupational system. downward mobility: A lowering of one’s social class. endogamous marriages: Unions of people within the same social category. equality of conditions: A situation in which everyone in a society has a similar level of wealth, status, and power. equality of opportunity: A situation in which everyone in a society has an equal chance to pursue economic or social rewards. exchange theory: A sociological paradigm that models human interaction on the basis of calculated social exchanges of resources governed by a norm of reciprocity exogamous marriages: Unions of people from different social categories. Gini Index: A measure of income inequality in which zero is absolute equality and one is absolute inequality. Great Gatsby curve: the correlation between greater social inequality in a society and lower intergenerational mobility hegemony: the ability of a dominant group in society to secure consent to its rule by successfully presenting its own interests, values and norms as the common sense interests, values and norms of everybody. income: The money a person earns from work or investments. intergenerational mobility: A difference in income level between different generations of a family. intragenerational mobility: A difference in income level between different members of the same generation. intersectionality: The compounding effects of multiple determinants of social inequality living wage: The income needed to meet a family’s basic needs and enable them to participate in community life. lumpenproletariat: In capitalism, the underclass of chronically unemployed or irregularly employed who are in and out of the workforce. means of production: Productive property, including the things like tools, technologies, resources, land, workplaces, etc. used to produce the goods and services needed for survival meritocracy: An ideal system in which individual achievements determine social standing. neo-liberalism: A set of policies in which the state reduces its role in providing public services, regulating industry, redistributing wealth, and protecting the commons while advocating the use of free market mechanisms to regulate society. petite bourgeoisie: In capitalism, the class of small owners like shopkeepers, farmers, and contractors who own some property and perhaps employ a few workers but rely on their own labour to survive. power: How many people a person must take orders from versus how many people a person can give orders to or influence with their decisions. presentation rituals: Ritualized practices by which individuals attest to the esteem they hold for others. primogeniture: A law stating that all property passes to the firstborn son. proletariat: The class of people defined by selling their labour for a wage or salary. proletarianization: The process in which work conditions increasingly resemble those of the traditional, blue-collar working class. relative poverty: Living without the minimum amount of income or resources needed to be able to participate in the ordinary living patterns, customs, and activities of a society. social differentiation: The division of people into categories based on socially significant characteristics, identities, and roles. social inequality: The unequal distribution of valued resources, rewards, and positions in a society. social mobility: The ability to change positions within a social stratification system. social stratification: An institutionalized system of social inequality. socio-economic status (SES): A group's social position in a hierarchy based on income, education, and prestige of occupation. standard of living: A level of material goods and comforts required to maintain a particular socio-economic lifestyle. status: The degree of honour or prestige one has in the eyes of others. status consistency: The consistency, or lack thereof, of an individual’s rank across different social categories like income, education, and occupation. structural mobility: When societal changes increase or decrease the relative income of an entire group or category of people vis-a-vis other groups. upward mobility: An increase in one's social class. wealth: The value of a person's assets. white-collar: Relating to "mental," administrative or services work, particularly in an office or other professional environment

Section Summary

9.1 What Is Social Inequality? Social inequality is defined by the unequal distribution of valued resources, rewards, and social positions in a society. Key to the concept are the notions of social differentiation--the social characteristics used to differentiate people--and social stratification--the institutionalized systems that maintain and perpetuate social inequality. Stratification systems are either closed, meaning they allow little change in social position, or open, meaning they allow movement and interaction between the layers. A caste system is a closed system in which social standing is based on ascribed status or birth. Class systems are open, to a degree, with individual achievement playing a role in social position. A debate exists between Marxist and Weberian sociologists about whether class is best understood as a structure based on a group's relationship to the ownership of the means of production or as a multi-dimensional variable based on factors like wealth, income, education, status, and occupation. 9.2 Social Inequality Standards of living range from extreme wealth to absolute poverty--an inability to meet basic needs for survival--and relative poverty--an ability to participate in the ordinary activities of a society. Sociological research into inequality shows that the gap in income and wealth between the rich and the poor has been increasing in Canada over the last 40 years. In a comparative perspective, the Gini Index measure of inequality shows that Canada’s level of inequality is much higher than many European countries but is lower than the United States and Mexico. 9.3 Social Classes in Canada There are three main classes in Canada: the owning class, middle class/traditional working class and the working poor/underclass. Social mobility describes the ability of people to shift from one social class to another, but even in open class societies research shows that people tend to remain in the classes they were born into. Class background significantly affects one’s chances to get ahead. 9.4 Theoretical Perspectives on Social Inequality The increasing social inequality of the last four decades can be examined from different sociological perspectives — functionalism, critical sociology, and interpretive sociology. The functionalist perspective states that inequality serves an important function in aligning individual merit and motivation with social position. Critical sociologists observe that class power accounts for the increasing wealth of the owning class over the last 40 years. Interpretive sociologists examine how social inequality is communicated at both micro-level and macro-levels in society. They observe how social standing affects people’s everyday interactions, particularly the tendency to use rituals of deference and interact with people of like status, and how social class is constructed and maintained through cultural capital and conspicuous consumption.

Questions

Quiz: Social inequality and class

9.1 What Is Social Inequality?

Caste systems are closed due to what factor?
1. Exogenous marriage practices.
2. People cannot change their social standings.
3. Feudal deference rituals and values.
4. All of the above.
What factor makes class systems open?
1. There are no formal restrictions on movement between classes.
2. People are more open-minded.
3. People naturally socialize within their class.
4. All of the above.
Social inequality is based on .
1. Social differentiation
2. Social stratification
3. Unequal distribution of valued resources, rewards and social positions
4. All of the above
Which of the following best illustrates equality of condition?
1. Everyone in a society has an equal possibility of becoming successful.
2. Everyone in a society has an equal level of wealth, status, and power.
3. Everyone in society as an equal level of skill, talent, and ability.
4. Everyone in society has equal access to meritocracy.
Which statement illustrates low status consistency?
1. A suburban family lives in a modest ranch home and enjoys a nice vacation each summer.
2. A single mother receives welfare and struggles to find adequate employment.
3. A college dropout launches an online company that earns millions in its first year.
4. A celebrity actor spoils his public image by slapping another actor on stage.
Based on meritocracy, a physician’s assistant would .
1. Receive the same pay as all the other physician’s assistants.
2. Be encouraged to earn a higher degree to seek a better position.
3. Most likely marry a professional at the same level.
4. Earn a pay raise for doing excellent work.
Marx defines social class as .
1. A group of people with the same relationship to the means of production.
2. A group of people with the same relationship to the market value of their property or labour skills.
3. A group of people with the same life chances.
4. Proletarians, Lumpen proletarians, Bourgeoisie, and Petit-Bourgeoisie.

9.2 Social Inequality

In Canada, most people define themselves as .
1. Lower class.
2. Upper class.
3. Middle class.
4. Classless and free.
Structural mobility occurs when .
1. A large group moves up or down the class ladder.
2. An individual moves up or down the class ladder.
3. The degree of intergenerational “stickiness” changes.
4. A member of a family belongs to a different class than their siblings.
The difference between relative and absolute poverty is .
1. A living wage vs. minimum wage.
2. The ability to participate in society vs. the ability to survive.
3. Half the median family income vs. the income level below which a family would devote at least 20 percentage points more of their income to food, clothing, and shelter.
4. All of the above.
Which of the following scenarios is an example of intergenerational mobility?
1. A janitor belongs to the same social class as their grandmother.
2. An executive belongs to a different class than their parents.
3. An editor in 2021 earns less than an editor did in 1981.
4. A lawyer belongs to a different class than their sister.
The difference between blue-collar and white-collar means that jobs are .
1. not all equal in status.
2. not all equally paid.
3. not all equally defined by relation to the means of production.
4. not all equally distributed between genders.
Fragments of the Canadian capitalist class refer to .
1. The Bourgeoisie and Petit-Bourgeoisie.
2. 1st, 2nd and 3rd generation wealth holders.
3. Break-up of corporate conglomerates due to the "Dutch Disease" phenomenon.
4. Carbon capital, industrial capital, pharmaceuticals and biotech, commercial retail chains, financial institutions.
A figure of "0" in the Gini Index indicates .
1. Social inequality.
2. Equality of opportunity.
3. Equality of condition.
4. Disenchantment of the world.

9.4 Theoretical Perspectives on Social Inequality

The basic premise of the Davis-Moore thesis is that the unequal distribution of rewards in social stratification .
1. Serves a purpose in society.
2. Is an outdated and dysfunctional mode of societal organization.
3. Is a source of social strain.
4. Is a product of class power.
Unlike Davis and Moore, Melvin Tumin believed that because of social stratification some qualified people were higher-level job positions.
1. Encouraged to train for
2. Denied the opportunity to obtain
3. Fired from
4. Naturally suited to
Which statement represents stratification from the perspective of interpretive sociology?
1. Flashy clothes demonstrate street cred[ibility].
2. After work, Pat, a janitor, feels more comfortable eating in a truck stop than a French restaurant.
3. Doctors earn more money because their job requires rarer skills.
4. Teachers have relatively high status and relatively low wages.
Critical theorists explain the increasing share of the pie controlled by capitalists as a product of .
1. The rarity of specific skills or capacities required by corporate executives.
2. Inheritance of wealth.
3. Global corporate networks.
4. Neo-liberal taxation policies.

[Quiz answers at end of chapter]

Short Answer

9.1 What Is Social Inequality?

Track the social stratification of your family tree. Did the social standing of your parents differ from the social standing of your grandparents and great-grandparents? What social traits were handed down by your forebears? Are there any exogamous marriages in your history? Does your family exhibit status consistencies or inconsistencies?
Outline the differences between Marx's and Weber's definition of class. What do you see as the strengths and limitations of each definition?

9.2 Social Inequality

Which social class do you and your family belong to? Are you in a different social class than your grandparents and great-grandparents? Does your class differ from your social status and, if so, how? What aspects of your societal situation establish you in a social class?
Is the middle class the same or different from the working class? Consider Marxist and Weberian arguments. Why does it matter whether the middle class is same or different from the working class?
Do a search of recent newspaper articles on poverty in Canada. How is poverty represented in the media? Are the representations informed by concepts of absolute poverty, relative poverty, or both? How might the sociological analyses of class structure, status distinction, and habitus contribute to the discussion of poverty?

9.4 Theoretical Perspectives on Social Inequality

Analyze the Davis-Moore thesis. Do you agree with Davis and Moore that inequality is necessary for society to function? What examples can you think of that support the thesis? What examples can you think of that refute the thesis?
Do you see any evidence of the growing gap between the rich and poor in Canada? What evidence do you see of the relative decline in wealth and income of the middle class? Does growing inequality affect you personally? What do you think the broader implications are?
What class traits define your peer group? For example, what speech patterns or clothing trends do you and your friends share? What cultural elements, such as taste in music or hobbies, define your peer group? How do you see this set of class traits as different from other classes either above or below yours?

Further Research

9.1 What Is Social Inequality? The New York Times investigated social stratification in their series of articles called “Class Matters.” The online accompaniment to the series includes an interactive graphic called “How Class Works,” which tallies four factors — occupation, education, income, and wealth — and places an individual within a certain class and percentile. What class describes you? Test your class rank on the New York Times interactive site. 9.2 Social Inequality Mark Ackbar made a documentary about social class and the rise of the corporation called The Corporation. The filmmakers interviewed corporate insiders and critics. The accompanying website is full of information, resource guides, and study guides to the film.: http://thecorporation.com/.

References

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Celebrity Net Worth. (2021). Jim Carrey net worth. Celebrity Net Worth. https://www.celebritynetworth.com/richest-celebrities/actors/jim-carrey-net-worth/ Connolly, M., Haeck, C., Lapierre, D. (2021). Trends in intergenerational income mobility and income inequality in Canada. Statistics Canada Catalogue no. 11F0019M —No. 458. https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/en/pub/11f0019m/11f0019m2021001-eng.pdf?st=TTjLLMOO Corak, M., Curtis, L., Phipps, S. (2010). Economic mobility, family background, and the well-being of children in the United States and Canada. [PDF] Institute for the Study of Labor. (Discussion paper no. 4814). Bonn, Germany. http://ftp.iza.org/dp4814.pdf Driscoll, C., Saulnier, C. (2020, September 2). Living wages in Nova Scotia and New Brunswick 2020. Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives. https://policyalternatives.ca/publications/reports/living-wages-nova-scotia-and-new-brunswick-2020 Gilbert, D. (2010). The American class structure in an age of growing inequality. 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9.3 Social Classes in Canada Abercrombie, N., & Urry, J. (1983). Capital, labour and the middle classes. George Allen & Unwin.

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Solutions to Section Quiz

1 B, | 2 A, | 3 D, | 4 B, | 5 C, | 6 D, | 7 A, | 8 C, | 9 A, | 10 B, | 11 B, | 12 A, | 13 D, | 14 C, | 15 A, | 16 B, | 17 B, | 18 D, [Return to Quiz]

10.1. Trade, Colonialism, and the Origins of Global Society

hfriedman — Mon, 14 Aug 2023 16:42:08 +0000

[caption id="attachment_2070" align="aligncenter" width="1024"] Figure 10.5 The Silk Road (in green) and other caravan routes of Eurasia in the 1st century A.D. (Image courtesy of Kaidor/Wikimedia Commons.) CC BY-SA 4.0[/caption] Robertson (1990) has argued that an understanding of global society has to begin with the long historical processes by which "the global system has been and continues to be made." Although he cites the 2nd Century Roman historian Polybius, who noted that "[f]ormerly the things which happened in the world had no connection among themselves.... [b]ut since then all events are united in a common bundle," it was not until the "germinal phase" of globalization in early modernity (15th - 18th century) that it became realistic to talk about humanity becoming organized as a single global society. Interestingly, Robertson argues that the process of dividing the world into separate national societies was itself an aspect of globalization, rather than an existing or 'natural' state of affairs replaced or undermined by globalization. Robertson (1990) defines several stages on the path to the creation of global society:

Phase I: the germinal phase (15th – mid-18th century) Phase II: the incipient phase (mid-18th century – 1870s) Phase III: the take-off phase (1870s – mid-1920s) Phase IV: the struggle-for-hegemony phase (mid 1920s – mid-1960s) Phase V: the uncertainty phase, (1960s – present)

These stages can be mapped onto the development of colonialism and contemporary globalization, as described in the sections below.

Silk Roads (1st Century BCE–5th Century CE, and 13th–14th Centuries CE)

People have been trading goods and connecting over distances for almost as long as people have been around. In North America, for example, before the arrival of Europeans, Mississippian culture (ca. 500–1400 BCE) extended from the lower Great Lakes to the southeastern-most points of North America. Mississippians traded goods as far afield as the Bow Valley in Alberta, the Tiger Hills in southern Manitoba, along the Wəlastəkw — a.k.a. St. John River — in what is now New Brunswick, and in the farming villages of the Eastern Woodlands of the southern Maritimes, Quebec and Ontario (Belshaw, Nichel, & Horton, 2020). In terms of the creation of global society, it was not until the 1st century BCE that a key step towards globalization occurred (Vanham, 2019). The development of the 6500 kilometre long Silk Road marked the shift from trade as a local or regional practice to becoming a global phenomenon. Luxury items originating from China began to appear in Rome, marking the first time in history that such products had traveled such a great distance. Regular trading between distant societies began to become routinized. Although the intercontinental trade of luxury goods such as silk and spices between Asia and Europe had begun, it was not yet a full-fledged globalization. Silk was mostly a luxury good, and so were the spices that were added to the intercontinental trade between Asia and Europe. As a percentage of the total economy, the value of these exports was tiny, and many middlemen were involved to get the goods to their destination. Nonetheless, global trade links were established, and those involved in the trade reaped significant profits, with prices often multiplying by dozens from purchase to final sale. The success of the Silk Road was largely due to the dominance of two great empires that controlled much of the trade route. Interruptions in trade were typically caused by blockades from local enemies of Rome or China. The eventual closure of the Silk Road after several centuries was due to the fall of these empires. When the road was reopened during Marco Polo's travels in the late medieval period (1271–1295), it was due to the rise of a new dominant empire — the Mongols. Throughout history, the pattern of trade's success has been linked to the protection provided by dominant empires, and its decline has been associated with the weakening or fall of these empires.

Spice Routes (7th–15th Centuries)

[caption id="attachment_2451" align="alignleft" width="273"] Figure 10.6 Sinbad the Sailor represented as a trader hosting merchants from different cultures from China to Europe. The Abbasid Caliphate was at the centre of the spice trade, which inspired the tales of Sinbad the Sailor. (Painting by Abanindranath Tagore, 1930, courtesy of Wikimedia Commons.) Public Domain[/caption] Islamic merchants were responsible for the next phase of global trade (Vanham, 2019). With the widespread dissemination of Islam from its Arabian origins in the 7th century, trade also began to expand in all directions. The prophet Mohammed, who founded Islam, was a renowned merchant, as was his wife Khadija, thus making trade a pivotal component of the religion and its adherents. By the early 9th century, Muslim traders had already established dominance over trade in the Mediterranean and Indian Ocean regions, and eventually expanded their reach as far east as Indonesia, which later became a Muslim-majority country, and as far west as Moorish Spain. During the Middle Ages, the primary focus of Islamic trade was on spices, which had been traded mainly by sea since ancient times. By the medieval era, spices had become the central focus of international trade. Among these spices were cloves, nutmeg, and mace from the renowned Spice Islands located in the Maluku islands of Indonesia. These spices were in high demand in Europe and incredibly expensive. Therefore, they were still considered luxury items, and the trade remained relatively low-volume. Although globalization had not yet taken off, the original Belt (sea route) and Road (Silk Road) of trade between East and West was established.

Age of Colonization (15th–18th Centuries)

The Age of Colonization marked the beginning of truly global trade (Vanham, 2019). This era, starting from the late 15th century, connected the East and the West through the efforts of European explorers who also accidentally discovered the Americas. The scientific revolution in fields like astronomy, mechanics, physics, and shipping aided these explorations by Portuguese, Spanish, Dutch, and English explorers. They first discovered lands unknown to Europe, then subjugated them, and ultimately integrated them into their economies, a process referred to as colonialism. The Age of Colonization had a significant impact on the world. The discovery of the Americas by Columbus, which almost destroyed pre-Columbian civilizations, is the most infamous example. However, the circumnavigation of the globe by Magellan was perhaps more consequential for the process of globalization. It opened the door to the Spice Islands, eliminating Arab and Italian middlemen. Although trade remained small compared to total GDP (Gross Domestic Product), expanded global integration considerably transformed people’s lives on a global scale.

For example, the European colonization of the Americas initiated the Columbian Exchange (Crosby, 2003), the enormous widespread exchange of plants, animals, foods, human populations (including slaves), communicable diseases (like smallpox), and culture between the Eastern and Western hemispheres. It was one of the most significant global events concerning ecology, agriculture, and culture in history. New crops like corn, potatoes, tomatoes, tobacco and chocolate that had come from the Americas via the European seafarers in the 16th century significantly contributed to the world's population growth and to the formation of new habits of life around global products.

Colonialism

Two key developments contributed to the form and nature of global integration during this period. The first was the development of colonialism. Colonialism is a form of domination in which a state or state sponsored group exercises direct control over the territory and inhabitants of another society (Horvath, 1972; Mahoney, 2010). Colonization implies the power to settle, govern and extract resources from a foreign territory even in the face of resistance by its inhabitants. Marx (1977) described this process as primitive accumulation: wealth generated by separating people from a territory and its resources, and subjecting them to unfree labour (e.g., slavery, peonage), expropriation of land, and destruction of previously self-determining communities. From the point of view of those inhabitants, local political structures and Indigenous self-government, including the Indigenous capacity to exercise control over their own territory, are forcibly eliminated, neutralized or rendered subordinate to the colonizing power. From the point of view of global integration, colonialism coercively subsumed a huge proportion of the planet to European control and supplanted local, isolated economies; first with mercantilism and then with global capitalism. For the European colonizers of the early modern period, colonial dispossession of Indigenous inhabitants was legitimated through the doctrine of Terra Nullius or "nobody's land" — the idea that territory and economic resources that are not being effectively utilized by an Indigenous population "could legitimately be expropriated and developed by a superior invading nation" (Lieven, 2000). Ideologies that characterized Indigenous People as inferior, savage, childlike or uncivilized, and therefore in need of colonial government further supported this notion. In this way colonization could be presented as a type of "civilizing mission." [caption id="attachment_2124" align="aligncenter" width="640"] Figure 10.7 Jacques Cartier meeting with the St. Lawrence Iroquois at Hochelaga during his second voyage in 1535 (Painting by Lawrence Batchelor (1933) courtesy of Wikimedia Commons.) Public Domain[/caption] In the development of the European colonial empires, two major forms of colonialism were utilized, which had significant impact on the formation of contemporary global inequality (discussed later in the chapter): colonies of exploitation and colonies of settlement (Pares, 1937; Shipley, 2020). As Shipley (2020) sums it up: "Though no two cases are identical, it is possible to distinguish between these two categories of colonialism: those designed primarily for economic exploitation (Spanish America, British India and the Dutch East Indies) and a more settler-oriented colonialism (British North America, French Algeria and Portuguese Brazil)." The formation of the 16th-century Spanish Empire for example was based largely on exploitative colonialism in which its colonies in the Americas and elsewhere were treated as sources of natural resources to exploit, especially precious metals. Efforts to conquer and enslave the inhabitants were focused on the extraction of wealth. The violent exploitation of the "mountain of silver" in Potosí, Bolivia, in the 16th and 17th century, described by Eduardo Galeano in Open Veins of Latin America (1973), is a grim example. The Spanish colonists imposed a forced labour system known as the mita, in which Indigenous Incans from hundreds of miles away were forced to labour in the mines and then carry a daily quota of 25 45kg bags of silver ore to the surface. This lead to a demographic collapse of Incan society in the area. Thousands of Incans and African slaves died before the resource was exhausted at the end of the 17th century, but the silver funded the Spanish colonial empire and provided the key ingredient of capitalism — fluid money — that enabled the global exchange of slaves, fabrics, spices, silk, porcelain, tea and other goods on a permanent basis. On the other hand, the British colonization of the Americas took the form of settler colonialism, involving permanent European settlement and displacement of Indigenous Peoples. The colonies that became Canada, the United States, New Zealand, Australia and South Africa were settler colonies. While the colonization of Western Canada in the 19th century might appear less directly violent than in Potosí, the Canadian government used the collapse of population due to epidemic disease, the decimation of the buffalo and an active policy of starvation to force Indigenous Peoples off their land and onto relatively unproductive reserve lands to make way for railway development and advancing European settlement (Daschuk, 2013).

The Sovereign State System

The second development of global integration in this period is related to the first: the formation of the sovereign state system. As discussed in Chapter 17. Government and Politics, the sovereign state system is the structure by which the world is divided up into separate and indivisible sovereign territories. Prior to the early modern age, feudal Europe and most of the world was divided into a complex patchwork of small overlapping jurisdictions with uncertain borders, sometimes held in allegiance to empires like the Mongol Empire or the Holy Roman Empire. Secular or political authority was often at odds with religious authority or entwined with it in complex ways. It was not until the Peace of Westphalia (1648) at the end of the Thirty Years War that the modern nation-state system can be said to have come into existence based on the principle of sovereignty: the political form in which a single, central “sovereign” or supreme lawmaking authority governs within a clearly demarcated territory. [caption id="attachment_2142" align="alignleft" width="400"] Figure 10.8 The partition of Africa by colonial powers showing the expansion of colonization from 1880 (shown in green) to 1891 (shown in pink). (Image courtesy of Wikimedia Commons.) Public Domain[/caption] It might seem ironic today that the development of the sovereign state system was a key component of early globalization. The separation of societies into discrete sovereign territories and nations is often presented as a source of resistance to processes of globalization, which tend to bypass or break borders down. However, the division of the entire globe into territorially separate states (except for the oceans and Antarctica) was a mechanism that imposed a single model of political community onto every corner of the Earth. Combined with colonialism, eight different European nation-states controlled and defined the territories of what eventually became 125 different nation-states (Abernethy, 2000). The arbitrariness of where the colonial borders were drawn remains a significant source of conflict today, particularly in the Middle East and Africa where artificial borders often cut through existing ethnic communities or combined rival communities into a single sovereign territory. Moreover, the modern state system imposed a structure onto global politics that remains in effect to this day (Walker, 1993). Whereas states claim the power to regulate and control processes within their borders, the international relations between states are unregulated except through diplomatic agreements and voluntary international norms, which are generally not backed by force. While order is maintained by “the sovereign” within each sovereign state, outside the state or between states there is no sovereign to enforce law. The international sovereign state system is inherently unstable in this sense, and war is always a possibility as individual states pursue their interests. In addition, as noted earlier with the container ship example, the modern state system means that while individual states have jurisdiction or authority over processes occurring within their borders, their capacity to act is restricted to the many issues affecting their populations that are global in scale. Regulating maritime traffic is one example, but finding adequate, global-level responses to issues ranging from climate change to global poverty, to the spread of misinformation in social media is inherently tenuous. According to some sociologists, the early Age of Colonization may not be considered as true globalization as the resulting global economy was still segmented and unbalanced (Vanham, 2019). Although trade became global and was the main reason for colonization, the European Empires primarily established global supply chains with their own colonies. Additionally, their colonial model was centred on exploitation and primitive accumulation, which included the disgraceful legacy of the slave trade. Therefore, the empires developed a mercantilist and a colonial economy, but not a genuinely globalized one. Nevertheless, it was during this period that the entire world was reconfigured around a new centre of power in Europe, which for the first time in human history had the power to shape historical events all over the planet (Shipley, 2020).

Three Waves of Globalization (19th Century–1914, 1945–1989, 1989–Present)

First Wave

The period from the 19th century up to 1914 saw the emergence of the true first wave of globalization (Vanham, 2019). During this time, Great Britain rose to global dominance both in terms of its global empire of colonies, and in terms of its early industrialization, thanks to new technologies like the steam engine and spinning jenny. This was the era of the industrial revolution.

[caption id="attachment_2130" align="aligncenter" width="350"] Figure 10.9 Hundreds of English workers leaving Platt's Works, Oldham 20th August 1900. Platt's Works manufactured textile machinery and by the end of the 19th century employed 12,000 workers (Image courtesy of BFI Archive/Wikimedia Commons.) Public Domain[/caption]

[caption id="attachment_2131" align="aligncenter" width="300"] Figure 10.10 Missionary holds up a Congolese man's decapitated arm, circa 1890-1910. The 1904 report by Roger Casement documented "Congo atrocities", including punishment, murders and mutilations (particularly amputation of the right hand on living victims or after death) that took place on colonial rubber plantations in the Congo Free State, territory owned by Belgian King Leopold II, who exploited it for its plant and mineral resources. (Image courtesy of International Mission Photography Archive/Wikimedia Commons.) Public Domain[/caption]

The industrial revolution in Britain provided a powerful driving force for global trade through two main factors (Vanham, 2019). Firstly, the development of steamships and trains facilitated the efficient transportation of goods over long distances, both domestically and internationally. Secondly, the industrialization of Britain allowed the production of inexpensive goods, such as iron, textiles, and manufactured items, which were in high demand globally. As the economist John Maynard Keynes observed: “The inhabitant of London could order by telephone, sipping his morning tea in bed, the various products of the whole Earth, in such quantity as he might see fit, and reasonably expect their early delivery upon his doorstep” (cited in Globalist, 2001). Although Britain was the primary beneficiary of the first wave of globalization due to its significant capital and technological advancements, other countries also benefited from it. With the invention of the refrigerated cargo ship in the 1870s, countries like Argentina and Uruguay were able to export meat on a large scale, which led to their golden age. Other countries also began to specialize and trade in goods in which they were most competitive.

[caption id="attachment_2146" align="alignleft" width="300"] Figure 10.11 The vast territory of Rupert's Land was incorporated into the global economy when exclusive rights to trade in the area were granted to the Hudson's Bay Company in 1670. This model of joint stock company became key to the expansion of the global economy in the 19th century. (Image courtesy of Matthew Trump, 2004/ Wikimedia Commons.) GNU Free Documentation Licence[/caption] John Maynard Keynes noted that a similar situation was also true in the world of investing. International banking structures, the invention of the joint stock corporation and then the modern private corporation facilitated the global circulation of capital investment, as well as the physical infrastructure of globalization. Individuals with financial resources in major cities like New York, Paris, London, or Berlin had the ability to invest in joint stock companies that were engaged in international activities. The Hudson's Bay Company, for example, was an early joint stock company that was granted control and exclusive trading rights over the huge territory of "Rupert's Land" traversed by rivers flowing into Hudson Bay as early as 1670 (Ray, 2009). This effectively drew most of what became Western Canada and the Northern United States into the global economy. Another joint stock corporation was the French Compagnie de Suez. It constructed the Suez Canal between 1859 and 1869, connecting the Mediterranean with the Indian Ocean and opening yet another artery of world trade. Others built railways in Canada, the United States and India, or managed mines in African colonies. The 19th century also entrenched the processes of colonization (Vanham, 2019). By the end of the 19th century, “most [globalizing and industrialized] European nations grabbed for a piece of Africa, and by 1900 the only independent country left on the continent was Ethiopia” (Stokes Brown, 2022). Similarly, major countries such as India, China, Mexico, or Japan, once powerful, were subdued either militarily or economically by Europe and the United States. They were either unable or not permitted to adjust to the industrial and global trends. Western powers placed restrictions on their development, or they could not compete due to their limited access to capital or industrial technology. Finally, globalization did not benefit many workers in industrialized nations, either — their work became subservient to industrial machinery, or their employment was undercut by competition from imports.

Second Wave

Between the First and Second World Wars, global integration regressed as world powers entered the "struggle for hegemony" phase of globalization (Robertson, 1990). But the end of World War II marked a second wave of globalization. Formal decolonization dismantled the European Empires as many former colonies fought for and attained independence. This did not mean economic independence however as many were quickly subsumed into forms of neo-colonialism in a restructured global order. At first, this happened in two separate tracks that continued the struggle for hegemony phase described by Robertson (1990). The Cold War divided the world into two spheres of influence: the communist Warsaw Pact lead by the Soviet Union and the capitalist order lead by the United States. In the capitalist sphere of influence, under the hegemony (i.e., leadership) of the United States, and aided by new technologies like the car and the plane, global trade and foreign investment started to rise again. Key to developing global integration in this phase was the formation of several new global level institutions at the end of the Second World War. These were based on international negotiations and agreements to enable political, economic, and non-governmental affairs to be globally coordinated. The United Nations was formed in 1945, focusing on collective security following the failure of the former League of Nations to prevent World War II. The UN also created measures for protecting global health and human rights, including the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the World Health Organization. In terms of economic coordination, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank (WB) were created as global institutions to help control the destructive ups and downs of global markets, which had been acute problems during the interwar period, and to ensure stable currencies. Similarly, Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) like Amnesty International, Oxfam, Greenpeace, etc. emerged to play an increasingly important role outside of government to address global scale problems and foster a sense of global citizenship and responsibility.

Third Wave

When the "Iron Curtain" dividing East and West fell in 1989, the Soviet Union collapsed, and globalization entered its third wave. The newly created World Trade Organization (WTO) encouraged nations all over the world to adopt a neo-liberal model of globalization (discussed later in the chapter), including free trade agreements that reduced political barriers to the circulation of capital, investment, and commodities. Increased circulation of people and their labour through migration diversified populations worldwide. In 2001, even China, which was a secluded, agrarian economy for most of the 20th century, became a member of the WTO, and started to manufacture for the world. Since then, the world has been increasingly dominated by two global powers, the U.S. and China. At the same time, new technologies from the Third Industrial Revolution — computerization, the internet and digital technology — connected people all over the world in an even more direct way. The orders Keynes could place by phone in 1914 could now be placed over the internet. Instead of having them delivered in a few weeks, they could arrive at one’s doorstep the next day. Digital technology, communication and banking allowed for a further global integration of supply and production chains, as noted earlier in the chapter. These digital technologies continue to eliminate distance around the globe through instantaneous e-commerce, digital services, 3D printing, artificial intelligence and, of course, social media. The changing configuration of global capitalism and international relations in the 3rd wave of globalization has been described by some as the reemergence of empire (Hardt & Negri, 2000). Instead of the historical empires organized from a single centre like the Roman Empire, British Empire, or Post WWII American hegemony, contemporary empire is arguably organized around a fluid, ad hoc network of international agreements, supra-national agencies and transnational corporations (Negri, 2004). Alongside the numerous trade agreements, which have harmonized economies and removed tariff borders that restrict the flow of capital and goods, in recent decades frequent global “police actions” and trade embargoes have been enacted by various “coalitions of the willing” to enforce global peace or intervene in domestic policy (in, for example, Yugoslavia, Somalia, Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Syria, Ukraine, etc.). Similarly, the Paris Agreement on climate change or the Ottawa Treaty on landmines are examples of global initiatives that blur the sovereign jurisdictions and boundaries of the sovereign state system.

Effects of Globalization

The effects of this globalization have been uneven. Later in the chapter, the formation of a fluid, global, late modern culture which disembeds people from locality, organizes them through global scale expert systems and exposes them to planetary risks, will be discussed. In terms of the economic aspects of globalization, some have argued that a majority of the global population has benefited from this: more people than ever before belong to the global middle class, having achieved this status by participating in the global economy. But many workers, especially in the West, have become skeptical about a political and economic system that has resulted in increased economic inequality, job insecurity, social instability, outsourcing, capital disinvestment, and immigration. Outsourcing shifts production to low-wage enclaves, displacement leads to sectors of precarious employment in the traditionally wealthy global north, global markets compel people to migrate from rural to urban areas and “slum cities,” legal and illegal immigration from poor countries to rich countries fuels xenophobia, while large numbers of workers simply become redundant to global production and turn to informal, casual labour. This has lead to both anti-globalization movements that challenge the corporate focus of neo-liberal globalization and neo-populist, anti-immigrant movements that seek to arrest globalization altogether. [caption id="attachment_2188" align="alignleft" width="237"] Figure 10.12 Walter Rodney (1942-1980) was a Guyanese historian, political activist and academic. His notable works include How Europe Underdeveloped Africa (1972). Rodney was assassinated in Georgetown, Guyana, in 1980. (Image courtesy of Wikimedia Commons.) Non-Free Use[/caption] More significantly, for much of the world patterns of systematic underdevelopment persist. Sub-Saharan Africa for example is poorer in the 2020s than it was during the period of decolonization (Broadberry and Gardner, 2022). The debt it owes the developed world, including increasingly to China, has quadrupled since the 1970s, largely under the auspices of loans and structural adjustment programs (SAPs) provided by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank (WB). These programs come with the requirement to adopt free market policies including liberalization of trade, privatization, and reduction of barriers to foreign capital. But the interest alone that African states pay to service the debts is half of their annual revenue, meaning that this phase of globalization has taken the form of perpetual debt bondage. Global Justice Now (2017) report that the continent loses more money each year through multinationals repatriating profits and illegally moving money into tax havens than it receives in aid, investment, and remittances. Walter Rodney's (1972) analysis remains salient: "When the terms of trade are set by one country in a manner entirely advantageous to itself, then trade is usually detrimental to the trading partner." In Rodney's view, rather than seeing contemporary globalization as the end of the period of colonialism, it would be more accurate to describe the expansion of global inequality and the economic underdevelopment of many former colonies as forms of neo-colonialism. Where decolonization refers to the process whereby former colonies attained formal political self-determination and independence from colonial powers, neo-colonialism describes the way in which decolonization often masks the continued socio-economic and political dominance of external powers in matters of domestic policy, resource extraction and labour exploitation. While the decolonized state appears to be independent and has total control over its dealings, the society remains structured and organized around neo-colonial relationships and interests (Nkrumah,1965). As Walter Rodney (1972) argued in How Europe Underdeveloped Africa, after the period of formal decolonization Western Europe and Africa continued to have a relationship "which insured the transfer of wealth from Africa to Europe."

Media Attributions

Figure 10.5 Silk Road in the I century AD by Kaidor is used under a CC BY-SA 4.0 licence.
Figure 10.6 Sindbad the Sailor by Abanindranath Tagore, 1930, is in the public domain.
Figure 10.7 Jacques Cartier at Hochelaga by Lawrence Batchelor (1933) is in the public domain.
Figure 10.8 The partition of Africa by unknown illustrator (1901) is in the public domain.
Figure 10.9 Workmen Leaving Platt's Works, Oldham 20th August 1900 by unknown photographer is in the public domain.
Figure 10.10 Victim of Congo atrocities, Congo, ca. 1890-1910 by unknown photographer is in the public domain.
Figure 10.11 Map of Rupert's Land by Matthew Trump, 2004 is used under a GNU Free Documentation Licence.
Figure 10.12 Walter Rodney by unknown photographer, via Wikipedia, is used under fair dealings provisions in the Canadian Copyright Act, or with a Non-free use. Wikipedia Free Use licence rationale.

10.2. Global Wealth and Poverty

hfriedman — Mon, 14 Aug 2023 16:43:52 +0000

Just as North America’s wealth is increasingly concentrated among its richest citizens, while the middle class slowly disappears, global inequality involves the concentration of resources in certain nations, significantly affecting the opportunities of individuals in poorer and less powerful countries. Global income inequality has always been significant, reflecting the persistence of a world economic system that is extremely hierarchical, both between countries and within them (Chancel et al., 2022). Global inequality increased between 1820 and 1910, in the context of the rise of Western dominance and colonial empires, and then stabilized at a remarkably high level between 1910 and 2020. Since 1980, domestic inequality has grown, but international inequality started to decline thanks to fast growth in the large so-called emerging economies. These two effects balance each other out so that, in the past few decades, global inequality has been basically stable, albeit at a very high level.

Global Stratification

Global stratification describes how worldwide patterns or structures of social inequality persist through time. While stratification in Canada refers to the unequal distribution of resources among individuals, global stratification refers to unequal distribution among states. It compares the wealth, economic stability, status, and power of countries across the world. There are two dimensions to this stratification: gaps between nations and gaps within nations. When it comes to global inequality, both economic inequality and social inequality concentrate the burden of poverty among certain segments of the Earth’s population (Myrdal, 1970). One measure of global stratification compares the quality of life of different countries' populations. Simple indicators of this are infant mortality rates and life expectancy. As the table below illustrates, people’s life expectancy depends heavily on where they happen to be born.

*Table 10.1. Statistics such as infant mortality rates and life expectancy vary greatly by country of origin. (Central Intelligence Agency, 2011)*
Country	Infant Mortality Rate	Life Expectancy
Canada	4.9 deaths per 1,000 live births	81 years
Mexico	17.2 deaths per 1,000 live births	76 years
Democratic Republic of Congo	78.4 deaths per 1,000 live births	55 years

Another way to evaluate stratification is to consider how many people live in poverty, and particularly extreme poverty, which has been defined as needing to survive on less than $2.15 per day (Filmer, Fu & Sanchez-Paramo, 2022). As noted in Chapter 9. Social Inequality, social scientists define poverty in different ways to take into account the complexities and issues of comparing poverty between jurisdictions. Relative poverty is a state of living where people can afford necessities, but cannot meet their society’s average standard of living. This cut off level might be considered the basic cost to participate in society. People often disparage “keeping up with the Joneses:" the idea that one must keep up with the neighbours’ standard of living to not feel deprived. But in Canada, the experience of living without a car to drive to and from work, without any money for a safety net should a family member fall ill, or without any “extras” beyond just making ends meet, effectively limits participation in society and makes life precarious. On the other hand, contrary to relative poverty, people who live in extreme or absolute poverty lack even the basic necessities, which typically include adequate food, clean water, safe housing, and access to healthcare. The positive news is that, until the COVID-19 pandemic impacted economies in 2020, the extreme poverty rate had been on a 30-year decline. In 1990, 1 in 3 people lived in extreme poverty, compared to approximately 1 in 10 in 2019 (World Bank, 2022). In 2015, 10.8% of the world's population lived in extreme poverty. In 2019, that number had dropped an entire percentage point to 8.4%. While this is positive, 8.4% is still equivalent to 648 million people living on less than $2.15 a day. The same year (2019), 23.5% of the world lived on less than $3.65 per day, and 46.7% on less than $6.85 per day (Schoch et al., 2022). Unfortunately, the pandemic ended this trend with an estimated spike in poverty rates of 11% in 2022. Followed by the invasion of Ukraine and climate impacts on the world’s biggest food producers, the goal of ending extreme poverty by 2030 seems unreachable (World Bank, 2022). Table 10.2 clearly demonstrates the significant differences in poverty between several countries.

Table 10.2. The differences between countries are clear when considering their extreme poverty rates. For the most part, the selected countries show disparities even within countries from the same regions. All data is from 2018 (Hasell et al., 2022).
Country	Percentage of people living on less than $2.15	Percentage of people living on less than $3.65	Percentage of people living on less than $6.85
Colombia	4.5	12.2	33.9
Costa Rica	1.5	4	13.9
Georgia	5.6	19.6	53.9
Kyrgyzstan	0.7	13.2	66.1
Sierra Leone	26.1	64.3	89.9
Angola	31.1	52.9	78
Lithuania	0.9	1.3	2.9
Ukraine	0.0	0.5	9.4
Vietnam	1.2	5.3	22.2
Indonesia	5.4	26.4	62.8

A third measure of income inequality tries to capture the two dimensions of global stratification — gaps between countries and gaps within countries — by comparing standardized income distributions. Figure 10.12 compares income distribution in 16 different countries from different regions of the world based on percentiles. To be in the top 1% of income earners in the United States in 2021, one had to earn $336,953 before taxes (about $140,000 more than in Canada ($193,036)), whereas in Ethiopia one only had to earn about $24,297. This means that top 1% in the U.S. were the highest income earners in the world, while Ethiopia is overall one of the poorest countries in the world. On the other hand, the income gap within Columbia in which the 99th percentile earner earns 192 times more than the 10th percentile earner is much higher than in the U.S. where the 99th percentile earner earns 83 times more than the 10th percentile earner (Mathisen, 2022). [caption id="attachment_2157" align="aligncenter" width="683"] Figure 10.13 Income Distributions in 16 Different Countries in U.S. dollars using 2021 income data from the World Inequality Database. (Image courtesy of Ruben Berge Mathisen/Visual Capitalist.)[/caption] Most people are accustomed to thinking of global stratification as economic inequality. For example, Ethiopia’s average worker’s wage ("ET" in Figure 10.13 above) can be compared to Canada's average wage. Social inequality, however, is just as harmful as economic discrepancies. Prejudice and discrimination — whether against a certain race, ethnicity, religion, or the like — can create and aggravate conditions of economic equality, both within and between nations. Think about the inequity that existed for decades within the nation of South Africa. Apartheid, one of the most extreme cases of institutionalized and legal racism, created a social inequality that earned it the world’s condemnation. When looking at inequity between states, one can think also about the disregard of the civil war in Yemen by most Western nations (Center for Preventive Action, 2022). Since few citizens of Western nations identified with the impoverished, non-white victims of the resulting humanitarian crisis, there has been little push to provide aid or resolve the conflict. Gender inequity is another global concern. Women continue to have less access to the labour market (and especially to the most rewarding occupations) in many countries and this exacerbates the gender inequality in earnings and access to positions of power and status (Chancel et al., 2022). Women's inequality can also be measured in terms of degrees of agency, defined as the “ability to define one’s goals and act on them” (Kabeer, 1999). Women are often at a systematic disadvantage in their ability to make effective choices in a range of spheres, from making decisions at home, deciding what kind of work to do, to choosing whether or when to get married and how many children to have to becoming politically active (World Bank Group, 2014). Inequalities based on sexual orientation and gender identity also exist around the globe. According to Amnesty International (2012), a number of types of crimes are committed against individuals who do not conform to traditional gender roles or sexual orientations (however those are culturally defined). From culturally sanctioned rape to state-sanctioned executions, the abuses are serious. These legalized and culturally accepted forms of prejudice and discrimination exist everywhere — from the United States to Somalia to Tibet — restricting the freedom of individuals and often putting their lives at risk. As of March 2019, 70 global states continue to criminalize same-sex consensual activity. The death penalty for consensual same-sex sexual acts is imposed in 6 UN member states (Iran, Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Sudan, Somalia, and Nigeria) (Mendos, 2019).

Making Connections: Sociology in the Real World

Multiple Disadvantages Among Adolescent Hmong Girls

[caption id="attachment_2193" align="alignleft" width="192"] Figure 10.14 Two young Hmong girls holding each other, near Sapa, Vietnam. (Image courtesy of Lon & Queta/Flickr.) CC BY-NC-SA 2.0[/caption] Vietnam has achieved tremendous progress in development, but the gains have been unevenly enjoyed. In Ha Giang Province in northern Vietnam, Hmong children and adolescents, especially girls, face multiple disadvantages. Among the Hmong ethnic minority, poverty rates exceed 80 percent, compared with 20 per cent for Vietnam as a whole. Traditional preference for sons and filial piety mean that girls spend long hours on domestic chores—only 4 per cent of Hmong girls are enrolled in secondary school and, as adults, their opportunities for paid work are negligible. Rates of child marriage and total fertility for Hmong are double the rate for the Kinh majority ethnic group. Hmong girls also have inadequate access to sexual and reproductive health information and services. In recent fieldwork in Ta Lung commune, girls often struggled to imagine future lives that differed from those of their mothers. Most Hmong girls reported very little say in family or community decisions, where they faced discrimination on the grounds of both their gender and their age. That was reflected in one mother’s plans for her children: “My daughter will finish grade nine only, and then she will get married. My son won’t go anywhere; he will live with me, so I let him reach the high grade.” Adapted from: World Bank Group. (2014). Voice and agency: Empowering women and girls for shared prosperity. CC BY 3.0 IGO

Global Classification

Poverty levels have been shown to vary greatly. The poor in wealthy countries like Canada or Europe are much better off than the poor in less-industrialized countries such as Mali or India. When using the World Bank categorization to classify economies, the measure of GNI, or gross national income, provides a picture of the overall economic health of a nation. Gross national income equals the market value of all goods and services produced within a country (its GDP or gross domestic product), plus net income earned outside the country by nationals and corporations headquartered in the country doing business out of the country, measured in U.S. dollars. In other words, the GNI of a country includes not only the value of goods and services inside the country, but also the value of income earned outside the country if it is earned by foreign nationals or foreign businesses. That means that multinational corporations that might earn billions in offices and factories around the globe are considered part of a core nation's GNI if they have headquarters in the core nations. Along with tracking the economy, the World Bank tracks demographics and environmental health to provide a complete picture of whether a nation is high-income, middle-income, or low-income. [caption id="attachment_2197" align="aligncenter" width="664"] Figure 10.15 Visualizing the $100 Trillion World Economy in 2022. (Image courtesy of Joyce Ma/ Visual Capitalist.)[/caption]

High-Income Nations

The World Bank defines high-income nations as having a gross national income of at least $12,536 per capita in 2019 (World Bank 2021). The classifications will always lag by a couple of years so that analysts can evaluate the true income of the nations. It separates out the OECD (Organization for Economic and Co-operative Development) countries, a group of 34 nations whose governments work together to promote economic growth and sustainability. According to the Work Bank (2011), in 2010, the average GNI of a high-income nation belonging to the OECD was $40,136 per capita; on average, 77% of the population in these nations was urban. Some of these countries include Canada, the United States, Germany, and the United Kingdom (World Bank, 2011). In 2010, the average GNI of a high-income nation that did not belong to the OECD was $23,839 per capita and 83% was urban. Examples of these countries include Saudi Arabia and Qatar (World Bank, 2011). There are two major issues facing high-income countries: capital flight and deindustrialization. Capital flight refers to the movement (flight) of capital from one nation to another, as when General Motors, Ford, and Chrysler close Canadian factories in Ontario and open factories in Mexico. Deindustrialization, a related issue, occurs as a consequence of capital flight, when no new companies open to replace jobs lost to foreign nations. As expected, global companies move their industrial processes to the places where they can get the most production with the least cost, including the costs for building infrastructure, training workers, shipping goods, and, of course, paying employee wages. This means that as low-wage economies create their own industrial zones, global companies see the opportunity for existing infrastructure and much lower costs. Those opportunities lead to businesses closing the factories that provide jobs to the middle class within core nations and moving their industrial production to peripheral and semi-peripheral nations. [caption id="attachment_2472" align="aligncenter" width="800"] Figure 10.16. This old General Motors plant in Oshawa, Ontario, is a victim of auto industry outsourcing and capital flight. (Photo courtesy of Rick Harris/Flickr.) CC BY-SA 2.0[/caption]

Middle-Income Nations

The World Bank divides middle-income economies into two categories. Lower-middle-income areas are those with a GNI per capita of more than $1,036 but less than $4,045, such as Democratic Republic of Congo, Tunisia, Philippines, El Salvador, and Nepal. Upper-middle-income areas are those with a GNI per capita between $4,046 and $12,535, including Argentina, Mexico, China, Iran, Turkey, and Namibia are examples of upper-middle-income nations (World Bank 2021). Perhaps the most pressing issue for middle-income nations is the problem of debt accumulation. As the name suggests, debt accumulation is the buildup of external debt, when countries borrow money from other nations to fund their expansion or growth goals. As the uncertainties of the global economy make repaying these debts, or even paying the interest on them, more challenging, nations can find themselves in trouble. Once global markets have reduced the value of a country’s goods, it can be difficult to manage the debt burden. Such issues have plagued middle-income countries in Latin America and the Caribbean, as well as East Asian and Pacific nations (Dogruel and Dogruel, 2007). By way of example, even in the European Union, which is composed of more core nations than semi-peripheral nations, the semi-peripheral nations of Italy, Portugal, and Greece face increasing debt burdens. The economic downturns in these countries are threatening the economy of the entire European Union.

Low-Income Nations

The World Bank defines low-income countries as nations whose per capita GNI was $1,035 per capita or less in 2019. For example, Afghanistan, Ethiopia, and Yemen are considered low-income countries. Low-income economies are primarily found in Asia and Africa (World Bank 2021), where most of the world’s population lives. Nations' classifications often change as their economies evolve and, sometimes, when their political positions change. Nepal, Indonesia, and Romania all moved up to a higher status based on improved economies. While Sudan, Algeria, and Sri Lanka moved down a level. A few years ago, Myanmar was a low-income nation, but now it has moved into the middle-income area. With Myanmar's 2021 coup, the massive citizen response, and the military's killing of protesters, its economy may go through a downturn again, returning it to the low-income nation status. There are two major challenges that these countries face: women are disproportionately affected by poverty (in a trend toward a global feminization of poverty) and much of the population lives in absolute poverty. In some ways, the term global feminization of poverty says it all: around the world, women are bearing a disproportionate percentage of the burden of poverty. This means more women live in poor conditions, receive inadequate health care, bear the brunt of malnutrition and inadequate drinking water, and so on. Throughout the 1990s, data indicated that while overall poverty rates were rising, especially in peripheral nations, the rates of impoverishment increased nearly 20% more for women than for men (Mogadham, 2005). Why is this happening? While there are myriad variables affecting women’s poverty, research specializing in this issue identifies three causes:

The expansion of female-headed households
The persistence and consequences of intra-household inequalities and biases against women
The implementation of neo-liberal economic policies around the world (Mogadham, 2005)

In short, this means that within an impoverished household, women are more likely to go hungry than men; in agricultural aid programs, women are less likely to receive help than men; and often, women are left taking care of families with no male counterpart. With respect to the challenge of absolute poverty, in 2019, 8.4% of the global population or 648 million people lived on less than $2.15 a day (Schoch et al., 2022). Not surprisingly, the consequences of extreme poverty are often also causes. The poor experience inadequate health care, limited education, and the inaccessibility of birth control. Those born into these conditions are incredibly challenged in their efforts to break out since these consequences of poverty are also causes of poverty, perpetuating a cycle of disadvantage. According to sociologists Neckerman and Torche (2007) in their analysis of global inequality studies, the consequences of poverty are many. They have divided the consequences into three areas. The first, termed “the sedimentation of global inequality,” relates to the fact that once poverty becomes entrenched in an area, it is typically difficult to reverse. As mentioned above, poverty exists in a cycle where the consequences and causes are intertwined. The second consequence of poverty is its effect on physical and mental health. Poor people face physical health challenges, including malnutrition and high infant mortality rates. Mental health is also detrimentally affected by the emotional stresses of poverty, with relative deprivation carrying the strongest effect. Again, as with the ongoing inequality, the effects of poverty on mental and physical health become more entrenched as time goes on. Neckerman and Torche’s third consequence of poverty is the prevalence of crime. Cross-nationally, crime rates are higher, particularly with violent crime, in countries with higher levels of income inequality (Fajnzylber, Lederman, and Loayza 2002).

Explanations of Global Stratification

Cold War Terminology, Modernization Theory and Structural Functionalism

The terminology of "first world" and "third world," and "underdeveloped," "developing" and "developed" nations originated during the Cold War era (1945–1989) when the world was divided between capitalist and communist economic systems and their respective geopolitical spheres of influence. Familiar and still used by many, it involves classifying countries into a global hierarchy of development based on respective economic development and standards of living. Capitalist democracies such as the United States, Canada, Western Europe, and Japan were considered part of the first world. The poorest, most undeveloped countries (largely former colonies) were referred to as the third world and included most of Sub-Saharan Africa, Latin America, and Asia. The second world was the communist world or Soviet bloc: industrially developed but organized according to a state socialist or communist model of political economy. Later, native activist George Manuel (1974) added the term fourth world to refer to stateless, poor, or marginal peoples, particularly Indigenous Peoples, who live under premodern or third world conditions in whichever nation-state they reside in. [caption id="attachment_2589" align="aligncenter" width="791"] Figure 10.17 Rostow's stages of economic growth. (Image courtesy of TRU, 2023, based on Knox and Marston, 2013). [Image Description][/caption]The idea of first world and third world as developed and developing or underdeveloped nations was based on an evolutionary model of economic transition. Modernization theory suggests that societies moved through natural stages of development as they progress toward becoming developed societies (i.e., stable, democratic, market oriented, and capitalist). The economist Walt Rustow (1960) provided a significant influential schema of modernization theory when he described economic development as a linear sequence of stages: traditional society (agrarian based with low productivity); pre-take off society (state formation and shift to industrial production, expansion of markets, and generation of surplus); take-off (rapid self-sustained economic growth and reinvestment of capital in the economy); drive to maturity (a modern industrialized economy, highly capitalized and technologically advanced); high mass-consumption (shift to the mass production and consumption of durable goods (TVs, cars, refrigerators, etc.) and luxury goods, general prosperity, egalitarianism). This is a structural functionalist type of theory, proposing that global inequality is a product of cultural and technological differences between societies. Societies that were organized around traditional cultural values, kinship systems and despotic social relations were in a sense too stable; unable to invent or adapt to innovations in technology that, in Western Europe, drove the industrial revolution. Western Europe gained a developmental advantage due to the progress-oriented elements in its culture like the Protestant Ethic and the Protestant Reformation's emphasis on the individual. These functioned to enable technological innovation, economic development, and revolutionary changes in social systems to occur. According to modernization theory, low-income countries are affected by their lack of industrialization and can improve their global economic standing through:

An adjustment of cultural values and attitudes to work
Industrialization and other forms of economic growth (Armer and Katsillis, 2010)

Like most versions of modernization theory, Rustow’s schema describes a linear process of development culminating in the formation of democratic, capitalist societies. The inability of some societies to develop was the product of rigid traditional values and failure to adopt capitalism. This explanation was clearly in line with Cold War ideology that placed capitalist democracy at the pinnacle of civilization, but it also echoed widely held beliefs about the idea of social progress as an evolutionary process. Nevertheless, however “natural” these stages of development were taken to be, they required intervention, protection, and support. This was the era when the idea of geopolitical noblesse oblige (first world responsibility) took root, suggesting that the so-called developed nations should provide foreign aid and industrial technologies to the less developed and underdeveloped nations in order to raise their standard of living. But as critical sociologists like Walter Rodney (1972) noted, these aid programs tended to conceal the magnitude of neo-colonial exploitation behind a discourse of benevolence. Massive amounts of economic value were extracted from former colonies in the form of resources and low-wage labour, while a significantly smaller proportion of wealth was returned in the form of foreign aid.

Dependency Theory, World Systems Approach, and Critical Sociology

A major concern when discussing global inequality therefore is how to avoid a Eurocentric bias implying that less developed nations want to be like those who have attained postindustrial global power. Terms such as "developing" (non-industrialized) and "developed" (industrialized) imply that non-industrialized countries are somehow inferior and must Westernize to participate successfully in the global economy and global civilization. Dependency theory was created in part as a response to the Western-centric mindset of modernization theory. As a non-Western perspective on globalization, it developed a critical sociological framework to describe global inequality as the outcome of historical power relations and colonialism. Dependency theory states that global inequality is primarily caused by core nations (or high-income nations) exploiting semi-peripheral and peripheral nations (or middle-income and low-income nations), creating a cycle of dependence (Hendricks, 2010). In the period of colonialism, core or metropolis nations based in Europe created the conditions for the underdevelopment of peripheral or hinterland nations through a metropolis-hinterland relationship. The resources of the hinterlands were shipped to the metropolises where they were converted into manufactured goods and shipped back for consumption in the hinterlands. The hinterlands were used as the source of cheap resources and labour, while the import of inexpensive manufactured goods prevented them from developing competitive manufacturing sectors of their own. Wallerstein’s (1979) world systems approach provided a systematic and historical framework for dependency theory. He conceived of the world-system as "as a unit with a single division of labour and multiple cultural systems," which redistributes surplus value from the periphery to the core (Wallerstein, 1974). The economic and political basis of contemporary global inequality did not emerge from stages of a natural process of gradual modernization, but as the product of the exercise of power: colonialism and the skewed development of global capitalism. In this model, the global economy is a complex historical system supporting an economic hierarchy that placed core nations in positions of power with numerous resources and other peripheral or semi-peripheral nations in a state of economic subordination. Those that were in a state of subordination faced significant obstacles to economic mobilization and political independence and stability. [caption id="attachment_2212" align="aligncenter" width="1024"] Figure 10.18 The world system in 2000, divided into core countries (blue), semi-periphery countries (yellow) and periphery countries (red). "Other" refers to countries with a population of less than one million, which were excluded from the analysis. Map based on data from Chase-Dunn, Kawano, and Brewer (2000). (Image courtesy of Wikipedia Commons.) Public Domain[/caption] Core nations are dominant capitalist countries, highly industrialized, technological, and urbanized. Wallerstein contends that the United States is an example of a core nation where global resources are accumulated, value-added products are manufactured, and wealth is generated. At the centre of global economic processes, it can exert control over every aspect of the global economy and exploit both semi-peripheral and peripheral nations. Free trade agreements, such as the Canada-United States-Mexico Agreement (CUSMA), are examples of how a core nation can leverage its power to gain the most advantageous position in the matter of global trade. Peripheral nations have little industrialization; what they do have often represents the outdated castoffs of core nations, the factories and means of production owned by core nations, or the resources exploited by core nations. The resources and labour of peripheral nations have historically supported the accumulation of wealth in core nations, first as colonies and then as sites for multinational corporations. They typically have unstable governments, poor labour standards and inadequate social programs. They are economically dependent on core nations for jobs, loans, and foreign aid. There are abundant examples of countries in this category. The label on most jeans or sweatshirts sold in Canada will likely indicate its source in a peripheral nation such as Guatemala, Bangladesh, Malaysia, or Thailand. The workers in these garment factories, which are owned, leased, or contracted by multinational companies headquartered in core nations, do not enjoy the same privileges and rights as Canadian workers. Semi-peripheral nations like India, Brazil and Mexico are in-between nations, more closely integrated with the core, but not powerful enough to dictate global policy. They also tend to be major sources of raw material and labour. For example, Mexico provides abundant cheap agricultural labour to the United States and Canada, and supplies goods to the North American market at a rate dictated by U.S. and Canadian consumers without the labour laws and constitutional protections offered to U.S. or Canadian workers. But they also provide an expanding middle class marketplace for the products of core nations, while in turn also exploiting peripheral nations. Dependency theory states that as long as peripheral nations are dependent on core nations for economic stimulus and access to the global economy, they will never achieve stable and consistent economic growth. Further, the theory states that since core nations, as well as the World Bank, choose which countries to make loans to, and for what they will loan funds, they are creating highly segmented, externally oriented labour markets that are built to benefit the dominant market countries. The tourist industry is a prime example. At first glance, it seems this theory ignores the formerly low-income nations that are now considered middle-income nations and are on their way to becoming high-income nations and major players in the global economy, such as China. It does not explain how some former colonies like Singapore and Sri Lanka have been able to develop while others in Sub-Saharan Africa have not. It is plausible that factors like culture and technological adaptation, which are the focus of modernization theories, have a role to play. China is an interesting case because since 1978, 800 million people, or approximately half the population have been lifted out of poverty, meaning that China is now an upper-middle-income country (World Bank, 2022b). Yet at the same time, 25% of the population in China live under the $6.85 a day poverty cut-off line for middle-income countries (compared to 0.75% in Canada, adjusted for inflation and for differences in the cost of living) (Hasell et al., 2022). This suggests a disjuncture in people's standard of living within the same country. In fact, from a critical sociology perspective, it becomes more interesting to examine the way development and underdevelopment occur side by side within the core nations, peripheral nations, and semi-peripheral nations. The idea of "nations" as containers of national economies and the unit of analysis for understanding global inequality might not be the most effective way to analyse the configurations of power, wealth, and poverty in an increasingly globalized world.

Global Capitalism: Neo-liberalism and Globalization

A third type of explanation for global stratification focuses on the properties of global capitalism itself. From its origins, capitalism has been global in scope. Marx and Engels already described globalization in 1848:

The bourgeoisie has through its exploitation of the world market given a cosmopolitan character to production and consumption in every country. To the great chagrin of Reactionists, it has drawn from under the feet of industry the national ground on which it stood. All old-established national industries have been destroyed or are daily being destroyed. They are dislodged by new industries, whose introduction becomes a life and death question for all civilized nations, by industries that no longer work up indigenous raw material, but raw material drawn from the remotest zones; industries whose products are consumed, not only at home, but in every quarter of the globe. In place of the old wants, satisfied by the production of the country, we find new wants, requiring for their satisfaction the products of distant lands and climes. In place of the old local and national seclusion and self-sufficiency, we have intercourse in every direction, universal interdependence of nations (Marx & Engels, 1848/1977).

The development of global capitalism intensified after World War II, and especially in the late 20th century with the introduction of new economic policies and new technologies that enabled vast volumes of capital and goods to circulate globally. Contrary to the analyses of modernization theory and dependency theory, global capitalism theory proposes that since the 1970s capital accumulation has taken place less and less in the context of national economies. Instead, the context of international flows of capital investment and disinvestment is an increasingly integrated world market. The concept of development has shifted from the model of nationally managed economic growth to “participation in the world market” (McMichael, 2017). The neo-liberal model of capital accumulation has been central to these changes. When nationally managed economies began to experience economic crisis in the late 1960s and early 1970s (see Chapter 4. Society and Modern Life), the relationship between states and the global economy started to change. Neo-liberalism is the term used to define the new rationality of government, which abandons the interventionist model of national economic management and the welfare state to emphasize the use of “free market” mechanisms to regulate society. It is a set of policies in which the state reduces its role in providing public services, regulating industry, redistributing wealth, and protecting “the commons” — i.e., the collective resources that exist for everyone to share (the environment, public infrastructure, community facilities, airwaves, etc.). Neo-liberalism is also a response to the ever more competitive global market for capital. Neo-liberal policy is presented as a way to attract increasingly fickle global capital by making entire countries more “competitive.” As a result, the policies of neo-liberalism have been enacted on a global scale: the imposition of open “free” markets across national borders, the deregulation of trade and investment, and the privatization of public goods and services. The globalization of investment and production means that capital is increasingly able to shift production around the world to where labour costs are cheapest and profit greatest. As noted above in the example of global assembly lines and global commodity chains, capital investments, production and markets are coordinated on a global scale, leading to a global reordering of production and consumption, as well as inequalities both between nations and within nations. Within this model, the world and its resources are reorganized and managed on the basis of the free trade of goods and services, the free circulation of capital, and coordination by political and economic elite organizations like the G7, the WTO, the World Bank and the IMF. The global economy as a whole, not modernized national economies, emerges as the site of development and underdevelopment. The production, distribution, and consumption of finance, goods and services are administratively and technologically integrated on a worldwide basis (Robinson, 2004; 2017). [caption id="attachment_2456" align="aligncenter" width="1024"] Figure 10.19. The global reordering of inequalities both between countries and within countries from 1820 to 2020. Inequality is calculated as a ratio of the top 10% average income to the bottom 50% average income (T10/B50), which provides a standardized measure of income inequality regardless of changes and differences in the values of specific national currencies. The graph indicates that during the period of neo-liberal globalization, from 1980 onward, income inequality within countries increased while income inequality between countries declined. While a number of contingent factors like the 2008 economic crisis have affected the calculation of global inequality, the graph lends support to the argument that global inequality between countries becomes (somewhat) less significant as bifurcated labour systems and within-country inequality spread globally. (Image courtesy of Chancel et al., 2022.) CC by 4.0[/caption] The result, as David Harvey (b. 1935) forcefully argues, has been to massively shift the balance of power to the economic elites of the global or transnational capitalist class (Harvey, 2005). Wealth and poverty have been redistributed on a global scale. On one hand, global capitalism has produced a transnational capitalist class who “detach their interests from the home market” (Hymer, 1974, cited in Carroll, 2018) and exist as a network of CEOs, investors and corporate managers distributed (albeit unevenly) around the world. For example, while the U.S. was home to the majority of billionaires in 2021 (975 individuals), China was home to the second most (400), Germany was third (176) and India fourth (124) (Koop, 2022). On the other hand, the globalization of production has lead to the creation of a vast global workforce as farm production is integrated into global supply chains and millions of people have migrated to cities to work in global factories and global service work. Others are marginalized as surplus humanity, of no direct use to capitalism, sustaining themselves in informal sectors of the economy, and consigned to what Mike Davis referred to as a “planet of slums" (Davis, 2006). However, rather than the global north simply extracting wealth from peripheral countries of the global south as predicted by dependency theory, McMichael (2017) describes the outcome of these massive shifts as the spread of a bifurcated labour system to all regions of globe. In the global north as well as the south, a core of relatively stable, well-paid labour is separated from a periphery of casual, precarious, low-cost labour. Davis' (2006) description of Los Angeles as a "fortress city" provides an image of bifurcated social life in which the wealthy and better off live in gated communities, insulated from the poor and precariously employed by new systems of spatial organization, social control, and policing. Carroll (2018) cautions that global capitalism theory tends to over-emphasize the way that the creation of a single global market and a transnational capitalist class eliminates distinct national economies and enduring neo-colonial structures of North-South disparity. Populist movements like MAGA (Make America Great Again) that seek to decouple some aspects of national economies from globalization, as well as China's state directed form of capitalism and “Belt and Road Initiative,” indicate that global capitalism is, in significant ways, simultaneously national and transnational.

Making Connections: Big Picture

The True Cost of a T-Shirt

[caption id="attachment_636" align="aligncenter" width="1024"] Figure 10.20 Where did your t-shirts come from? (Photo courtesy of Mika Meskanen/Flickr.) CC BY-NC 2.0[/caption] Most people do not pay too much attention to where their favourite products are made. Certainly, when they are shopping for a cheap T-shirt, they probably do not turn over the label, check who produced the item, and then research whether or not the company has fair labour practices. In fact, it can be extremely difficult to discover where exactly the items people use every day have come from. Nevertheless, the purchase of a T-shirt involves the consumer in a series of social relationships that tie them to the lives and working conditions of people around the world. On April 24, 2013, the Rana Plaza building in Dhaka, Bangladesh, collapsed killing 1,129 garment workers. The building, like 90% of Dhaka’s 4,000 garment factories, was structurally unsound. Garment workers in Bangladesh work under unsafe conditions for as little as $38 a month so that North American consumers can purchase T-shirts in the fashionable colours of the season for as little as $5. The workers at Rana Plaza were in fact making clothes for the Joe Fresh label — the signature popular Loblaw brand — when the building collapsed. Having been put on the defensive for their overseas sweatshop practices, companies like Loblaw have pledged to improve working conditions in their suppliers’ factories, but compliance has proven difficult to ensure because of the increasingly complex web of globalized production (MacKinnon and Strauss, 2013). [caption id="attachment_637" align="alignleft" width="300"] Figure 10.21 A relative reacts with a picture of a garment worker, who has been missing, during a protest to demand capital punishment for those responsible for the collapse of the Rana Plaza building in Savar, outside Dhaka April 29, 2013. (Photo courtesy of Coolloud/Flickr.) CC BY-NC-ND 2.0[/caption] At one time, the garment industry was important in Canada, centred on Spadina Avenue in Toronto and Chabanel Street in Montreal. But over the last two decades of globalization, Canadian consumers have become increasingly tied through popular retail chains to a complex network of outsourced garment production that stretches from China, through South East Asia, to Bangladesh and Sri Lanka. The early 1990s saw the economic opening of China when suddenly millions of workers were available to produce and manufacture consumer items for Westerners at a fraction of the cost of Western production. Manufacturing that used to take place in Canada moved overseas. Over the ensuing years, the Chinese began to outsource production to regions with even cheaper labour: Vietnam, Cambodia, Sri Lanka, and Bangladesh. The outsourcing was outsourced. The result is that when a store like Loblaw places an order, it usually works through agents who in turn source and negotiate the price of materials and production from competing locales around the globe. Most of the T-shirts that people wear in Canada today begin their life in the cotton fields of arid west China, which owe their scale and efficiency to the collectivization projects of centralized state socialism. However, as the cost of Chinese labour has incrementally increased since the 1990s, the Chinese producers have moved into the role of connecting Western retailers and designers with production centres elsewhere. In a global division of labour, if agents organize the sourcing, production chain and logistics, Western retailers can focus their skill and effort on retail marketing. It was in this context that Bangladesh went from having a few dozen garment factories to several thousand. The garment industry now accounts for 80% of Bangladesh’s export earnings. Unfortunately, although there are legal safety regulations and inspections in Bangladesh, the rapid expansion of the industry has exceeded the ability of underfunded state agencies to enforce them. The globalization of production makes it difficult to follow the links between the purchasing of a T-shirt in a Canadian store and the chain of agents, garment workers, shippers, and agricultural workers whose labour has gone into producing it and getting it to the store. Canadian's lives are tied to this chain each time they wear a T-shirt, yet the history of its production and the lives it has touched are more or less invisible. It becomes even more difficult to do something about the working conditions of those global workers when even the retail stores are uncertain about where the shirts come from. There is no international agency that can enforce compliance with safety or working standards. Why do worker safety standards and factory building inspections have to be imposed by government regulations rather than being simply an integral part of the production process? Why does it seem normal that the issue of worker safety in garment factories is set up in this way? Why does this make it difficult to resolve or address the issue? The fair trade movement has pushed back against the hyper-exploitation of global workers and forced stores like Loblaw to try to address the unsafe conditions in garment factories like Rana Plaza. Organizations like the Better Factories Cambodia program inspect garment production regularly in Cambodia, enabling stores like Mountain Equipment Co-op to purchase reports on the factory chains it relies on. After the Rana Plaza disaster, Loblaw signed an Accord of Fire and Building Safety in Bangladesh to try to ensure safety compliance of their suppliers. However, the bigger problem seems to originate with people's desire to be able to purchase a T-shirt for $5 in the first place.

Image Descriptions

Figure 10.17 Long Description: Flowchart of Rostow’s Stages of Economic Growth The flowchart starts at the bottom left with traditional society and, with increased time and level of development, moves up and to the right through the following steps.

Traditional society
1. Limited technology; static society
2. Transition triggered by external influence, interests, or markets
Preconditions for take-off
1. Commercial exploitation of agriculture and extractive industry
2. Installation of physical infrastructure (roads, railways, etc.) and emergence of social/political elite
Take-Off
1. Development of a manufacturing sector
2. Investment in manufacturing exceeds 10% of national income; development of modern social, economic, and political institutions
Drive to Maturity
1. Development of wider industrial and commercial base
2. b. Exploitation of comparative advantages in international trade
High Mass consumption [Return to Figure 10.17]

Media Attributions

Figure 10.13 Find Your Percentile Position in Income Distributions around the World by Ruben Berge Mathisen, via Visual Capitalist, is used by permission of Visual Capitalist.
Figure 10.14 Two young Hmong girls holding each other; near Sapa, Vietnam by Lon & Queta, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY-NC-SA 2.0 licence.
Figure 10.15 The $100 Trillion Global Economy in One Chart, graphic by Joyce Ma, via Visual Capitalist, is used by permission of Visual Capitalist.
Figure 10.16 Eve of Destruction by Rick Harris, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY-SA 2.0 licence.
Figure 10.17 Flowchart of Rostow’s Stages of Economic Growth, by Thompson Rivers University, 2023, based on Knox & Marston (2013).
Figure 10.18 World Trade Map by Lou Coban has been released into the public domain by its author, User:Naboc1.
Figure 10.19 Global Income Inequality (Figure 2.4), in Chancel, et al. (2021, p. 57) is used under a CC BY 4.0 licence. [Original Sources and series: wir2022.wid.world/methodology and Chancel and Piketty (2021).]
Figure 10.20 T-shirt roll call by Mika Meskanen, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY-NC 2.0 licence.
Figure 10.21 Bangladesh-building by Coolloud, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY-NC-ND 2.0 licence.

10.3. Contemporary Global Society

hfriedman — Mon, 14 Aug 2023 16:44:53 +0000

Global society is a new and distinct form of social life. Over the tens of thousands of years of human existence, the world has never been as integrated. From the point of view of interpretive sociology, globalization signifies a qualitative shift in the nature of the lived experience of everyone on the planet. In particular, it has strong implications for the way in which people understand themselves, conceptualize the problems they face and define their place in the world. Anthony Giddens (1990, 1991) and others have referred to this new form of life as late modernity. He identifies four key developments that characterize this new period of human existence.

De-Traditionalization

One aspect of the world as a global village that Marshall McLuhan described at the beginning of the chapter is the way it both resembles and no longer resembles the village life of humans that existed for millennia. It resembles that village life because, through the transformation of media and transportation, the world has shrunk. People around the world are in many respects closer, more aware of, and more involved in each other's lives. They are also exposed to each other's traditions. But it also no longer resembles that age-old village because, through the same transformations, as well as the formation of a global economy, people lives have become increasingly disembedded from the particularities of local traditions and local cycles of nature. [caption id="attachment_2466" align="alignleft" width="300"] Figure 10.22. The Beatles performing on Dutch TV in 1964 and displaying their "mop top" haircuts. Adopting hairstyles and fashions from global popular culture might seem trivial and faddish but is a significant way in which people's lives become disembedded from local traditions and norms. Inversely, reviving local traditions to reinforce local distinctiveness or even create local, folkloric brands is a process of re-embedding that presupposes a global context or global market. (Image courtesy of Archief Beeld en Geluid/B&G Wiki.) CC BY-SA 3.0 NL[/caption] Giddens describes two concepts involved in this aspect of globalization. De-traditionalization is the process whereby day-to-day life is increasingly less informed by traditions or the ways of life passed down in local cultural and ecological contexts. “For someone following a traditional practice, questions don’t have to be asked about alternatives. Tradition provides a framework for action that can go largely unquestioned" (Giddens, 2002). Disembedding is the process in which day to day life is no longer embedded in local, micro-level interactions in any simple way but becomes coordinated on a global basis. One has to get up at 3AM for a video meeting with business colleagues in New York or Tokyo, or (back in the day) train their hair stylist to give them a Beatle's or Twiggy haircut. Giddens describes it as a process that "lifts out social relations from local contexts of interaction" and restructures them "across indefinite spans of time and space" (Giddens, 1991). What replaces tradition and locality? The hold of tradition — the customary patterns of life, beliefs, rituals of places — and the restraints of local time and space are diminished to the degree that societies are organized extra-locally and globally through expert systems (Giddens, 1990). Expert systems refer to advanced systems of knowledge and practice in science, technology, computerization, communications, law, medicine, and finance, etc., that are required to run the complex institutional arrangements and technological systems that coordinate contemporary global life. The routine of air travel, for example, is guided every step of the way by air traffic control, global satellite systems, digital communications, multilevel security surveillance and detailed international agreements. In the absence of the stability provided by traditions and local knowledge, Giddens argues that reliance on expert systems in global society provides a new source of "'guarantees' of expectation across distanciated time-space" (Giddens, 1990). They provide the sense of order, predictability, and stability that local traditions no longer provide.

Globalization

As discussed throughout the chapter, globalization is the process by which people around the world are integrated into a single global society, albeit in "an anarchic, haphazard, fashion" as Giddens (2002) puts it. People have become increasingly interdependent on a global scale. To sum up the key points, the structures of contemporary globalization are driven and defined by (1) the increasingly geographically interconnected processes of global capitalism, (2) the division of the world into the sovereign state system, (3) the system of international relations and the emergence of super-national agencies and institutions like the UN and the WTO, (4) the role of transportation and communication technologies that reduce constraints of time and space. [caption id="attachment_2462" align="alignright" width="300"] Figure 10.23. An encounter between Tibetan Buddhism, Northwest Coast Indigenous traditions, and settler Canadian children. The children participate in a Blessing Ceremony at the First Nations Longhouse at the University of British Columbia. Dilgo Khyentse Yangsi Rinpoche is the tulku or reincarnation of the Tibetan Buddhist spiritual leader Dilgo Khyentse Rinpoche. He lives in exile in Bhutan due to the Chinese occupation of Tibet, but his displacement has also allowed Nyingma Tibetan Buddhist teachings to be disembedded from their traditional context and to circulate globally. (Image courtesy of Wonderlane/Flickr.) CC BY 2.0[/caption] In terms of the lived experience of people across the world, the local and the global come together as people are exposed to diverse languages, cultures, cuisines, music, religions, current events, economic trends, global markets, and diseases. People interact daily with friends, strangers, family, colleagues, employers, and contacts on the other side of the world in real time. This has lead, on one hand, to an exposure to the diversification of social life and cultures, which can bridge distances between people or become sites for new and deeper divisions. People live with cultural differences as an everyday norm. On the other hand, globalization has also lead to the opposite tendency, the homogenization of life. Local cultures become more alike through the commodification, standardization and uniformity of products and processes: McDonald's restaurants, Hollywood movies, social media platforms, even the architecture of international airports and the design of bank machines. Finally, people develop a global consciousness as they become increasingly aware of shared planetary conditions and come to grips with global events like climate change, pandemics, economic crises, terrorism, and the threat of nuclear war.

Expressive Individualism and the New Tribalism

This means that through de-traditionalization and globalization, individuals increasingly form their identities in the context of global cosmopolitanism, (literally ‘world citizenship’ from the Greek kosmopolitēs), where a multiplicity of ideas, traditions and customs intermingle. The individual is no longer constrained by local tradition and authority and has to exercise at least some degree of freedom and autonomy in constructing their identity and choosing the cultural practices best suited to them from a variety of available possibilities. Expressive individualism is the late modern drive to find one's "self" and to express one's unique individuality, even in the face of resistance. With the diminishing influence of tradition and the expansion of lifestyle options, the individual’s identity becomes increasingly a product of individual choices and personal achievements. Rather than a predetermined role ascribed by birth, family, custom or social convention, with the rapid changes of globalization there is an expansive and increasingly global range of alternatives to engage with. Once the traditional options for identity can no longer be taken for granted, the individual is compelled to invent their own identity (Bauman, 2004). At the same time as there is a need to "become oneself," individuals continue to seek one another out to share common experiences and world views. They seek like-minded others to construct common narratives, which can turn their personal choice of identity into something more meaningful and collective. The new tribalism refers to the emergence of group identities like fundamentalist religion, Antifa, "Freedom Convoy" populism, Indigenous resurgence, Quebecois nationalism, etc., which provide individuals with a means of distinguishing themselves from others. Attachment to cultural, ethnic, political, or religious differences as identity markers provides a distinct place of allegiance or belonging in the face of cosmopolitan diversity. Unlike historical tribalism however, these identities are often based on symbols, imagery and lineages of belief that circulate globally through the media, disembedded from specific localities and traditions.

Risk and Trust

Risk management has become a prevalent element of institutional and individual life in the 20th and 21st centuries. The future is seen as something that can be shaped by calculation and risk analysis. As a result, individuals and institutions have become increasingly reflexive in their activities. They continuously accumulate and examine data to reflect on how to improve their effectiveness and anticipate future threats and problems. Constant monitoring of activities to assess risks, and a readiness to modify practices in response to new information, are hallmarks of contemporary reflexivity. [caption id="attachment_2468" align="aligncenter" width="600"] Figure 10.24. The risk of climate change is not distributed equally on Earth. Climate change is particularly acute in the north. Inuit communities are more vulnerable than southerners to food insecurity, changing water availability, potential relocation from historic homelands, and the loss of livelihoods and traditional knowledge. Their experience of colonialism also makes the risk/trust dilemma more acute. (Image courtesy of NASA Goddard Space Flight Center/Flickr.) CC BY 2.0[/caption] The scope and nature of these risks change with globalization. As Beck (1992) and Giddens (1990) argue, people are increasingly aware of existential risks like climate change, loss of species diversity, pandemics, nuclear accidents, and weapons of mass destruction that threaten planetary existence. They are also aware of contingent risks to everyday life that emerge from the complex interdependence of global systems: the failure of U.S. subprime mortgage mechanisms that sparked the 2008 global financial crisis or the global effect of a single container ship stuck in the Suez Canal, discussed earlier in the chapter. At the same time, people have become aware of changes in the type of risk they confront. The unanticipated consequences of human interventions into nature, like the effect of fish farming on salmon run collapses, the release of carbon into the atmosphere, fear of mRNA vaccines, or the invention of plastics, define a new category of risk with global implications. Parallel to these risks, humans create their own "institutionalized risk environments" like futures markets or algorithmic trading, which expose the livelihood of millions of people to risky decisions made by a few. The awareness of global risks establishes an emotional baseline for global society. They are sources of anxiety and insecurity for everyone on the planet. Notably, global integration itself has become a source of risk, which defines a characteristic risk/trust dilemma of late modernity. To deal with their anxiety, people tend to default to an attitude of trust in the expert systems that govern the complex technical systems that coordinate global life. The scope of the systems, the complexity of the knowledge involved, and the magnitude of the issues presented offer little alternative. However, this creates a distinctive dilemma of global society because people are also aware of the limitations of these expert systems in responding to risks, not to mention the role of the systems in creating risk in the first place. Some reject scientific expertise altogether and invest in "alternate science" that allows global problems like pandemics and climate change to magically disappear. But inevitably the reflexive stance of contemporary forms of life is based on the awareness of the unpredictability and contingency of global existence (the "unknown unknowns"), as well as the fallibility of science and planning. Science itself is uncertain and open to revision. Thus, global citizens are destined to fluctuate between the anxiety of recognizing risks and the uncertainty of trust in expert systems to respond to them.

Media Attributions

Figure 10.22 Op de set van The Beatles (VARA, 1964), version by Bvspall, via the B&G Wiki website, [Original source: Sound and Vision Archive, catalog number 64228 kb, photo number 34], is used under a CC BY-SA 3.0 NL licence.
Figure 10.23 Oh really? by Wonderlane, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY 2.0 licence.
Figure 10.24 Cultures and Land at Risk by NASA Godard Space Flight Center, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY 2.0 licence.

Chapter 10 Resources and Activities

hfriedman — Mon, 14 Aug 2023 16:45:08 +0000

Key Terms

absolute poverty: The state where one is barely able, or unable, to afford basic necessities. agency: the ability to define one’s goals and act on them; used as a variable to measure inequality anti-globalization movement: A global countermovement based on principles of environmental sustainability, food sovereignty, labour rights, and democratic accountability that challenges the corporate model of globalization. bifurcated labour system: A labour market divided into a core of relatively stable, well-paid jobs and a periphery of casual, precarious, and low-cost labour. capital flight: The movement (flight) of capital from one nation to another, via jobs and resources. chattel slavery: A form of slavery in which one person owns another. containerization: The transformation in the transportation and trade of goods brought about by the use of container ships. colonialism: A form of domination in which a state or state sponsored group exercises direct control over the territory and inhabitants of another society Columbian Exchange: The widespread exchange of plants, animals, foods, human populations, communicable diseases, and culture between the Eastern and Western hemispheres beginning in the 16th century. core nations: Dominant capitalist countries. cosmopolitanism: A social condition or setting of social and cultural diversity in which a multiplicity of ideas, traditions and customs intermingle. debt accumulation: The buildup of external debt, wherein countries borrow money from other nations to fund their expansion or growth goals. debt bondage: When people pledge themselves as servants in exchange for money for passage and are subsequently paid too little to regain their freedom. decolonization: The process whereby former colonies attain formal political self-determination and independence from colonial powers. deindustrialization: The loss of industrial production, usually to peripheral and semi-peripheral nations where the costs are lower. dependency theory: Theory stating that global inequity is due to the exploitation of peripheral and semi-peripheral nations by core nations. de-traditionalization: The process whereby day-to-day life is increasingly less informed by traditions or the ways of life passed down in local cultural and ecological contexts. disembedding: The process in which day to day life is no longer completely embedded in local, micro-level interactions but becomes coordinated and organized on a global basis. expert system: Advanced systems of knowledge and practice required to run the complex institutional arrangements and technological systems of contemporary societies. exploitative colonialism: A form of colonialism in which the focus is on the extraction of wealth (rather than settlement). See settler colonialism. expressive individualism: A form of identity formation defined by the drive to find one’s “self” and to express one's unique individuality, even in the face of resistance. first wave of globalization: 19th century-1914. first world: A term from the Cold War era that is used to describe industrialized capitalist democracies. fourth world: A term that describes stigmatized minority groups who have no voice or representation on the world stage. global assembly lines: A practice where products are designed, manufactured, and assembled in different international locations. global capitalism: The extension of the capitalist mode of production to the entire world. global capitalism theory: Analytical framework that the development of global capitalism takes place less in the context of national economies and more in the context of global flows of capital investment in an increasingly integrated world market. global commodity chains: Internationally integrated economic links that connect workers and corporations around the world for the purpose of manufacture, distribution, and marketing. global feminization of poverty: A global pattern in which women increasingly bear a disproportionate percentage of the burden of poverty. global inequality: The concentration of resources in core nations and in the hands of a wealthy minority. global level of analysis: The study of structures and processes that extend beyond the boundaries of states or specific societies. global stratification: The unequal distribution of resources between countries. globalization: The processes of increasing integration and interconnection which incorporate people across the world into a single world society. gross domestic product (GDP): the market value of all goods and services produced within a country in a given time period. gross national income (GNI): The income of a nation calculated based on domestic goods and services produced, plus income earned by citizens and corporations headquartered in that country. late modernity: Features that define the common culture of global society. metropolis-hinterland relationship: The relationship between core and peripheral countries in which resources of the hinterlands are shipped to the metropolises to be converted into manufactured goods and then shipped back to the hinterlands for consumption. modernization theory: A theory that low-income countries can improve their global economic standing by industrialization of infrastructure and a shift in cultural attitudes toward work. multinational corporation: A corporation whose ownership and operations span multiple nation-states. neo-colonialism: The continued socio-economic and political dominance of external political and economic agents in former colonies. neo-liberalism: A set of policies in which the state reduces its role in providing public services, regulating industry, redistributing wealth, and protecting the commons while advocating the use of free market mechanisms to regulate society. new tribalism: The emergence of group identities that provide individuals with a means of distinguishing themselves from others in the context of global diversity and cosmopolitanism. peonage: A system where an employer compels a worker to pay off a debt with work. peripheral nations: Nations on the fringes of the global economy, dominated by core nations, with very little industrialization. primitive accumulation: the initial stage of capitalist accumulation in which people are separated from a territory and its resources, and subjected to forms of unfree labour, expropriation of land and destruction of self-determining communities. reflexivity: A stance of contemporary individuality and institutional life that involves (a) continuous monitoring of activities and performance to assess effectiveness and future risks, and (b) a readiness to modify understandings and practices in response to new information. relative poverty: The state of poverty where one is unable to live the lifestyle of the average person in the country. risk/trust dilemma: A characteristic trade off in late modern society between trust in expert systems to manage collective risks and threats, and the recognition of the fallibility of expert systems. risk management: Interventions designed to reduce the likelihood of undesirable events occurring based on an assessment of probabilities of risk. second wave of globalization: 1945-1989 second world: A term from the Cold War era that describes nations with moderate economies and standards of living. semi-peripheral nations: In-between nations, not powerful enough to dictate policy but acting as a major source of raw materials and providing an expanding middle class marketplace. settler colonialism: A form of colonialism focused on permanent settlement and corresponding displacement of Indigenous Peoples and societies. sovereign state system: The system by which the world is divided up into separate and indivisible sovereign territories or states. sovereignty: The political form in which a single, central, supreme lawmaking authority governs within a clearly demarcated territory. subjective poverty: A state of poverty subjectively present when one’s actual income does not meet one’s expectations. surplus humanity: Sectors of the global labour market who are of no direct use to capitalism and obliged to sustain themselves precariously in informal sectors of the economy. Terra Nullius: The principle that territory and economic resources that are not being effectively utilized by an indigenous population could legitimately be expropriated and developed by a superior invading nation. third industrial revolution: The spread of automation, computation, instantaneous communication, and digitization through the use of electronics, computers and internet. third wave of globalization: 1989–present. third world: A term from the Cold War era that refers to poor, non-industrialized countries. transnational capitalist class: A network of owners of capital who are distributed around the world and focused on international markets, rather than their home markets, for investment and capital accumulation. underground economy: An unregulated economy of labour and goods that operates outside of governance, regulatory systems, or human protections. world systems theory: Analytical framework which conceptualizes a single world-system operating as a global division of labour, divided between multiple states, which redistributes surplus value from the periphery to the core. xenophobia: An irrational fear and even hatred of foreigners and foreign goods.

Section Summary

10.1 Trade, Colonialism and the Origins of Global Society Globalization refers to processes of increasing integration and interconnection which incorporate people across the world into a single global society. Climate change, disease pandemics and global capitalism are examples of the ways in which people around the world are caught up in the same global scale processes. While trade has occurred between different distant locations for millennia, it was not until the development of colonialism that a single global society began to emerge. Three waves of globalization from the 19th century British Empire to the post-Second World War development of global institutions, to the contemporary post-Cold War period have intensified the process of global integration and created new and unprecedented capabilities, issues, and social dynamics. 10.2 Global Wealth and Poverty Stratification refers to the gaps in access to resources both between countries and within countries. While economic equality is of great concern, so is social equality, like the discrimination stemming from race, ethnicity, gender, religion, and/or sexual orientation. When looking at the world’s poor, sociologists first have to define the difference between relative poverty and absolute poverty. While those in relative poverty might not have enough to live at their country’s standard of living, those in absolute poverty do not have, or barely have, basic necessities such as food. Global poverty has numerous negative consequences, from increased crime rates to a detrimental impact on physical and mental health. Different explanations of global inequality focus on modernization theory, dependency theory and global capitalism theory. Modernization theory posits that countries go through evolutionary stages and that industrialization and improved technology are the keys to forward movement. Dependency theory sees global inequality as the result of core nations creating a cycle of dependence by exploiting resources and labour in peripheral and semi-peripheral countries. Globalization theory argues that the division between the wealthy and the poor is now organized in the context of a single, integrated global economy rather than between core and peripheral countries. 10.3 Contemporary Global Society Global society has effects on day-to-day life beyond economic integration and displacement. To varying degrees, people around the world experience a new global reality characterized by de-traditionalization, disembedding from local time and space, organization through global expert systems, cosmopolitanism, homogenization, expressive individualism, new tribalism, and new forms of risk/trust dynamics. The relationship between the local and the global is complexly intertwined in many distinct aspects of daily life.

Questions

Quiz: Global Society

10.1 Trade, Colonialism and the Origins of Global Society

Globalization is a process that:
1. Creates a sense of global simultaneity and closeness.
2. Makes borders markedly less relevant to everyday behaviour.
3. Makes many people feel that they are in the grip of forces over which they have no control.
4. All of the above.
A system in which materials are sourced and products designed and manufactured in different geographical locations distributed around the globe is:
1. Global assembly lines.
2. Global commodity chains.
3. Containerization.
4. Just-in-time production and distribution.
Truly global trade kicked off in .
1. The Mississippian culture (ca. 500–1400 BCE)
2. The development of the Silk Road trade between China and Europe (1st century BCE–5th century CE)
3. The Spice Route trade of Islamic merchants (7th–15th centuries)
4. The Age of Colonization (15th–18th centuries)
The enormous widespread transfer of plants, animals, foods, human populations (including slaves), communicable diseases (like smallpox), and culture between the Eastern and Western hemispheres is referred to as:
1. The Age of Discovery.
2. The Columbian Exchange.
3. Primitive Accumulation.
4. Exploitive Colonialism.
Colonialism was initially based on:
1. Primitive Accumulation.
2. The principle of Terra Nullius.
3. Resource extraction.
4. All of the above.
The second wave of globalization refers to:
1. The period after WWII when international organizations like the UN were founded.
2. The establishment of the Belt and Road trade routes between East and West.
3. The collapse of time and space into a single global village.
4. The introduction of new technologies such as computerization, the internet and digital technology.
Neo-colonialism refers to:
1. The process whereby former colonies attained formal political self-determination and independence from colonial powers.
2. The continued socio-economic and political dominance of colonial powers in former colonies in matters of domestic policy, resource extraction and labour exploitation.
3. Colonization through permanent European settlement and displacement of Indigenous Peoples.
4. Global dominance through a fluid, ad hoc network of international agreements, supra-national agencies, and transnational corporations.

10.2 Global Wealth and Poverty

Maya is a 12-year-old girl living in Thailand. She is homeless and often does not know where she will sleep or when she will eat. We might say that Maya lives in poverty.
1. Subjective
2. Absolute
3. Relative
4. Global
Mike, a college student, rents a studio apartment. He cannot afford a television and lives on cheap groceries like dried beans and ramen noodles. Since he does not have a regular job, he does not own a car. Mike is living in .
1. Global poverty
2. Absolute poverty
3. Subjective poverty
4. Relative poverty
If a sociologist says that nations evolve toward more advanced technology and more complex industry as their citizens learn cultural values that celebrate hard work and success, she is using to study the global economy.
1. Modernization theory
2. Dependency theory
3. Global capitalism theory
4. Anthony Gidden's late modernity theory
Dependency theorists explain global inequality and global stratification by focusing on the way that .
1. Bifurcated labour systems spread to all regions of the globe.
2. All nations participate in a single world market.
3. The "big fish" eat the "little fish."
4. Core nations exploit peripheral nations.
One flaw in dependency theory is the unwillingness to recognize .
1. That previously low-income nations such as China have successfully developed their economies and can no longer be classified as dependent on core nations.
2. That previously advanced nations such as China have been economically and militarily overpowered by colonial nations.
3. That countries such as China are growing more dependent on exploiting peripheral regions of core nations.
4. That countries such as China do not necessarily adopt the cultural values of core nations in their development.
If a sociologist points out that transnational corporate interests dominate the global economy, in part through state policies that advance global trade agreements that favour the ability of capital to invest in low-wage regions, they are a .
1. Dependency theorist
2. Global Capitalism theorist
3. Modernization theorist
4. Reactionist

10.3 Contemporary Global Society

A common aspect of late modernity is the process of disembedding in which .
1. People have to get out of bed at night to answer phone calls.
2. Day to day life is coordinated at a global level and restructured “across indefinite spans of time and space.”
3. Day to day life is no longer informed by local traditions or ways of life passed down in local cultural and ecological contexts.
4. Semi-peripheral nations hit the "take off" stage of development.
To sum up, there are four main processes that drive globalization including (a) interconnected processes of global capitalism, (b) the development of international organizations like the UN, (c) new communications and transportation technologies, and (d) .
1. The formation of a new type of networked Empire.
2. Conflict between the U.S. and China over global hegemony.
3. The division of the world into discrete sovereign territories.
4. Slum cities and surplus humanity.
The late modern emphasis on having to invent oneself is referred to .
1. Cosmopolitan citizenship
2. Liberal individualism
3. Tribal identification
4. Expressive individualism
The difference between existential and contingent risks is:
1. The threat of global catastrophe and the threat of complex, interdependent systems breaking down.
2. Making a personal leap of faith that does not work out and making a personal leap of faith based on uncertain information.
3. The unpredictable consequences of human intervention into nature and the creation of institutionalized risk environments.
4. All of the above.

[Quiz answers at end of chapter]

Short Answer

10.1 Trade, Colonialism and the Origins of Global Society

Describe the historical stages of the long process by which “the global system has been and continues to be made.” How do Robertson's five "phases" compare to the expansion of distant trade routes, the Age of Colonization and the three waves of globalization described later in the section?
At what point did globalization truly become established? What criteria are used to determine this?
Define colonialism. Contrast settler colonialism with exploitative colonialism.
In what ways is the sovereign state system a key component of globalization?
Describe the historical relationship between colonialism and globalization, including the processes of decolonization and neo-colonialism. How has globalization has been uneven in its effects?

10.2 Global Wealth and Poverty

What are three indicators used to measure global economic inequality?
Give an example of the feminization of poverty in core nations. How is it the same or different in peripheral nations?
Consider the concept of relative poverty. Does it make sense that a person is still in poverty even if they have a home and are able to have regular meals? How would the threshold between relative poverty and relative affluence be defined in your own community?
Compare and contrast modernization theory, dependency theory, and globalization theory. Which do you think is more useful for explaining global inequality? Explain, using examples.
There is much criticism that modernization theory is Eurocentric. Do you think dependency theory and globalization theory are also biased? Why or why not?

10.3 Contemporary Global Society

Define "expert systems" and describe the ways that they coordinate routine activities of daily life. Why are these described as disembedding? Inversely, what would an embedded way of life be like?
Why did McLuhan describe global society as a global village? Describe the four key processes that drive globalization. Which seems most relevant to McLuhan's concept?
Expressive individualism and new tribalism seem like opposites. What aspect of global society in late modernity provides their common underlying condition?
Do you personally find existential risks like climate change, pandemics, or nuclear war threatening? How do you manage the trust/risk dynamic of global life?

Further Research

10.1 Trade, Colonialism and the Origins of Global Society See Concordia University's "Colonialism in Canada" website for a selected list of books, articles and films on the Indigenous experience with colonialism in Canada. 10.2 Global Wealth and Poverty For more information about global affairs, check the Munk School of Global Affairs website. Go to Naomi Klein's website for more information about the anti-globalization movement. 10.3 Contemporary Global Society For a summary of the concepts of modernity, late modernity and postmodernity in video format see the tutor2u video: Theoretical Debates in Sociology: Modernity and Late Modernity.

References

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10.1 Trade, Colonialism, and the Origins of Global Society

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Marx, K. (1977). Capital: A critique of political economy. Knopf Doubleday. (Original work published 1867.)

Negri, A. (2004). Negri on Negri. Routledge.

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Robertson, R. (1990). Mapping the global condition: Globalization as the central concept. Theory, Culture & Society, 7(2), 15–30. https://doi.org/10.1177/02632769000700200

Rodney, W. (1972). How Europe underdeveloped Africa. Bogle-L'Ouverture Publications.

Shipley, T. (2020). Canada in the world: Settler capitalism and the colonial imagination. Fernwood Publishing.

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Vanham, P. (2019, January 17). A brief history of globalization. World Economic Forum. https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2019/01/how-globalization-4-0-fits-into-the-history-of-globalization/

Walker, R. B. J. (1993). Inside/outside: International relations as political theory. Cambridge University Press.

10.2. Global Wealth and Poverty

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10.3. Contemporary Global Society

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Solutions to Section Quiz

1 D, | 2 A, | 3 D, | 4 B, | 5 D, | 6 A, | 7 B, | 8 B, | 9 D, | 10 A, | 11 D, | 12 A, | 13 B, | 14 B, | 15 C, | 16, D, | 17, A | [Return to Quiz]

11.1. Racial, Ethnic, and Minority Groups

hfriedman — Mon, 14 Aug 2023 21:34:41 +0000

While many students may be accustomed to conflating the terms race, ethnicity, and minority group, these three terms have distinct meanings for sociologists. The idea of race refers to superficial physical differences, like skin colour, that a particular society considers significant; ethnicity is a term that describes shared culture; and a minority group is subordinate, or lacking power in society regardless of skin colour or culture of origin. Subaltern groups are minorities that have difficulty expressing an identity outside of the definitions imposed on them by a dominant or colonial culture.

What Is Race?

Historically, the concept of race has changed across cultures and eras, eventually becoming less connected with ancestral and familial ties, and more concerned with superficial physical characteristics. In the origins of race science, theorists posited categories of race based on various geographic regions, ethnicities, skin colours, facial structures, and more. Their labels for racial groups often connoted regions (Mongolia and the Caucasus Mountains, for instance) or denoted skin tones (black, white, yellow, and red, for example). A common notion is the five race theory that can be traced back to the early race science of Johann Friedrich Blumenbach (1752-1840). Blumenbach suggested that humans were one species but could be categorized into five racial categories: African, European, Asian, Oceanic, and Native American (Bhopal, 2007). However, this typology of race, developed during early racial science, has fallen into disuse in sociology, and racialization (the social construction of race) is a far more useful way of understanding racial categories. Races are complex sociocultural entities rather than genetically distinct categories. According to this school of thought, race is not a biologically meaningful term as humans are estimated to share 99.9% of their DNA (National Human Genome Research Institute, 2018). Rather, certain groups become racialized through a social process that marks them for unequal treatment based on perceived physiological differences or phenotypes. When considering skin colour, for example, the social construction of race perspective recognizes that the relative darkness or fairness of skin is an evolutionary adaptation to the available sunlight in different regions of the world. It speaks to geographical ancestry, but the amount of melanin (a pigment that determines skin colour) in the skin is relatively insignificant in itself. It is a minor trait that evolved independently of other genetic factors that might influence health, intelligence or behaviour. Although a 2018 poll revealed that 53% of Americans believed that biology either totally (33.8%) or somewhat (18.8%) determines racial identity (Tillery, 2018), the use of skin colour to mark significant racial difference tends to be based on socioeconomic assumptions. In the 19th and early 20th century, numerous immigrant groups from Europe, such as Jews, Italians, Greeks, Ukrainians and Irish, were not considered "White" and only became so through cultural assimilation (Jacobson, 1999). The key variable in determining "Whiteness" therefore was not skin pigmentation but the official and unofficial processes of social gatekeeping and civic assimilation. In modern society, some people who consider themselves “White” actually have more melanin in their skin than other people who identify as "black." Consider the case of the actress Rashida Jones. She is the daughter of a Black man (the jazz musician and producer Quincy Jones), but she does not play a Black woman in her television or film roles. On the other hand, the White Supremacist Craig Cobb, who was seeking through intimidation to turn a small town in North Dakota all "White," went on a talk show where he was revealed through DNA testing to have genetically 14% sub-Saharan African ancestry (Stranglin, 2013). In Brazil, where racialized groups historically intermarried, the matter is more ambiguous because being considered "White" or "Black" is independent of racial descent in a biological sense (Telles, 2004). Racial identity depends on a complex social evaluation of skin pigmentation, hair type, nose shape, and lip shape, etc. so that biological siblings can potentially be of different races. The social construction of race is also reflected in the way that names for racial categories change with changing times. It is worth noting that race, in this sense, is a system of labeling that provides a source of identity — specific labels fall in and out of favour during different historical eras. For example, the category "Negroid," popular in the 19th century, evolved into the term “Negro” by the 1960s, and then this term fell from use and was replaced with “Black.” The term was intended to celebrate the multiple identities that a Black person might hold, but the word choice is an ambiguous one: It lumps together a large variety of ethnic groups under an umbrella term. Unlike the case in the United States where the term “African American” is common, most Black Canadians immigrated from the Caribbean and retain ethnic roots from that area. Culturally they remain distinct from immigrants from sub-Saharan Africa, or the descendants of the slaves brought to mainland North America. Some prefer to use the term “Afro-Caribbean Canadians” for that reason. BIPOC is the contemporary acronym that stands for Black, Indigenous and People of Colour. The New York Times traced its first usage to a Twitter message in 2013, although the phrase "People of Colour" was first introduced as a term in the Oxford English Dictionary in 1796 (Garcia, 2020). It is an inclusive term that describes the shared experience of "visible minorities" as equity seeking groups facing similar practices of racial discrimination. It is not without controversy, however. While marking a distinction between Black and Indigenous experiences and other People of Colour to acknowledge their different historical backgrounds, as with the term "visible minorities," there is also the danger of lumping all racialized groups in a category together rather than seeing the distinct issues they face.

Making Connections: Sociology in the Real World

Race in the New Era of Human Genetics Research (Vivian Chou, 2017)

[caption id="attachment_752" align="aligncenter" width="785"] Figure 11.3 ‘Race’ cannot be biologically defined due to genetic variation among human individuals and populations. (A) The old concept of the “five races:” African, Asian, European, Native American, and Oceanian. According to this view, variation between the races is large, and thus, each race is a separate category. Additionally, individual races are thought to have a relatively uniform genetic identity. (B) Actual genetic variation in humans. Human populations do roughly cluster into geographical regions. However, variation between different regions is small, thus blurring the lines between populations. Furthermore, variation within a single region is large, and there is no uniform identity. (Image by Daniel Utter.) CC BY-NC-SA 4.0[/caption] In 2003, scientists completed the Human Genome Project, making it finally possible to examine human ancestry with genetics. Scientists have since tackled topics such as human migrations out of Africa and around the world (Rincon, 2016; Ghosh, 2015; BBC News, 2015). It is not just scientists who are excited about human genetics: widely affordable at-home ancestry test kits are now readily available from companies like 23andMe, Family Tree DNA, and Ancestry. For $99—around the price of a romantic dinner or a pair of Nikes—a customer can receive an analysis from 23andMe indicating that they are, for instance, 18.0% Native American, 65.1% European and 6.2% African. The popularity of ancestry testing indicates a widespread perception that people can use these tests to dissect, delineate, and define their ancestral composition. Indeed, social media is teeming with posts from excited customers sharing their test results and their reactions. Ancestry test kits are the new “it” item — and with their success is the tacit admission of the belief that DNA can unambiguously sort people into categories like the “five races:” African, European, Asian, Oceania, and Native American (Bhopal, 2007). Estimating ancestral composition down to 0.1% seem to suggest that there are exact, categorical divisions between human populations. But reality is far less simple. Compared to the general public’s enthusiasm for ancestry testing, the reaction from scientists has been considerably more lukewarm (Bolnick et al., 2007). Research indicates that the concept of “five races” does, to an extent, describe the way human populations are distributed among the continents—but the lines between races are much more blurred than ancestry testing companies would have us believe (Tishcoff and Kidd, 2004). A landmark 2002 study by Stanford scientists examined the question of human diversity by looking at the distribution across seven major geographical regions of 4,000 alleles (Rosenberg et al., 2003). Alleles are the different “flavors” of a gene. For instance, all humans have the same genes that code for hair: the different alleles are why hair comes in all types of colours and textures. In the Stanford study, over 92% of alleles were found in two or more regions, and almost half of the alleles studied were present in all seven major geographical regions. The observation that the vast majority of the alleles were shared over multiple regions, or even throughout the entire world, points to the fundamental similarity of all people around the world—an idea that has been supported by many other studies (Romualdi et al., 2002; Chakrevarti, 2001). If separate racial or ethnic groups actually existed, researchers would expect to find “trademark” alleles and other genetic features that are characteristic of a single group but not present in any others. However, the 2002 Stanford study found that only 7.4% of over 4000 alleles were specific to one geographical region. Furthermore, even when region-specific alleles did appear, they only occurred in about 1% of the people from that region—hardly enough to be any kind of trademark. Thus, there is no evidence that the groups people commonly call “races” have distinct, unifying genetic identities. In fact, there is ample variation within races (See Figure 11.3B). Ultimately, there is so much ambiguity between the races, and so much variation within them, that two people of European descent may be more genetically similar to an Asian person than they are to each other (Gannon, 2016; see Figure 11.3). [caption id="attachment_756" align="aligncenter" width="1024"] Figure 11.4 Case study of genetic variation between three scientists. Left: Schematization of the genetic variation between Drs. James Watson, Craig Venter, and Kim Seong-jin. Coloured bars represent genes; different colours represent different alleles, i.e., versions of genes. Some alleles are shared by all three men; these are represented by the dark brown allele shared by every person in this image. Besides the universal dark brown allele, Watson and Venter share one other allele (bright blue). However, both share two alleles with Kim (Watson shares red and orange with Kim, Venter shares green and magenta), in addition to the universal allele. Right: There is more similarity between Kim and Watson and Kim and Venter, than between Watson and Venter. (Image by Daniel Utter.) CC BY-NC-SA 4.0[/caption] The divisions between races are doubtlessly blurred, but does this necessarily mean that race is a myth—a mere social construct and biologically meaningless? As with other race-related questions, the answer is multi-dimensional and may well depend on whom one asks. In the biological and social sciences, the consensus is clear: race is a social construct, not a biological attribute. Today, scientists prefer to use the term “ancestry” to describe human diversity. “Ancestry” reflects the fact that human variations do have a connection to the geographical origins of one's ancestors—with enough information about a person’s DNA, scientists can make a reasonable guess about their ancestry (Lewontin, 1972; Collins, 2004). However, unlike the term “race,” it focuses on understanding how a person’s history unfolded, not how they fit into one category and not another. In a clinical setting, for instance, scientists would say that diseases such as sickle-cell anemia and cystic fibrosis are common in those of “sub-Saharan African” or “Northern European” descent, respectively, rather than in those who are “Black” or “White” Yudell et al., 2016). However, even if scientists agree that race is, at most, a social construct, any cursory search of the internet reveals that the broader public is not convinced of this. After all, if an Asian person looks so different from a European, how could they not be from distinct groups? Even if most scientists reject the concept of “race” as a biological concept, race exists, undeniably, as a social and political concept. The popular classifications of race are based chiefly on skin colour, with other relevant features including height, eyes, and hair. Though these physical differences may appear, on a superficial level, to be very dramatic, they are determined by only a minute portion of the genome: humans as a species have been estimated to share 99.9% of our DNA with each other (National Human Genome Research Institute, 2018). The few differences that do exist reflect differences in environments and external factors, not core biology. Importantly, the evolution of skin colour occurred independently, and did not influence other traits such as mental abilities and behavior. In fact, science has yet to find evidence that there are genetic differences in intelligence between populations (Lindsey, 2013). Ultimately, while there certainly are some biological differences between different populations, these differences are few and superficial. The traits that humans do share are far more profound. Despite the scientific consensus that humanity is more alike than unlike, the long history of racism is a somber reminder that throughout human history, a mere 0.1% of variation has been sufficient justification for committing all manner of discrimination and atrocity. The advances in human genetics and the evidence of negligible differences between races might be expected to halt racist arguments. But, in fact, genetics has been used to further racist and ethnocentric arguments—as in the case of the alt-right, which promotes far-right ideologies, including White-supremacism and anti-Semitism. “Race in the new era of human genetics research” adapted from Vivian Chou, 2017, How Science and Genetics are Reshaping the Race Debate of the 21st Century. Used under a CC BY-NC-SA 4.0 licence.

What Is Ethnicity?

Ethnicity is a term that describes shared cultural heritage — the distinct practices, beliefs and way of life of a group. This includes shared origins, geographical locations, languages, religions, and traditions, among other commonalities. Ethnic identity is the positive attitude and attachment an individual or group forms with an ethnicity based on their perception of common ancestry and shared socio-cultural characteristics and experiences. It implies the ability to use cultural distinctions to identify with the "we-ness" of a self-group in distinction to the "they-ness" of other groups, considered as Others, outsiders, enemies or strangers. Although there is an influential tradition going back to philosophers like Johann Gottfried Herder (1744-1803) that views ethnicity as an underlying and unchanging spirit or essence of "a people" (Taylor, 1994), contemporary sociologists who examine ethnicity as it is practiced and lived today tend to view it as non-fixed, fluid and situational in character. Unlike race, ethnicity is usually considered a product of cultural heritage distinct from biology (although the concepts can overlap in complex ways), but, like race, individuals may be identified or self-identified with ethnicities in complex, even contradictory, ways. For example, defining ethnicity is an identification method that individuals and institutions use today — whether through immigration categories, the census, truth and reconciliation commissions, anti-discrimination laws and equity measures, or simply in personal day-to-day relations. These categories often appear as straightforward social facts, even if it is common for Canadians to have mixed ethnic backgrounds that make it difficult to self-identify. Nevertheless, the ethnic categories themselves have histories and social contexts. As with race, individual actors and groups negotiate their ethnic identity internally as well as with those outside the group. [caption id="attachment_770" align="aligncenter" width="300"] Figure 11.5 Giant sculpture of a Ukrainian Easter egg or pysanka in Vegreville, Alberta. Public monuments are one means used to solidify concepts of ethnic identity. (Photo courtesy of Myke Waddy/Wikimedia Commons.) Public Domain[/caption] The history of the Ukrainians in Canada is a case in point (Satzewich, 2000; 2002). The first wave of Ukrainian migration to the Canadian prairies from parts of the (contemporary) Ukraine controlled by the Austrian Hapsburg Empire took place between the 1880s and 1914. They faced discrimination in Canada in the form of racialized discourses that regarded peripheral Southern and Eastern Europeans — the "Latin, Slav, Semitic, and Mongolian races" — as "inferior racial stock," incapable of assimilating and building a new civilized Canadian society (Satzewich, 2000). This rejection by the dominant culture and institutions, however, was the first element in the formation of a vibrant Ukrainian ethnic identity. In order to solidify and maintain their communities, the immigrants were obliged to turn inward to create their own diasporic community organizations, churches, dance and music events, libraries and cultural or folkloric activities.

Recall the concept of diaspora from Chapter 3. Culture: The increasing flows of global migrants, temporary foreign workers, and political or economic refugees create globalized and displaced local communities as people from around the world spread out into global diasporas: The communities that emerge through resettlement of a people from their original homeland to new locations.

The second element was the creation of a unique ethnic identity itself. Most of the immigrant workers and peasants who migrated to Canada came without a concept of themselves as Ukrainians. They tended to identify themselves with their local villages or regions of origin and the idea of "The Ukraine" as a distinct nation or nationality was nebulous. During the immigration process they might describe themselves to immigration authorities by country of origin, (which varied between Austria, Russia, or Hungary), by regional identity, (Galician, Bukovynian, or Lemko), or by religion (Ukrainian Greek Catholic, which was often interpreted as "Greek"). The larger ethno-cultural category that identified them was "Rusyn," which translated confusedly into English as Russian or "little Russian," and by 1900 this term was replaced by "Ruthenian." It was not until the 1st World War (1914-1918) that "Ukrainian" was adopted. Satzewich (2002) regards this "Ukrainianization" of the community as the outcome of an internal conflict between factions within the larger North American diasporic community, which struggled over whether they would align themselves with a Ukrainian, Hungarian or Russian homeland and aspirations to statehood in Europe. The identity had to do more with the politics of an imagined homeland than with the expression of an existing, well defined cultural tradition. Comparing the Ukrainian struggle for ethnic identity with the Irish struggle to be regarded as "White," Satzewich says:

For stateless members of diaspora communities [like the Canadian Ukrainians], the politics and identities in the homeland may have led them to be less concerned about their place within racial hierarchies in their new homelands and more concerned about the place of their imagined community on the map of Europe.... Contrary to the Irish, who responded to their racial assignment by asserting a [White] racial identity, Ukrainians responded by creating and asserting an ethnic identity that legitimated claims to statehood in Europe (Satzewich, 2000).

The Ukrainian example illustrates the complexity and overlapping of ethnicity, race and national identity. From the point of view of interpretive or social constructivist sociology, ethnic identification, like racialization, is a process subject to historical, cultural and political factors and negotiation. To say that it is a fluid category like this means that it is subject to both external recognition and validation and to periodic redefinition and reinvention of "traditions."

What is a Minority Group?

Sociologist Louis Wirth (1897-1952) defined a minority group as “any group of people who, because of their physical or cultural characteristics, are singled out from the others in the society in which they live for differential and unequal treatment, and who therefore regard themselves as objects of collective discrimination” (1945). The term minority connotes discrimination, and in its sociological use the term subordinate can be used interchangeably with the term minority, while the term dominant is often substituted for the group that is in the majority. These definitions correlate to the concept that the dominant group is that group which holds the most power in a given society, while subordinate groups are those who lack power compared to the dominant group. According to Charles Wagley and Marvin Harris (1958), a minority group is distinguished by five characteristics: (1) unequal treatment and less power over their lives, (2) distinguishing physical or cultural traits like skin colour or language, (3) involuntary membership in the group, (4) awareness of subordination, and (5) high rate of in-group marriage (Wagley and Harris, 1958). Additional examples of minority groups might include the LGBTQ community, religious practitioners whose faith is not widely practiced where they live, and people with disabilities. Note that being a numerical minority is not necessarily a characteristic of being a minority group; sometimes larger groups can be considered minority groups due to their lack of power. It is the lack of power that is the predominant characteristic of a minority, or subordinate group. For example, consider apartheid in South Africa, in which a numerical majority (the Black inhabitants of the country) were exploited and oppressed by the White minority. Subaltern groups, which have become the focus of research in postcolonial subaltern studies, are groups defined by cultural subordination to the degree that they have "no identity except that which they can derive from the fact of their subordination" (Pocock, 2009). Especially in the case of colonization, their cultural identity within society has been defined by the dominant group to the degree that they look at themselves through the dominant group's eyes. As Gayatri Spivak argues, they have internalized their subaltern identity to such a degree that they cannot speak for themselves except through the language of the dominant group (Spivak, 1988).

Multiple Identities

[caption id="attachment_238" align="aligncenter" width="300"] Figure 11.6 Golfer Tiger Woods has Chinese, Thai, African American, Native American, and Dutch heritage. Individuals with multiple ethnic backgrounds are becoming more common as populations become more fluid. (Photo courtesy of Tim Hipps/ U.S. Army, via Wikimedia Commons) CC BY 2.0[/caption] Prior to the 20th century, racial intermarriage in North America (referred to as miscegenation) was rare, and in many places, illegal. In the United States, 41 of the 50 states at one time or another enacted legislation to prevent racial intermarriage. In Canada, there were no formal anti-miscegenation laws, though strong informal norms ensured that racial intermixing was extremely limited in scope. Thompson makes the case, however, that the various versions of the Indian Act, originally enacted in 1876, effectively worked on a racial level to restrict the marriage between Indigenous and non-Indigenous people (2009). A key part of the Act enumerated the various ways in which Indigenous people could lose their status through intermarriage and, thus, their claim to Aboriginal land title and state provisions. Until its amendment in 1985, one of the most egregious sections of the Act (Section 12.1.b) determined that an Indian woman who married a non-Indian man would lose her Indian status and her children's Indian status, whereas an Indian man who married a non-Indian woman would retain his status, as would his children. In this way, the thorny question of having multiple racial identities could be avoided. [caption id="attachment_959" align="alignleft" width="200"] Figure 11.7 Louis Riel was the son of a prominent French-Ojibwa father and French mother. He was executed in 1885 on the charge of high treason for his role in the Northwest Rebellion. This picture was taken at the time of his trial in 1885. (Photo courtesy of Wikimedia Commons.) Public Domain[/caption] The Métis, or Bois-Brûlés, are Canada’s original exception to this rule. Prior to the full establishment of British colonial rule in Canada, racial intermarriage was encouraged in some areas to support the fur trade. The Métis formed a unique mixed-race culture of French fur traders and mostly Cree, Anishinaabe, and Saulteaux people centred in the Red River settlement of what is now Manitoba. On the other hand, the progeny of liaisons between the Hudson’s Bay Company's British traders and Indigenous women were known as “half-breeds,” a term that was pejorative in some contexts but not others (Brown, 1993; O'Toole, 2013; Dahl, 2013). It is unfortunately a testament to the untenability of multiple identities in 19th century Canada that the attempt to establish and protect an independent Métis culture under the provisional government of Louis Riel (1844-1885) led to the violent suppression of the Métis in the Red River Rebellion of 1869 and the Northwest Rebellion of 1885. Despite the promises of the newly founded Canadian government after Confederation (1867), the Métis were swindled out of their land through a corrupt script system and displaced by a massive influx of Anglo-Saxon immigrants (Purich, 1988). During the late modern era, the trend toward equal rights and legal protection against racism have steadily reduced the social stigma attached to miscegenation or racial exogamy. Exogamy refers to marriage outside of one’s core social unit, often defined by race or ethnicity. It is now common for children of racially mixed parents to acknowledge and celebrate their various ethnic identities. Golfer Tiger Woods, for instance, has Chinese, Thai, African American, Native American, and Dutch heritage; he jokingly refers to his ethnicity as “Cablinasian,” a term he coined to combine several of his ethnic backgrounds. In Canada the prevalence of multiple identities is captured in the 2011 Statistics Canada National Household Survey. While just over 19 million Canadians described themselves as having a single ethnic origin, (including almost 6 million who claimed a “Canadian” ethnic origin), almost 14 million Canadians described themselves as having a multiple ethnic origin (Statistics Canada, 2011). According to 2006 census data, 3.9% of all Canadian couples were “mixed unions,” that is, couples made up of either a visible minority member and a non-visible minority member or two members from different visible minorities. This was up from 3.1% in 2001 and 2.6% in 1991 (Milan et al., 2010).

Media Attributions

Figure 11.3 ‘Race’ cannot be biologically defined by Daniel Utter, Harvard University, is used under CC BY-NC-SA 4.0 licence.
Figure 11.4 Case study of genetic variation between three scientists by Daniel Utter, Harvard University, is used under CC BY-NC-SA 4.0 licence.
Figure 11.5 Vegreville pysanka August 2008 by Myke Waddy [User:Myke2020] via Wikipedia is in the public domain.
Figure 11.6 Tiger Woods - AT&T National tournament 2009 by Tim Hipps/ U.S. Army, via Wikimedia Commons, is used under a CC BY 2.0 licence.
Figure 11.7 Louis Riel by ArchiviaNet/ Collections Canada, Reference #C-018082, via Wikimedia Commons, is in the public domain.

11.2. Stereotypes, Prejudice, and Discrimination

hfriedman — Mon, 14 Aug 2023 21:43:17 +0000

The terms stereotype, prejudice, discrimination, and racism are often used interchangeably in everyday conversation. But when discussing these terms from a sociological perspective, it is important to define them: Stereotypes are oversimplified ideas about groups of people; prejudice refers to negative thoughts and feelings about those groups; discrimination refers to negative actions toward them; racism is a type of prejudice that involves set beliefs about a specific racial group.

Stereotypes

Stereotypes are oversimplified ideas about groups of people in the sense that they are based on rigid generalizations which do not bear up under critical scrutiny. Stereotypes can be based on race, ethnicity, age, gender, sexual orientation — almost any characteristic. They may be positive (usually about one’s own group, such as when women suggest they are less likely than men to complain about physical pain) but are often negative (usually toward other groups, such as when members of a dominant racial group suggest that a subordinate racial group is stupid or lazy). In either case, the stereotype is a generalization that does not take individual differences into account. For example, when a newspaper prints the race of individuals accused of a crime, it may enhance stereotypes of a certain minority. It is difficult to think of Somali Canadians, for example, without recalling the news reports of gang-related deaths in Toronto’s social housing projects or the northern Alberta drug trade (Wingrove & Mackrael, 2012). Where do stereotypes come from? New stereotypes are rarely created; rather, they are recycled from subordinate groups that have assimilated into society and are reused to describe newly subordinate groups. For example, many stereotypes currently used to characterize Black people were used earlier in Canadian history to characterize Irish and Eastern European immigrants. Current stereotypes about Black youth are also circulated and reinforced through media imagery. Manzo and Bailey's (2008) research on young Black and Mulatto offenders in Alberta described two types of Black stereotypes, the offenders recognized as imposed on them: the gangsta image, which characterized them as dangerous, defiant and criminal, and the entertainer image, which characterized them as athletic or musically and theatrically talented. As one respondent described it, "because I'm black, everyone looks at you like...a gangsta, playa, baller, right. I don't look at myself like that, but everyone else calls me that, like 'What's up, thug?'.... They look at you and if you're not that then you are not popular, you are not really black" (Manzo and Bailey, 2008).

Prejudice and Racism

[caption id="attachment_819" align="alignleft" width="300"] Figure 11.8 A Ku Klux Klan cross-burning ceremony in London, Ontario, Canada in late 1925. The KKK is a White supremacist group that originated in the post-Civil War United States, but enjoyed considerable popularity in Canada in the 1920s. In Saskatchewan, it enlisted 40,000 members and was instrumental in the defeat of the Liberal government in provincial elections in 1929 (Pitsula, 2014). (Photo courtesy of Wikimedia Commons.) Public Domain[/caption] Prejudice refers to negative beliefs, thoughts, feelings, and attitudes that someone holds about a group. It is a personal disposition or attitude although often shared collectively. If, despite evidence to the contrary, a person rigidly maintains negative beliefs and opinions about that groups, then that person is prejudiced. As such, prejudice is not based on experience; instead, it is a prejudgment originating outside of actual experience. Racism is a type of prejudice used to justify the belief that one racial category is somehow superior or inferior to others. White supremacist groups are examples of racist organizations; their members’ belief in White supremacy — the doctrine that non-White groups are inferior and that racial discrimination, segregation, and domination is justified — was the basis of African American slavery and has encouraged hate crimes and hate speech for over a century in North America.

Discrimination

While prejudice refers to biased thinking or attitudes, discrimination consists of biased actions against a group of people. It is the unequal treatment of others based on their perceived or actual membership in a group. Discrimination can be based on age, religion, health, and other indicators, but when it is based on stereotypes about race or ethnicity, it can be defined as racism or ethnocentrism, respectfully. Discrimination based on race or ethnicity can take many forms, from unfair housing practices to biased hiring systems. An example of racial discrimination is racial steering, in which real estate agents direct prospective homeowners toward or away from certain neighbourhoods based on their race. Overt discrimination has long been part of Canadian history. Discrimination against Jews was typical until the 1950s. McGill University imposed quotas on the admission of Jewish students in 1920, a practice which continued in its medical faculty until the 1960s. As evident in the Nova Scotia case of Viola Desmond (see Chapter 7. Groups and Organizations), Canada also had its own version of American Jim Crow laws, which designated “Whites only” areas in cinemas, public transportation, workplaces, etc. Both Ontario and Nova Scotia had racially segregated schools. It is interesting to note that while Viola Desmond was prosecuted for sitting in a Whites only section of the cinema in Glasgow, Nova Scotia, she was in fact of mixed-race descent as her mother was White (Backhouse, 1994). These practices are unacceptable in Canada today. Race-based discrimination and anti-discrimination laws strive to address this set of social problems. However, discrimination cannot be erased from our culture just by enacting laws to abolish it. Even if a magic pill managed to eradicate racism from each individual’s psyche, societal structures would maintain it. Sociologist Émile Durkheim (1895) would call racism "a social fact," meaning it does not require the intentional action of individuals to continue. The reasons for this are complex and relate to the way educational, criminal justice, economic, and political systems are historically structured by racial distinctions. Systemic racism refers to the idea that there are numerous overlapping structures of discrimination embedded within and between organizations and institutions, which mutually reinforce unequal race-based distinctions and outcomes regardless of the personal attitudes of individual actors. As opposed to institutional racism within specific institutions (see below), systemic racism emphasizes how racial discrimination within specific organizations and institutions, often unacknowledged, is reinforced by racial discrimination within other organizations and institutions (i.e., it is systemic across a society). Prejudice and discrimination can overlap and intersect in many ways. To illustrate, here are four examples of how prejudice and discrimination interact. Unprejudiced non-discriminators are open-minded, tolerant, and accepting individuals. Unprejudiced discriminators might be those who, unthinkingly, practice racism in their workplace by not considering racialized minorities for certain positions that are traditionally held by Whites. Prejudiced non-discriminators are those who hold racist beliefs but do not act on them, such as a racist store owner who serves minority customers. Prejudiced discriminators include those who actively make disparaging remarks about others or perpetuate hate crimes.

White Privilege

[caption id="attachment_698" align="aligncenter" width="960"] Figure 11.9 Tweeting out about White privilege. (Photo courtesy of Ken Whytock/Flickr.) CC BY-NC 2.0[/caption]

Discrimination can also involve the promotion of a group’s status, such as occurs with White privilege. While most White people are willing to admit that people of colour live with a set of disadvantages due to the colour of their skin, very few White people are willing to acknowledge the benefits they receive simply by being White. White privilege is defined by Derald Wing Sue (2015) as "the unearned advantages and benefits that accrue to White folks by virtue of a system normed on the experiences, values, and perceptions of their group." In other words, the norms that White people have defined for themselves and others make their privilege within a system of inequality difficult for them to recognize as such. In everything from relationships to authorities, to job opportunities, to simply walking in public areas, it seems that their advantages and benefits in society are natural, or even earned. They do not see or experience the barriers or disadvantages that others confront as a matter of course.

However, as Sue continues:

White privilege (a) automatically confers dominance to one group, while subordinating groups of colour in a descending relational hierarchy, (b) owes its existence to White supremacy, (c) is premised on the mistaken notion of individual meritocracy and deservingness (hard work, family values, etc.) rather than favouritism, (d) is deeply embedded in the structural, systemic, and cultural workings of U.S. [and Canadian] society, and (e) operates within an invisible veil of unspoken and protected secrecy (Sue, 2015).

Like the heated reactions to the breaching experiments conducted by Garfinkel and his students (see Chapter 3. Culture), getting individuals to think about these sorts of privilege can be challenging because they are supported by an unspoken system of norms that even well meaning people do not want to think about. Failure to recognize this “normality” as race-based is an example of a dominant group’s often unconscious racism.

Institutional Racism

Discrimination also manifests in different ways. The illustrations above are examples of individual discrimination, but other types exist. Institutional discrimination or institutional racism is when a societal institution has developed with an embedded disenfranchisement of a group, such as Canadian immigration policies that imposed “head taxes” on Chinese immigrants in 1886 and 1904. Institutional racism refers to the way in which racial distinctions are used to organize the policy and practice of state, judicial, economic, and educational institutions. As a result these distinctions systematically reproduce inequalities along racial lines. They define what people can and cannot do based on racial characteristics. It is not necessarily the intention of these institutions to reproduce inequality, nor of the individuals who work in the institutions. Rather, inequality is the outcome of patterns of differential treatment based on racial or ethnic categorizations of people. Clear examples of institutional racism in Canada can be seen in the Indian Act and immigration policy, as already noted. The residential school system for Indigenous children is another example that provided different types of education for Indigenous and non-Indigenous children. Similarly, as described below, the effects of institutional racism can be observed in the structures that reproduce income inequality for visible minorities and Indigenous Canadians. This can be seen in the racialized characteristics of the economy. Although labour participation rates are similar for racialized and non-racialized individuals, unemployment for racialized men, (and even more so or racialized women), is much higher than for their non-racialized counterparts. Moreover, income levels for racialized Canadians are much lower than for non-racialized Canadians (Block and Galabuzi, 2011). These substantial, statistically significant differences between racialized and non-racialized Canadians indicate that economic institutions in Canada are systematically structured on the basis of racialized differences in the workforce rather than on the basis of individual qualities of workers or individual acts of prejudice of employers.

Making Connections: Sociology in the Real World

The Residential School System

[caption id="attachment_240" align="aligncenter" width="400"] Figure 11.10 St. Joseph’s Mission residential school near Williams Lake, B.C., circa 1890. (Photo courtesy of Library Archives/Flickr.)[/caption] In 2021, the Tk'emlúps te Secwépemc First Nation near Kamloops, BC, announced the discovery of the remains of 215 children in unmarked graves on the grounds of the former Kamloops Indian Residential School. This, and other ground penetrating radar surveys at residential schools across Canada, have confirmed what residential school survivors have said for years—that many Indigenous children who were removed from their families and forced to attend the schools never returned. Survivors witnessed abuse and the deaths of children. They described how these children just "disappeared." The National Centre for Truth and Reconciliation has documented 4,118 children who died at residential schools but the actual number is expected to be greater than that (Deer, 2021). The residential school system was set up in the 19th century to educate and assimilate Indigenous children into European culture. From 1883 until 1996, over 150,000 Indigenous, Inuit, and Métis children were forcibly separated from their parents and their cultural traditions and sent to missionary-run residential schools. In the schools, they received substandard education and many were subject to neglect, disease, and abuse. Many children did not see their parents again, and thousands of children died at the schools. When they did return home they found it difficult to fit in. They had not learned the skills needed for life on reserves and had also been taught to be ashamed of their cultural heritage. Because the education at the residential schools was inferior they also had difficulty fitting into non-Indigenous society. The residential school system was part of a system of institutional racism because it was established on the basis of a distinction between the educational needs of Indigenous and non-Indigenous people. In introducing the policy to the House of Commons in 1883, Public Works Minister Hector Langevin argued, “In order to educate the children properly we must separate them from their families. Some people may say that this is hard but if we want to civilize them we must do that” (as cited in Truth and Reconciliation Commission, 2012, p. 5). The sad legacy of this “civilizing” mission has been several generations of severely disrupted Indigenous families and communities; the loss of Indigenous languages and cultural heritage; and the neglect, abuse, and traumatization of thousands of Indigenous children and parents. As the Truth and Reconciliation Commission concluded, the residential school system constituted a systematic assault on Indigenous families, children, and cultures in Canada. Some have likened the policy and its aftermath to a cultural genocide (Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, 2012). While the last of the residential schools closed in 1996, the problem of Indigenous education remains grave, with 40% of all Indigenous people aged 20 to 24 having no high school diploma (61% of on-reserve Indigenous people), compared to 13% of non-Indigenous (Congress of Aboriginal Peoples, 2010). The impact of generations of children being removed from their homes to be educated in an underfunded and frequently abusive residential school system has been “joblessness, poverty, family violence, drug and alcohol abuse, family breakdown, sexual abuse, prostitution, homelessness, high rates of imprisonment, and early death” (Truth and Reconciliation Commission, 2012). Even with the public apology to residential school survivors and the inauguration of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in 2008, the federal government, and the interests it represents, continue to refuse basic Indigenous claims to title, self-determination, and control over their lands and resources.

Income Inequality among Racialized Canadians

[caption id="attachment_730" align="alignleft" width="225"] Figure 11.11 Rastafarian in Toronto, Kensington Market, 2012. (Photo courtesy of Eric Parker/Flickr.) CC BY-NC 2.0[/caption] The effects of institutional racism are visible in the structures that reproduce income inequality for visible minorities or racialized Canadians. As discussed in Chapter 9. Social Inequality, race and ethnicity are the basis of ascribed status, a status one receives by virtue of being born into a category or group, as opposed to achieved status, a status one receives through individual effort or merits. In a society like Canada, which is based on formal equality of opportunity or meritocracy, race should not be a barrier to equality and social mobility. The evidence shows otherwise however. In 2015, the median income of Registered Indians living on reserve was less than half that of the non-Indigenous population ($20,357/yr. vs. $42,930/yr.), whereas Registered Indians living off reserve, Non-Status Indians, and Inuit had median incomes between 75% and 80% of the non-Indigenous population median income (Department of Indigenous Services, 2020). In 2015, the rates of poverty (using the after tax Low-Income Measure) for Registered Indians living on reserve were at 47.7%, Registered Indians living off reserve were 30.3%, Non-Status Indians were 25.2%, and Inuit were 22.3%, whereas the rates for non-Indigenous, non-racialized individuals were 13.8%. Rates of poverty for Indigenous people declined between 2005 and 2015, but in some areas of the country like Saskatchewan and Manitoba poverty rates stood at between 60% and 40% for on reserve, off reserve and non-status Indigenous people. Institutional racism is also deeply problematic for other visible minorities. In 2016, racialized individuals made up 22% of the Canadian population, up from 16% in 2006, and less than 5% in the 1980s (Block, Galabuzi, & Tranjan, 2019). By 2031, this figure is expected to be 32% (Block & Galabuzi, 2011). In 2016, of these 7.7 million individuals:

25.1% were South Asian
20.5% were Chinese
15.6% were Black
10.2% were Filipino
6.8% were Arab
5.8% were Latin American
4.1% were South East Asian (Block, Galabuzi, & Tranjan, 2019)

While labour participation rates in the economy (i.e., employed or actively looking for work) were higher for racialized than non-racialized individuals, racialized individuals were 20% more likely to be unemployed than non-racialized individuals in 2016 (Block, Galabuzi, & Tranjan, 2019). The raci0alized population had an unemployment rate of 9.2% compared to the non-racialized rate of 7.3%. This gap was highest between racialized women whose unemployment rate was 9.6% compared to non-racialized women at 6.4%, but racialized men were also unemployed at a higher rate than non-racialized men (8.8% compared to 8.2% respectively). Moreover, racialized men earned only 78% of the income that non-racialized men earn, and racialized women only 59%, because they tend to find work in insecure, temporary, and low paying jobs like call centres, security services, and janitorial services. Those identifying as Chinese men and women earned 87% and 66% respectively of the income of non-racialized Canadian men; South Asians 83% and 57%; and Filipinos, Latin Americans, and Arabs approximately 75% and 52% (60% for Filipino women). Black men and women earned 66% and 56% of the income of non-racialized men. These figures were more or less unchanged between 2006 and 2016. Some people suggest that these inequalities are less to do with race as an ascribed status and more to do with immigration status. It stands to reason that the percentage of racialized individuals is highest among recent immigrants and therefore it will take a generation to catch up with native born Canadians. However, according to Block, Galabuzi, & Tranjan (2019), these inequalities in income are not simply the effect of the time it takes immigrants to integrate into the society and economy. Table 11.2 (below) shows how the income inequality between racialized and non-racialized individuals remains substantial even into the third generation of immigrants.

*Table 11.2. Average Employment Income for Racialized and Non-Racialized Canadians by Generation in 2016 (Block, Galabuzi, & Tranjan, 2019)*
Generation	Racialized Men	Racialized Women	Non-Racialized Men	Non-Racialized Women	Earnings Gap (%) with Non-racialized men vs Men	Earnings gap (%) with Non-racialized men vs. Women
1^st Generation	$49,786	$36,127	$69,838	$45,803	71%	52%
2^nd Generation	$60,039	$48,713	$75,582	$50,590	79%	64%
3^rd or more Generation	$60,399	$42,904	$66,208	$44,698	91%	65%

Source: Average Employment Income for Racialized and Non-racialized Canadians by generation in 2016 [modified], from Block and Galabuzi and Tranjan (2019) [Original data source: 2016 Census of Population, Statistics Canada, Catalogue Number 98-400-X2016210 and Block, et al. (2019) calculations. Open Government License

The question concerning racial and ethnic inequality therefore remains a sociological problem. How can sociologists draw on the different paradigm of sociological explanation to provide insight into the sources and nature of racism, prejudice, stereotypes, and discrimination? Is more than one theory needed? Which of the sociological frameworks makes the most sense, and why?

Media Attributions

Figure 11.8 A Ku Klux Klan cross-burning ceremony in London, Ontario, Canada in late 1925 by the Toronto Star is in the public domain.
Figure 11.9 Quotation: "Friendly reminder that White Privilege doesn't mean your life isn't hard..." by Ken Whytock, via Flickr, is used under a CC BY-NC 2.0 licence.
Figure 11.10 Class of Mi'kmaq (Micmac) girls taken in the Shubenacadie Residential School, Shubenacadie, Nova Scotia, 1929 by Library Archives, via Flickr, is used under CC BY 2.0 licence.
Figure 11.11 Marijuana Shop by Eric Parker, via Flickr, is used under CC BY-NC 2.0 licence.