Introduction

To be trans means to present as cisgender as possible. This notion, while harmful and untrue, is one that is prevalent in many early trans autobiographies. In this way could the authors appeal to an unaccepting cisgender society by performing gender in normative ways. However, this also led to the perpetuation of such normativities if one desired to be accepted in terms of their trans identity. This theory of cultural intelligibility, belonging to Judith Butler, is outlined by Evan Vipond in his article “Becoming Culturally (Un)Intelligible”. Here, he describes this theory as the idea that gender is socially and forcibly reproduced in order to confine trans individuals within a binary understanding of gender (Vipond, 2019). He argues that, as a result, trans authors often feel inclined to become culturally intelligible in their life writing, since autobiographies can be a way to justify one’s existence to a broader audience. Some of these methods of intelligibility that are common in trans autobiographies include emphasizing being “born in the wrong body” as a way of proving transness, as well as the belief that medical transition solidifies a successful transition (Vipond, 2019, p. 22). These mechanisms ultimately come together to create a cisgendered, homonormative, and coherent view towards gender as a whole, which makes it understandable to cis audiences. In their memoir Sissy: A Coming-Of-Gender Story, Jacob Tobia compares these repetitive constructions of trans autobiographies to the Mad Lib games, suggesting that trans authors tend to fill-in-the-blanks of a static autobiographical format with snippets from their own lives. Many factors in a trans author’s life can affect how they choose to become culturally intelligible using this Mad Lib structure. One of these factors is religion, an understudied concept in Trans Studies that indeed affects self-perception. In this essay, I will analyze how religion and transness intersect to create culturally intelligible understandings of gender in Mario Martino’s memoir.

Martino’s Emergence: A Transsexual Autobiography is an early trans memoir from 1977 that follows his transition and tracks the factors that affected his personal gender expression as a trans man. More specifically, growing up Italian and Catholic heavily influenced the way Martino chose to affirm his masculinity, and these identity markers were vital to his methods of becoming culturally intelligible. Because the Catholic church–and Abrahamic religions in general, the focus of this essay–hold firm beliefs about traditional gender roles, it is important to consider how these religions inform trans identities. For instance, in his memoir, Martino uses the framing structures brought up by Vipond and Tobia in order to assimilate himself into cisgender society. This is done by adopting heteronormative standards in his adult life and relationships to further normalize his otherwise outsider identity. Therefore, using Martino’s memoir as a foundation, it can be seen how religion may act as a force that encourages trans individuals to adopt heterosexual and cisgender standards into their identities as a method of assimilation. This intersection between religion and transness only serves to perpetuate homonormativity, but it can also be employed as a mode for survival in cis society.

When exploring the intersection of religion and transness, one must acknowledge how certain religious beliefs can contribute to the maintenance of homonormativity. As aforementioned, homonormativity can assist a trans person in becoming culturally intelligible, because it mimics heterosexual perceptions of gender. In the book Trans Studies: The Challenge to Hetero/Homo Normativities, authors Martínez-San Miguel and Tobias explain how homonormativity manifests in trans communities. One way would be acceptance from cis people by emphasizing “sameness” (Martínez-San Miguel & Tobias, 2016, p. 11). By molding one’s identity to fit cis structures of gender, normative genders are therefore encouraged, which further marginalizes those who do not conform. Additionally, Trans Studies scholars have noted the privilege that results from “normative expressions” of gender, which potentially adds an incentive to assimilate (Martínez-San Miguel & Tobias, 2016, p. 6). In Martino’s memoir, he similarly attempts to equate his identity to that of cis folk in a way that is backgrounded by his religion. Before transitioning, Martino (1977) became a nun in order to fulfill what he felt was his womanly duty and suppress his gender struggles, something expected from his faith. After transitioning, when getting his marriage sanctioned by a priest, Martino affirmed his belief that “man’s first duty” is to family in order to present as any other Catholic husband (1977, p. 223). These instances each portray how Martino adapted to a combination of religious and cisgender expectations of self. In these ways could he both feel intelligible to those around him and legitimize his marriage–and masculinity–in the eyes of the church.

This form of assimilation is present in many interactions between queer identities and religion. In Sumerau et al.’s (2015) study of LGBT Christian churches, researchers observed how patriarchal patterns were present within the church’s organization. Pressured from other churches to be perceived as a “real church”, the members sought and prioritized male sources of leadership (Sumerau et al., 2015, p. 315). This is because, historically, male figures lead religious services. Thus, to become culturally intelligible, the church had to maintain patriarchal ideologies–like Martino, who had to essentially prove his maleness to be granted access to what cisgender individuals do not have to struggle for. Then, in Siobhan M. Kelly’s (2018) literature review, they discuss other trans authors that used religion to affirm their genders according to their faith. For example, Pauli Murray and Michael Dillon, who used “religious roles”–priesthood and monkhood, respectfully–to “[confirm their] maleness” (Kelly, 2018, p. 12). Embodying gendered religious roles can therefore serve as a way to validate themselves, but also to become intelligible to other members of the same faith. With this in mind, the dependence on religion as a way of appealing to cisgender society can then be used to analyze how religion can enforce normative standards onto trans individuals.

Religion Encouraging Homonormative Standards

Oftentimes, people turn to religion to provide a guideline for their behavior. Looking at Abrahamic religions with a trans lens, these faiths usually encourage binary expectations for gender. In turn, this motivates the adoption of homonormative behaviors by trans people. In Martino’s memoir, he idealizes traditional male-female roles in marriage when he expresses discomfort about his wife providing for him. According to him, “a man [works] for his wife” (Martino, 1977, p. 151). He therefore wishes to embody the typical “man of the house”, who provides for his household as a strong, patriarchal figure (Martino, 1977, p. 108). Martino echoes this sentiment in a 1979 newspaper interview with Steve Clark, where he states that trans people “‘want the same things in life’” as cis people–meaning, a stereotypical heterosexual family (p. 1). Expressing these desires in a public medium, Martino seems to attempt to satiate public fears about trans people by equating their existence to cis people’s. Though well-intentioned, this implies that trans people will mold their identities around cis expectations. Moreover, Clark describes Martino as “no different from most men”, yet subtly implies his transness is a flaw that inhibits his supposed would-be male authenticity (1979, p. 1). This perception of Martino forces him–and trans people in general–to further adhere to binary understandings of gender in order to affirm their existence in cis society.

Martino seems to draw upon his religion when considering the type of man he presents as, which indicates how religion can be used to inform narrow conceptualizations of gender. In the TSQ’s volume on religion, Strassfeld and Henderson-Espinoza (2019) discuss how the social “regulation of sexed embodiment” is explained by theology–namely, through God’s creation of two sexes (p. 287). They use theology to approach whether trans autobiographies are influenced by “Christian notions of the self”, and that by centering these notions, non-Abrahamic genders are made less visible to Western cisgender audiences (Strassfeld & Henderson-Espinoza, 2019, p. 289). Observing Martino’s memoir using this theory suggests a reliance on religious notions of self to become culturally intelligible, like when he integrates religious conceptions of maleness with his identity. Therefore, religious constructions of binary gender can inform how one chooses to embody such expectations, as well as how others perceive them. While Sumerau et al. (2018) similarly describe how religious trans folk interpret their gender in relation with their faith, they show how it is not always oppressive. In their interviews with trans Mormons, participants expressed disdain for the traditionally gendered structures of their religion (Sumerau et al., 2018). They instead chose to interpret their religion in ways that affirmed their transness, such as stating how “‘God wants us to discover who we should be’” (Sumerau et al., 2018, p. 437). So, while religion can encourage trans folk to present in certain digestible manners, it can also work to challenge normative expressions of gender in other instances.

Self-Acceptance Through Religion

Religion–even in cases where binary genders are encouraged–is not always oppressive. In fact, religious circles during Martino’s time were not completely unaccepting of trans people. For instance, Transsexualism: Religious Aspects from the Erickson Educational Foundation is a 1978 pamphlet with letters from clergymen defending the transgender community. One clergyman expresses contempt for the “misuse of the Bible” to stigmatize trans people, while another affirms that queer people have “always been part of the human scene” (EEF, 1978, p. 8, 11). This support was vital, as it offered religious acceptance to trans folk despite the conservatism of many religious communities in this initial era of trans activism. The pamphlet itself also defines gender as a spectrum, which exemplifies an early challenge towards theological, binary notions of gender (EEF, 1978).

Religion can also serve as a path towards self-actualization. In Martino’s memoir, he interprets his transness in relation to religion as God giving him the tools he needs to “[become] the man [he] was meant to be” (1977, p. 168). He also states how being trans meant being “true to Him and to myself”, suggesting self-acceptance through faith (1977, p. 96). Similarly, Henderson-Espinoza proposes “transing religion”, which deconstructs theological gender binaries to allow for unrestrained self-expression (2018, p. 90). In doing this, religion is no longer oppressive, but instead allows the trans body to stay in motion past binary normativities (Henderson-Espinoza, 2018). Simply put, by using one’s religion to reify their identity like Martino did, trans individuals can then work against religious expectations of gender by shedding those expectations completely. In creating trans conceptualizations of religion and gender, harmful normativities have less power. Moreover, Cragun and Gull’s (2023) study looks into how religion affects conceptualizations of gods’ genders, working off of the idea that people relate their gods’ identities to their own. The results showed that nonbinary individuals were more likely to perceive their gods as nonbinary, allowing them to “sacralize” their gender (Cragun & Gull, 2023, p. 201). Additionally, many trans people reported their belief that binary genders would exist in the afterlife, perhaps as a way to ensure that their identities would be legitimate even past death (Cragun & Gull, 2023). Thus, a subjective view on religion is beneficial in that trans people can interpret it as needed to validate their identities. Religion can factor into trans identity by giving space for different understandings of gender that allow for a greater spiritual connection with one’s faith.

Conclusion

Ultimately, Martino’s memoir displays the ways in which religion affected his transition and interpretation of gender. It is important to note that there is not just one way that religion informs one’s gender identity. Observing the transgender experience through a religious lens can spotlight how the intersection between these two identities has the potential to place homonormative standards onto trans individuals. The expectation for trans people to sustain cisgender expressions of self and to maintain binary definitions of gender is backgrounded by theological ideologies, and these structures ultimately limit what trans bodies can do in relation to their faith. Simultaneously, religion can provide a way for trans folk to self-actualize and interpret their identities in affirming ways. Binary or not, perceptions of gender differ by individual; these nuances are important to acknowledge when studying trans understandings of self. Lastly, though trans and religious communities have historically butted heads, open discussions are necessary in order to destigmatize the relationships between trans identity and religion. Only by fostering community, open-mindedness, and acceptance can unfairly gendered expectations and notions of opposition be left in the past.

References

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