34 Beyond the Gender Binary: Exploring the Māhū and Hijra

Keywords: ‘Third gender,’ hijra, māhū, transgender, LGBTQI2S+

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We may hear the remark, “What happened to just men and women?” However, ‘third genders,’ or gender identities that do not fit into the binary, have been part of our world for longer than most may think. North American Indigenous groups, such as the Navajo, recognize a ‘third gender’ through the nádleehi. Albanians in southeastern Europe designate women who engage in men’s roles in the community as sworn virgins. In Mexico, there are the muxes, who are AMAB (assigned male-at-birth) but present themselves in a feminine way. Across the world, throughout history and in contemporary contexts, gender-diverse people have existed, and will continue existing despite potential oppression and persecution.

Through providing a sociocultural context of ‘third genders,’ it may be easier to understand how gender nonconforming individuals and communities reject the male-female dichotomy. This essay will first explore what the term ‘third gender’ means, and how it has been contested by various scholars and queer individuals. A discussion will follow with a focus on the māhū of Polynesia and the hijra of South Asia, which are two examples of ‘third genders’ from different parts of the world. Finally, we will consider whether the term ‘third gender’ should continue to be used despite its prevalence across academia.

The Term ‘Third Gender’

Before discussing the māhū and the hijra, we will first consider the concept of ‘third gender’ more generally. Gender is very complex and encompasses social attitudes, performances, beliefs, and understandings of oneself and the people around us. Sex, on the other hand, refers to the biological characteristics an individual is born with. Although frequently used interchangeably, sex and gender are two separate parts of an individual’s identity (Ingrid 2001:134). Individuals whose sex does not align with their gender identity may consider themselves to be under the transgender umbrella, which includes identities such as non-binary, gender-queer, gender-fluid, transmasculine, transfeminine, among many others. Moreover, it should be noted that concepts of femininity and masculinity will change depending on temporal and spatial landscapes. There is no one right or wrong way to perform femininity and masculinity, or to tread outside of the binary; these performances will look very different depending on the year, place, and culture.

In 1975, the term ‘third gender’ was coined by M. Kay Martin and Barbara Voorhies, in which the term was used to describe gender variance among non-Western cultures (Towle and Morgan 2002:472). Since then, scholars such as Gilbert Herdt (1993) and Will Roscoe (1998) have written extensively on the ‘third gender’ concept, illustrating examples of binary gender nonconformity among the Sambia and Indigenous peoples of North America, respectively.

During the 1970s LGBTQ+ movements, the term ‘third sex’ began to be replaced by ‘third gender,’ as we slowly started to contemplate the differences between sex, sexual orientation, gender, and gender identity (Ingrid 2001). It is thought that the term ‘third sex’ can be traced as far back to Plato’s Symposium, as he writes about an androgynous individual who appears to live outside of the gender binary (Scobey-Thal 2014). Furthermore, Karl Heinrich Ulrichs wrote about the ‘third sex’ to describe gay men, as they had “a female psyche contained in a male body” (Kennedy 1981:106; Scobey-Thal 2014); Ulrichs was a 19th century German lawyer and activist who was ostracized from his field of work for being gay.

With the knowledge we have now about the many possibilities for sex and gender identities, the idea of a ‘third sex’ is messy, as it conflates sex, gender, and sexuality into a single category. Perhaps the closest thing to a true ‘third sex’ would be individuals who are intersex (for example, people whose genitalia do not match their chromosomes at birth), but even then, there may be an attempt to ‘other’ anyone who is not born strictly male or female. As we explore the māhū and the hijra in the coming sections, consider what we have briefly learned about the term ‘third gender’ and how it could apply to individuals who do not conform to the gender binary.

Exploring the Māhū

The māhū are gender nonconforming1 individuals who reside in areas of Polynesia, specifically Hawai’i and Tahiti (Nanda 2014). Since there is such vast cultural variation within Polynesia, there are different names for māhū depending on the region (Nanda 2014:58; Roughgarden 2013:337). Despite having different names, most will recognize that this third gender is AMAB but takes on feminine roles, characteristics, and clothing styles. Translated from Tahiti, māhū means “half-man, half-woman” (Nanda 2014:59). Due to early European contact, Polynesia underwent mass colonization efforts in the 19th and 20th centuries (Besnier 1996). European explorers came to Polynesia and believed the communities were “primitive” as their ways of life did not align with Christian ideals (Besnier 1996). The māhū were specifically targeted due to their unorthodox ways of performing gender, which affected their livelihoods and ability to express their identities.

It should be noted that the term māhū is, in some cases, contested. Matzner (2001:para. 2) notes that māhū is a “Hawaiian word which locals typically use in a disparaging way to refer to drag queens and gay men. In pre-contact Hawai’i, this word did not have the negative connotations it has today.” However, in Matzner’s oral history project, in which several gender nonconforming individuals from Hawai’i were interviewed, many still preferred to be referred to as māhū. The reclamation of the term provides gender nonconforming individuals with both a sense of autonomy and cultural inheritance. One of Matzner’s informants, Page Peahi, explains how she prefers the term māhū over transgender to identify herself:

Transgender.I don’t like to identify myself as a transgender because I don’t know what is that word. I can identify with mahu because it’s a Hawaiian word for us – transgenders. Growing up, that’s the word people used. Reading about Hawaiian history, I’ve noticed that there were mahus in the [Hawaiian] monarchy; they had a place. So I could really identify myself as a mahu in a positive way, not a negative way. The boys would yell, ‘Hey, mahu! Mahu!’ And they would mean it in a derogatory way. But I can identify myself as mahu. Actually, mahu is either more female or more male, so it’s like … androgynous. (Matzner 2001:para. 45)

Although Page prefers to self-identify as a māhū, if someone does not want to be defined by that term, it is important to respect their right to identify how they want. For the purpose of this paper, though, we will continue to use the term māhū in relation to Polynesian AMAB individuals who take on feminine roles.

In comparison to hijra, māhū are not defined by possessing “special powers,” but rather by their ability to hula dance, chant, sing, and perform traditional Hawaiian craft making (Besnier 1996; Nanda 2014; Robertson 1989). These activities are traditionally reserved for AFAB (assigned female at birth) individuals who continue to identify as women, but māhū adopt these activities as part of their gender identity performance. Furthermore, māhū engage in women’s work and speech patterns; their public participation in such behaviours is a defining feature of their identity (Nanda 2014:62). Additionally, the māhū role is not rigid and can change over time. While māhū are believed to have been born into their gender variance, they are still able to abandon their roles if they wish (Nanda 2014:63).

A māhū individual’s sexuality is not the most important aspect of their identity but can still be a seen as a major feature. Nanda (2014:65) notes that māhū are recognized as “receivers” as they are essentially substituted for cisgender females. Māhū will perform oral sex on non- māhū (cisgender) men, as they are viewed as a “convenient, pleasurable, relatively pressure-free alternative to women for the release of sexual tension” (Besnier 1996:301). Therefore, sexual relations that māhū may engage in are not the primary determiner of their identity, but rather an outcome of the roles they take on in society (Besnier 1996). Unlike hijra, māhū are not castrated, but will sometimes practice “tucking” in which they place their genitals between their legs (Nanda 2014). Over time, this will create the appearance of smaller genitals, which further associates māhū with feminine roles and ideals.

Ultimately, the māhū are one example of many gender nonconforming identities seen across the world. While not all māhū are the same, there is the expectation that they will dress, act, and work like the cisgender women around them. As we learned, gender nonconforming individuals do identify as māhū, while others prefer terms such as transgender or “queen.” Besnier (1996:307) asserts that the māhū “blurs gender categories rather than affirms them,” as their feminine self-presentation defies the otherwise dichotomous roles they may assume.

Exploring the Hijra

The hijra are gender nonconforming individuals who reside in India, Pakistan, Nepal, and Bangladesh. Much like the māhū, while hijras are AMAB, their behaviour, dress, and mannerisms are feminine (Nanda 2014). Hijra tend to wear jewellery, makeup, and traditional women’s clothing such as saris. The sari functions as an integral part of performing gender, as adorning it signifies the hijra individual is “enter[ing] the society of the hijras” (Hall 1995:67). Although hijras appear to be women, they are denoted as “not-women” due to cisgender females having the ability to reproduce and typically being more submissive in their behaviour (Nanda 2014:30). However, hijra are simultaneously viewed as “not-men” due to experiencing impotence, also known as erectile dysfunction (Nanda 2014:29).

Hijra have an intimate relationship with Hinduism. Unlike the māhū, hijra are believed to possess powers through their connection to Arjun, Shiva, and Bahuchara Mata, who are Hindu deities (Nanda 2014:30). American cultural anthropologist Serena Nanda (2014:30) notes that Arjun is associated with an androgynous appearance, whereas Shiva is associated with asceticism, or the renunciation of sex. Moreover, Bahuchara Mata is perceived as an aggressive “Mother Goddess,” who is heavily connected to aspects of fertility (Nanda 2014:31). It is thought that hijra “receive a call from their goddess” to undergo the removal of their genitals, or else they will be faced with “being born impotent for seven future births” (Nanda 2014:31). Furthermore, their calling from the “Mother Goddess” will compel their participation in social events such as weddings and funerals, in which they will bless the attendees (Ingrid 2001:135).

Although hijra occupy an important place within the social structure of India, they may still face “familial rejection, cultural isolation, and societal neglect” due to challenging the gender binary (Hall 1995:12). This rejection could begin as early as childhood, or whenever hijra start to display gender nonconforming attitudes to their families (Hall 1995:37). The ostracization from family members may lead hijra to seek out familiar faces, in which they will co-create gender nonconforming communities with one another. However, it is often imperative for hijra to undergo castration, in order for their new community members to accept them (Nanda 1990). Many hijra are happy with the initial castration and elect to have more gender-affirming surgeries (Nanda 1990:69). Meera, a hijra woman, explains that she received 18 successful gender-affirming operations:

Why I got operation on was, I wanted to be like other women, to be very attractive . . . Our feelings are like women, only. After the operation we become like women. I am taking these hormones now. See, we have spent so much money to get the operation done, we can spend some more money and become full-fledged women by developing breasts. . . now I am nice and fat, like a woman. It is only for this purpose that we get operated on. (Nanda 1990:81)

Meera’s account signifies the importance of undergoing various operations, as well as taking hormone replacements, to her physical and mental wellbeing. Like Meera, other hijra will elect to have gender-affirming surgeries, but there is not always the opportunity to do so.

In 1871, the British passed the Criminal Tribes Act (CTA) in India, which sought to erase the existence of any kind of “deviant” gender, such as that of hijras (Hinchy 2013:196; Scobey- Thal 2014). As hijra operate outside the gender binary, they were labelled as “eunuchs” due to their inability to perform colonial masculinity (Hinchy 2013:200). Furthermore, 18th century Indian kings forced hijra to wear both turbans and women’s clothing in order to identify themselves as separate from cisgender men and women (Nanda 2014:30). After years of oppression, in April of 2014 the Indian Supreme Court recognized hijras’ right to identify outside of the gender binary (Scobey-Thal 2014; Woltmann 2020). American author Suzy Woltmann (2020:14), whose research often explores gender issues, notes that since 2014 “hijras have reported better quality healthcare, less violent crime, and more job opportunities.” Now, Hijra and other gender nonconforming individuals are able to identify as a ‘third gender’ on passports and other personal documents (Hossain 2017:1425; Scobey-Thal 2014).

The hijra are one of many gender nonconforming communities across the world. An integral aspect of hijra life is their association with Hindu mythology, which may guide them to perform dances and sing for various audiences. Although the term hijra has been widely used to describe gender nonconformists among some South Asian populations, there is the potential for it to be considered derogatory as we learn more about queer lives and identities. As the term hijra translates loosely to “eunuch,” redefining how we refer to gender nonconforming individuals, such as the māhū and hijra, will certainly change with time (Hinchy 2013:199).

The ‘Third Gender’ Debate

Through learning about the māhū and the hijra, it seems that the term ‘third gender’ recognizes any gender identity that falls outside of the normative cisgender male and cisgender female identities. However, this term may be seen as too reductionist, due to ‘third’ being synonymous with ‘other’ (Mejia 2021; Towle and Morgan 2002:484). Anthropologists Towle and Morgan (2002:477) assert that employing the term ‘third gender’ “ignores the diversity of experience within [gender] categories.” It begs the question of whether using the term ‘third gender’ to describe individuals who exhibit gender nonconformity is correct. Should we categorize the hijra and māhū not as ‘third gender’ identities but rather as non-binary and/or transgender identities?

Non-binary feature writer, Atalanta Sawdon Harkavy (2021), notes that “Non-binary acts as an umbrella term, not a ‘third gender’.” Harkavy (2021) goes on to note that the distinction between the two terms is, essentially, up to the individual who wishes to identify themselves either within or outside of the gender binary. Some non-binary people do use the term ‘third gender,’ while others opt for more specific terminology, such as pangender or agender (Mejia 2021). The continuing use of the term ‘third gender’ by some academics may point toward the lack of knowledge surrounding the implication of what ‘third’ means. Yet, other academics have pointed out the problem with ‘othering’ gender variant individuals (Towle and Morgan 2002). Overall, it seems that the best way to decide which term to use is to consult the groups themselves, but even then, there will be variation in preferences among informants.

As we learn more about gender, and the many things that encompass it, it is important to consider things from a cross-cultural perspective. The māhū and the hijra are only two examples of many gender nonconforming groups with others spanning the globe. However, we must be critical when using terms such as ‘third gender’ when referencing gender variant individuals and communities, as such monikers may be considered outdated or even disrespectful. Finally, it is essential to the livelihoods of such individuals that further studies and fieldwork are conducted, as it is likely that attitudes and beliefs have shifted over the past 30 years of research into the area.

¹People who do not conform to the commonly accepted gender binary; those outside the traditional binary of masculinity and femininity being automatically assigned to AMAB and AFAB.

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