3 First Nations Women: Reclaiming Power

Keywords: First Nations, Feminism, Female Chiefs, Indian Act

Disclaimer:

I am a First Nations woman from the Haida Nation who feels comfortable with the word “Indian”; nevertheless, I strive to use it only when discussing law; otherwise, I use “First Nations.”

The term First Nations is used to identify Indigenous peoples across Canada, except Inuit or Metis peoples.

Introduction

Prior to colonization, many First Nations communities passed down their inheritance and wealth through their mothers. This is a practice frequently performed by matrilineal societies where women hold positions of power and leadership within their communities (University of British Columbia 2009). First Nations Peoples who had inhabited the land since before recorded history had efficient, traditional modes of leadership and governance. Before contact, hereditary chiefs were often in charge under the traditional government structure. As the name suggests, Hereditary chiefs inherit the position and responsibilities per the community’s history and cultural norms. Traditionally, hereditary chiefs were groomed from birth by the women of their community. Boys would often speak female dialects of their traditional language until a certain age due to their time with their female teachers who taught them everything. Although many First Nation spokespeople, or hereditary chiefs, were traditionally men, the matriarchs were responsible for choosing them and taking the title away in the event of malpractice (Anderson 2009:118). When settlers came to Canada, they took their patriarchal social norms and ideas with them and attempted to understand First Nations society through this lens. After the establishment of the Canadian Federation and the introduction of the 1976 Indian Act, women lost authority, power, and status. They were removed from positions of respect and high status within their communities (Voyageur 2011b:680). While assimilation laws caused the marginalization of First Nations peoples and ever further marginalized women, the amendments of these laws also allowed them to rise again publicly. Women are reclaiming their power, authority, and status; First Nations communities’ political and social structure is constantly changing. They progressively assume elected posts as chiefs and councillors and become the community’s decision-makers. What has women taking back their power looked like on a community and personal level?

Colonizing Canada

For more than a century, First Nations peoples’ daily life has been governed by a set of laws known as the Indian Act. In 1867 the British parliament passed the Constitution Act, creating the Canadian Federation (Ontario 2022). Just nine years after the establishment of the Canadian Federation was the introduction of the Indian Act of 1876. This power has varied from broad-based political control, such as imposing band councils as governing bodies on First Nations communities, to control over Indians’ rights to practice their culture and customs. The First Nations’ ideals, which included collectivism, community ownership of land, living harmoniously with nature, and equality, conflicted with the foundational ideas of Canada. First Nations people are systematically deprived of their social, political, religious, and economic standing in Canadian society due to the increased regulation and legislation under the new colonial administration. They quickly found themselves in a position of inferiority to other Canadians (Anderson 2009:100; Voyageur 2011b:68).

The Indian Act

The Indian Act is a piece of a long history of assimilation policies that aimed to eliminate First Nations peoples’ cultural, social, economic, and political uniqueness by integrating them into ordinary Canadian life and values (University of British Columbia 2009). Before the Indian Act of 1876 was The Gradual Civilization Act, introduced in 1857, which promoted enfranchisement to incorporate First Nations people into settler culture in Canada. The act was deemed ineffective since just one individual was voluntarily enfranchised (Morden 2016:115). Thus, the Gradual Enfranchisement Act was passed by Congress in 1869. First Nations people have been enfranchised in accordance with the Indian Act by enrolling with Canadian military services, leaving reservations for extended periods of time and for women, marrying an non-Fist Nations men (University of British Columbia 2009; Morden 2016:115). The establishment of the Indian Act of 1876 introduced the elections of Chiefs and Band Councils, which worked with Indian Agents who had the most say in decisions. The Indian Act states in section 74 (2) that a council of a band “shall consist of one chief, and one councillor for every one hundred members of the band, but the number of councillors shall not be less than two nor more than twelve and no band shall have more than one chief” (Government of Canada 2022). Although there are no current restrictions on gender for band council members, women were not allowed to hold elected leadership roles in Canadian reserve politics until 1951, according to the Indian Act. For seventy-five years, the Indian Act prohibited women from engaging in politics. In 1951, the Indian Act was amended allowing women to return to politics (Voyageur 2011b:67; Huhndorf and Suzack 2010:7; Anderson 2009:100).

Male Bias in the Indian Act

Male bias within the Indian Act extended further than band council politics; it was evident when looking at how Indian status emphasized males rather than females while incorporating rules specifying that status only passes through male lineage. A woman had to give up her Indian status if she married a non-Indian, according to the original Indian Act provision. Indian women were disproportionately affected by compulsory enfranchisement since Indian males could not have their status forcefully terminated without going through a drawn-out legal procedure (University of British Columbia 2009; Day 2019:175). First Nations women were treated as second-class citizens under a new social structure that denied them their rights, and they were also viewed as inferior to both Indian and white males (Voyageur 2011b:68; Day 2019:174). In recent decades, the systematic marginalization of First Nations women in all its manifestations has catalyzed women’s activism (Huhndorf and Suzack 2010:5).

Female Political Resistance – Stealthy Women

Women’s organizations took up informal political channels despite the gendered restriction on women and their political participation beginning in the 1930s. The British Columbia Indian Homemakers’ Association was founded when the Department of Indian Affairs funded and urged Native women to frequently get together to share best practices for more effective household management (BCIHA). Women would assemble in these groups to knit, sew, and exchange parenting, cooking, and other domestic-related skills and expertise (Voyageur 2011a:67). However, homes and amenities on many reserves were insufficient to perform even basic household activities due to inadequate resources for everyday living; hunger was a more pressing issue. Homemakers would often host drives for food and clothing and put on craft sales to raise money for their communities. As they learned more about the struggles that their communities were going through and the particular challenges and discrimination that Indian women faced, Indian women grew more politically involved throughout time (University of British Columbia 2009; Voyageur 2011a:68). These “get-togethers” gave First Nations women a forum to organize their protests and plan how to improve their miserable living circumstances on the reservation. The opportunity for women to share knowledge and debate political tactics acquired from their male relatives who were active in reserve politics allowed them to grow as individuals and as a group. Additionally, it encouraged these women to establish regional branches of the Canadian Homemakers Association on Canadian Indian Reserves (Nickel 2018:103; Voyageur 2011a:67; University of British Columbia 2009). Political frameworks included politicking motherhood, community caregiving, and concern with the political results involving land claims and First Nations rights to seek more inclusive interpretations of unity than the Union of British Columbia Indian Chiefs (UBCIC) advocated. Since its founding in 1968, the BCIHA has advocated for better child welfare, education, housing, and health (Nickel 2018:91). First Nations women remained politically silenced until the revision of the Indian Act in 1951, where gender-discriminating political and cultural restrictions were removed, allowing status women to vote and run for band elections within their reserve community. As a result of the amendment, women are no longer required to influence men’s decisions behind closed doors, as was the case when the Indian Act restricted their open participation. Currently, women lead openly, and their decisions are documented in the historical record (Voyageur 2011b:82). According to Statistics Canada (2022), in 2019, 27% of First Nations councillors and 19% of First Nations Chiefs were women.

How Women Introduced Themselves to Reserve Politics

As women return to their rightful positions of power, we can examine how their role as band councillors and chiefs’ contrasts with that of a male chief. In two studies where female chiefs across Canada were interviewed regarding their positions, there was majority agreement on how they approach their jobs and the expectations held on them by their community. It was stated that a vast majority of participants in either study came from a politically involved family. Additionally, many of the participants in either study were born into the community of their council and also had some background in politics, whether that be band council administration or a postsecondary experience in law or social work. Furthermore, many women stated that they wanted further involvement in reserve governance as they wanted to see a change in their communities and were encouraged by their community members to run for office (Voyageur 2011a:72; 2011b:67; Anderson 2009:106). Voyageur’s 2020 study of elected First Nations female leadership found that many of the 169 elected chiefs felt that their position as councillor prepared them for the inner workings of the political system and managing public needs (Voyageur 2011b:68).

How Their Leadership Roles Differ from Men’s

Both of Voyageur’s studies, Out in the open: Elected female leadership in Canada’s First Nations Community (2011) and Female First Nations Chiefs and the colonial legacy in Canada (2011) demonstrated how gender impacted the experiences female chiefs had while in office, particularly how their methods and leadership styles varied from those of their male counterparts. Interviewees in Cora Voyageur’s research believed they could provide a broader skill set than men since many of these women had transferred their background abilities to their high-ranking positions. Skills brought to the table included communication, community service, formal schooling, and agency work. While several women believed that their academic background had equipped them with the necessary abilities for the position, many of the chiefs said that sometimes you had to rely on your instincts when making decisions. When addressing the complexities of First Nations community challenges, female leaders believe intuition may be as significant as reasoning or the logical decision-making process acquired via tertiary education (2011b:72-84). Similarly, in Kim Anderson’s research, female chiefs value communication and transparency, whether it is with the community about council happenings or with each other about critical concerns. As stated by one of Anderson’s participants, good leadership requires transparency; everything is available to anyone who wants to see it, and that is how you get support from your community (2009:103-115).

Another chief remarked that women’s communication style is far less aggressive and confrontational than that of males. The chief added that it was not unusual for males to curse, shout, and beat on tables during a meeting, but this is no longer a problem as more women have entered the office and brought a more soothing influence to the table (Anderson 2009:112). This may be related to the perception of a female chief’s leadership job as caring; they are more inclined to base their decisions on the possible influence on the following generation. Half of the chiefs in Anderson’s study mentioned their roles and motherhood. Chief Mckay equated her role to look after her kids, wanting them to improve. She says, “I guess it’s the mother inside of us that makes us want to do what’s best for everyone and not just ourselves … Although they’re [community members] not their kids, they’re looking to them for good leadership, to take them in a good direction” (2009:113).

A chief in Voyageur’s study states that men tend to be more susceptible to corruption and lose sight of communal needs. In contrast, women have a different perspective when looking at family, community, and wellbeing (2011b:69). Similarly, a participant in Anderson’s study revealed that “woman chiefs get right in there and they help with the work. The male chiefs still rely on the women in the background to research so they do the work, and the men stand up front and center, taking in all the accolades” – another chief added that male chiefs would often talk the talk but rarely walk the walk (2009:113). Although these female chiefs expressed their active involvement in the work they are doing, they are often expected to take care of issues such as child and elder care, health and healing, education, and social services, areas regarded as “soft” issues and women’s work (Voyageur 2011b:78).

Sexism as a Challenge

Gender plays a significant role in these chiefs’ political lives; many of the chiefs in both Voyageur and Anderson’s studies felt that they needed to acquire more skills and put in more effort than men did to be elected to council. Additionally, it was expressed that there was a need to prove themselves as chiefs for others to listen to them (Voyageur 2011b:77; Anderson 2009:117). Women in Voyageur’s study revealed that when they took office, male employees stated that they would not work for a woman. The women would sometimes feel threatened, bullied, and intimidated by their male counterparts as they would frequently get offended if the chief was not agreeing with what they were saying (Voyageur 2011b:70). One chief reported that someone attempted to run her over when she was walking along a road on her reserve. In contrast, another stated that her house was vandalized. A bullet was placed in her doorway with a letter instructing her to “back off” (Voyageur 2011b:70). Many of the chiefs interviewed expressed times when they faced sexism from both community members and partnering male councillors.

Furthermore, it is evident from both research studies that some male councillors would feel threatened by powerful women with authoritative voices. Women were often disregarded while speaking or not credited for their contributions. A chief said that she would say something in a meeting, everyone would listen, then go on, and then a male counsellor would say the same thing. However, the other councillors would applaud his proposal (Voyageur 2011b:76). Many First Nations men have internalized patriarchal norms of post-settler life and therefore feel that women, even in high-ranking positions, must remain submissive. Regardless, women continue to overcome settler norms by remaining visible as political leaders in their communities.

How to Increase Women’s Influence and Participation in Politics

Many of the chiefs think that this patriarchal perspective is preventing women from participating in the politics of their communities since women and men believe they must be at home with their families. In Anderson’s research, a political leader noted that being a political leader is a full-time job since constituents contact and visit their home to discuss issues they think need to be addressed (Anderson 2009:116). Although it might be daunting, many chiefs encourage young women to participate in politics by serving as leaders. Some chiefs emphasized the need to work with the younger generation to guarantee that there would be individuals capable of taking over the task of the present generation. Several chiefs advocated a return to traditional models of government, in which women and men made choices equally on the front lines, to enhance women’s involvement in politics (Anderson 2009:118).

Conclusion
Despite the establishment of patriarchal acts by the Canadian government diminishing women’s power and status, women are regaining what was taken from them. With the help of their communities, women in First Nations reserves across Canada are being elected into band councils as both councillors and chiefs. They no longer do the chief’s work while being paid an administrators salary. Ironically, what gave them the power to prevail is the same thing that took away their power; however, they still feel the effects of colonization as men have internalized the patriarchal norms of settler society. Regardless, this generation of council chiefs is encouraging and preparing the next generation of women to step up and embrace the hardships that come along with reclaiming power with the intent of advocating for their people and producing healthier communities. This article demonstrates the need for women in political positions as they bring forth a caring, holistic perspective for the community influenced by motherhood. Women taking back their power brings communities one step closer to re-establishing traditional political governance where women are seen as equals to men.

References

Anderson, Kim. 2009. “Leading by Action: Female Chiefs and the Political Landscape.” pp. 99-123 in Restoring the Balance: First Nations Women, Community, and Culture, edited by G.G. Valaskakis, Madeleine Dion Stout, and Eric Guimond. University of Manitoba Press.

Day, Shelagh. 2019. “Equal Status for Indigenous Women-Sometime, Not Now: The Indian Act and Bill S-3.” Canadian Woman Studies, 33(1):174-185. (https://ezproxy.viu.ca/login?url=https://www.proquest.com/scholarly-journals/equal-status-indigenous-women-sometime-not-now/docview/2226333290/se-2)

“Gender Results Framework: Data table on the representation of men and women in First Nations band councils and Chiefs in First Nations communities in Canada.” 2021. Statistics Canada. Retrieved November 7, 2022. (https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/daily-quotidien/210413/dq210413f-eng.htm)

Huhndorf, Sheri M. and Cheryl Suzack. 2010. “Indigenous Feminism: Theorizing the Issues.” pp. 1-17 in Indigenous women and feminism: Politics, activism, culture, edited by C. Suzack, Shari M. Huhndorf, Jeanne Perreault, and Jean Barman. UBC Press.

“History of government.” 2022. Government of Ontario. Retrieved November 7, 2022. (https://www.ontario.ca/page/history-government)

“Marginalization of Aboriginal Women.” 2009. University of British Columbia. Retrieved November 5, 2022. (https://indigenousfoundations.arts.ubc.ca/marginalization_of_aboriginal_women/)

Morden, Michael. 2016. Theorizing the resilience of the Indian Act. Canadian Public Administration, 59(1):113–133. (https://doi.org/10.1111/capa.12162)

Nickel, Sarah A. 2019. Assembling unity: Indigenous politics, gender, and the Union of Bc Indian chiefs. UBC Press.

“The Indian Act.” 2009. University of British Columbia. Retrieved November 7, 2022. (https://indigenousfoundations.arts.ubc.ca/the_indian_act/)

Voyageur, Cora. 2011a. “Female First Nations Chiefs and the colonial legacy in Canada.” American Indian Culture and Research Journal, 35(3):59-78. https://doi.org/10.17953/aicr.35.3.tx7pth12527049p7

Voyageur, Cora. 2011b. “Out in the open: Elected female leadership in Canada’s First Nations Community.” Canadian Review of Sociology/Revue Canadienne De Sociologie, 48(1):67–85. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1755-618x.2011.01250.x